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Journal articles on the topic 'Women in politics – Germany'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Graf, Rüdiger. "Anticipating the Future in the Present: “New Women” and Other Beings of the Future in Weimar Germany." Central European History 42, no. 4 (November 16, 2009): 647–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909991026.

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Why another article about the “new woman” in Weimar Germany, which for at least twenty-five years has been a favorite topic of historical scholarship in various disciplines? Earlier studies in history, art history, and German and Gender Studies unmasked the “new woman” as a media construction unrelated to the life-world of women after World War I, and newer studies emphasize the liberating tendencies, especially for younger women in Weimar Germany. Broadening these perspectives, I will argue that the concept of the “new woman” and its specific temporal structure can be seen further as a paradigm case for Weimar political and intellectual debates in general. “New women” were conceptualized as anticipations of the future and thus need to be situated and understood in front of the broader horizon of expectation, in the words of Reinhart Koselleck, of Weimar Germany. Because the realm of politics is constituted by expectations of the future, of what will happen and of what may be done, an analysis of the “new woman” and concurring anticipations of the future can, in turn, elucidate the structure and dynamics of political discourse in Weimar Germany.

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2

Jones, Elizabeth B. "Keeping Up with the Dutch." International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity 3, no. 2 (March 28, 2015): 173–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/hcm.482.

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Elizabeth B. Jones is Associate Professor of German and European history at Colorado State University. Her recent publications explore state-led initiatives to ‘improve’ the German countryside with special emphasis on peat bog reclamation and colonization in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and how poor rural Germans embraced, adapted, or rejected these endeavors. Previous publications include Gender and Rural Modernity: Farm Women and the Politics of Labor in Germany, 1871–1933 (Ashgate, 2009) and articles on gender and generational conflicts and agrarian politics in Imperial and Weimar Germany. In 2010–2011, she was a Fellow at the Rachel Carson Center for Environment and Society in Munich and in 2015–2016, she will be on research leave in Berlin. E-mail: elizabeth.jones@colostate.edu

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3

BENDIX, JOHN. "Women and politics in Germany and Switzerland." European Journal of Political Research 25, no. 4 (June 1994): 413–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1994.tb00429.x.

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4

Drozdova, Arina. "Revisiting «Gender Equality» in European Politics." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 21, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran32021145154.

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Despite the formal equality of women and men in rights, political activity and the decision-making process on public issues remain male-dominated areas. Political priorities are determined by men, and political culture continues to be mainly masculine. Therefore, separate women's political parties, with their own programs aimed at solving gender problems, enable women to represent themselves in the political processes of the country. The article examines the experience of women's parties in three countries: Sweden (Feminist Initiative), Germany (Feminist Party of Germany), and Spain (Feminist Party of Spain). The author also provides and analyzes data on the involvement of women in the top leadership positions of states. It is argued that the study of the differences between women’s parties in individual countries makes it possible to assess the level of the problem of women’s participation in politics.

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5

Funke, Jana. "Sexual politics and feminist science: women sexologists in Germany, 1900–1933." Women's History Review 28, no. 6 (August 20, 2019): 1014–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612025.2019.1658410.

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Oosterhuis, Harry. "Sexual politics and feminist science: Women sexologists in Germany 1900–1933." Centaurus 60, no. 1-2 (February 2018): 131–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1600-0498.12183.

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7

Ruble, Alexandria N. "Creating Postfascist Families: Reforming Family Law and Gender Roles in Postwar East and West Germany." Central European History 53, no. 2 (June 2020): 414–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000175.

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ABSTRACTAfter 1945 both German states overturned longstanding laws and policies from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that designated women as second-class citizens in spousal rights, parental authority and marital property. From the early postwar years, female politicians and activists in the women's movement pursued in both Germanys reforms of the obsolete marriage and family law. The article compares how these women and mainly male legislators in both states envisioned the role of women in the family and in gender relations. It shows that these debates in the FRG and the GDR were influenced on the one hand by earlier, pre-1933 ideas, and on the other hand reacted to Nazi-era politics. Yet, because of their different political, economic and social conditions, discourses and policies developed in the context of the Cold War in both states in different directions, though they continued to be related to each other.

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Kreyenfeld, Michaela, and Anja Vatterrott. "Salmon migration and fertility in East Germany – An analysis of birth dynamics around German reunification." Zeitschrift für Familienforschung 30, no. 3-2018 (December 3, 2018): 247–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/zff.v30i3.02.

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This paper uses rich administrative data from the Deutsche Rentenversicherung (German Pension Fund) to describe changes in the timing and the spacing of births that occurred in the period following German reunification. We examine differences in the birth dynamics of East Germans, West Germans, and women who migrated between the two parts of Germany in these years. As the pension registers provide monthly records on whether a person is living in East or West Germany, they also allow us to examine the role of regional mobility in birth behaviour. In particular, we test the “salmon hypothesis”, which suggests that migrants are likely to postpone having a child until after or around the time they return to their region of origin. Our investigation shows that a large fraction of the cohorts born in 1965-74 migrated to West Germany after reunification, but that around 50% of these migrants returned to East Germany before reaching age 40. The first birth risks of those who returned were elevated, which suggests that the salmon hypothesis explains the behaviour of a significant fraction of the East German population in the period following German reunification.

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9

Davidson-Schmich, Louise K., Jennifer A. Yoder, Friederike Eigler, Joyce M. Mushaben, Alexandra Schwell, and Katharina Karcher. "Book Reviews." German Politics and Society 33, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 88–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330306.

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Konrad H. Jarausch, United Germany: Debating Processes and Prospects Reviewed by Louise K. Davidson-Schmich Nick Hodgin and Caroline Pearce, ed. The GDR Remembered:Representations of the East German State since 1989 Reviewed by Jennifer A. Yoder Andrew Demshuk, The Lost German East: Forced Migration and the Politics of Memory, 1945-1970 Reviewed by Friederike Eigler Peter H. Merkl, Small Town & Village in Bavaria: The Passing of a Way of Life Reviewed by Joyce M. Mushaben Barbara Thériault, The Cop and the Sociologist. Investigating Diversity in German Police Forces Reviewed by Alexandra Schwell Clare Bielby, Violent Women in Print: Representations in the West German Print Media of the 1960s and 1970s Reviewed by Katharina Karcher Michael David-Fox, Peter Holquist, and Alexander M. Martin, ed., Fascination and Enmity: Russia and Germany as Entangled Histories, 1914-1945 Reviewed by Jennifer A. Yoder

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10

Sneeringer, Julia. "The Shopper as Voter: Women, Advertising, and Politics in Post-Inflation Germany." German Studies Review 27, no. 3 (October 2004): 476. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4140979.

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11

Black, Monica. "Disruptive Power: Catholic Women, Miracles, and Politics in Modern Germany, 1918–1965." German History 37, no. 3 (July 3, 2019): 432–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz042.

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12

Stratigakos, Despina. "Women and the Werkbund: Gender Politics and German Design Reform, 1907-14." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 62, no. 4 (December 1, 2003): 490–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3592499.

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In this article, I explore the gender of everyday design in the Werkbund discourse. The German Werkbund, an alliance of artists, critics, and business-people, sought to restore harmony to German culture through the aesthetic transformation of daily life. Analyzing new sources that introduce the voices of women and expand the category of texts hitherto used for Werkbund scholarship, I examine the role of gender in the organization's efforts to impose a new aesthetic discipline. In the first section, I address attitudes toward women as consumers, sellers, and producers of everyday commodities. Whether seeking to portray women as agents of reform or to dismiss them as lovers of kitsch, women and men in the Werkbund employed gender norms in formulating their notions of good design and in devising strategies for its implementation. In the second section, I focus on how contemporary theories of gender, and particularly the idea of a female aesthetic lack, contributed to shaping the Werkbund's central design values of quality and Sachlichkeit. In the concluding section, I track the convergence of these issues at the Haus der Frau, the women's pavilion at the 1914 Werkbund exhibition in Cologne. I discuss how the organizers of the Haus der Frau attempted to feminize Werkbund design values in their conception and presentation of female-designed spaces and objects. The pavilion's critical reception reflects deeply divided beliefs on gender and modern design. By bringing together these elements, I seek to demonstrate that the Werkbund's discipline, which promised a new spiritual and aesthetic unity in Germany, was grounded in conflicting assumptions about gender roles in modern society.

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Sewell, Sara Ann. "Antifascism in the Neighborhood: Daily Life, Political Culture, and Gender Politics in the German Communist Antifascist Movement, 1930–1933." Fascism 9, no. 1-2 (December 21, 2020): 167–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-20201175.

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Abstract This article examines grassroots communist antifascist politics in Germany during the final years of the Weimar Republic. In contrast to most studies on Weimar’s street politics, which focus on political violence, this research demonstrates that daily life, political culture, and gender relations shaped the communist antifascist movement in working-class neighborhoods. It argues that daily conflict with distinct political overtones or undertones increased steadily in the early 1930s. As a result, quarrels between neighbors were often colored with political narratives, and sometimes ordinary disputes escalated into political conflict and even violence. Political culture inflamed the tensions, particularly when Nazis and communists littered proletarian boroughs with their symbols. Women were often at the center of the conflict. Many joined the frontlines of communist antifascist struggle, where they faced widespread discrimination from male comrades who, flaunting a militant hypermasculinity, insisted that women belonged only in the rearguard.

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Afary, Janet, and Roger Friedland. "Critical theory, authoritarianism, and the politics of lipstick from the Weimar Republic to the contemporary Middle East." Critical Research on Religion 6, no. 3 (December 2018): 243–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2050303218800374.

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In 2012–13, we signed up for Facebook in seven Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries and used Facebook advertisements to encourage young people to participate in our survey. Nearly 18,000 individuals responded. Some of the questions in our survey dealing with attitudes about women’s work and cosmetics were adopted from a survey conducted by the Frankfurt School in 1929 in Germany. The German survey had shown that a great number of men, irrespective of their political affiliation harbored highly authoritarian attitudes toward women and that one sign of authoritarianism was men’s attitude toward cosmetics and women’s employment. We wanted to know if the same was true of the contemporary MENA. Our results suggest that lipstick and makeups as well as women’s employment are not just vehicles for sexual objectification of women. In much of MENA world a married woman’s desire to work outside the house, and her pursuit of the accoutrement of beauty and sexual attractiveness, are forms of gender politics, of women’s empowerment, but also of antiauthoritarianism and liberal politics. Our results also suggest that piety among Muslims per se is not an indicator of authoritarianism and that there is a marked gender difference in authoritarianism. Women, it seems, are living a different Islam than men.

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15

Och, Malliga. "Manterrupting in the German Bundestag: Gendered Opposition to Female Members of Parliament?" Politics & Gender 16, no. 2 (June 7, 2019): 388–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x19000126.

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AbstractThe problem of manterrupting, i.e. men interrupting women to take control of a conversation, claiming superior knowledge, or discrediting women's arguments, has garnered major attention in social and traditional media. Yet scholarly accounts of gendered speech interruption patterns in parliamentary debates are less common. In this article, I argue that manterrupting can be considered a form of resistance against women in politics and, in its worst iteration, prevent female representatives from representing women's interests. This article will analyze the problem of ‘manterrupting’ regarding parliamentary debates in Germany by investigating the nature and extent of male interruptions during parliamentary debates in the 17th legislative period. Drawing on insights from social psychology and masculinity studies, this article finds that in the case of Germany, manterruptions are neither systemic and frequent enough to constitute a form of resistance against women in politics nor do they prevent female representatives from engaging in the substantive representation of women.

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16

Burmistrova, Ekaterina S. "Transforming the Party Identity of German Radical Right: In Search of Female Support." RUDN Journal of Political Science 23, no. 4 (December 15, 2021): 706–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2021-23-4-706-718.

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The crises of the beginning of the 21st century changed the political landscape of modern Germany, which was manifested in increasing right-wing radicalism. As the party identity of the far-right transforms, they shift from being marginal nationalist anti-migrant forces, contradicting the democratic culture of Germany, to movements which defend identity and rights, including womens rights. Thus, the far-right in Germany claim to become a part of the civic culture that includes the right to criticize and disagree with the governments policies. The article examines how far-right parties interact with the female electorate on the example of the Alternative for Germany party. The study highlights the main activities of the Alternative for Germany in attracting womens votes, based on the analysis of the partys political program, interviews with party members and media materials. These activities include the orientation towards the socio-economic issues, concerning women, the consideration of the migrant problem through the prism of the Muslim threat towards women, the protection of the interests of conservative women, the attraction of women as party leaders. The author pays a special attention to female right-wing activists, as independent actors in the political life of Germany. Based on the cases of Beate Zschpe, Francisca Berit and #120db movement, the following interests of female activists were determined: opposing to gender mainstreaming, which threatens the traditional family structure, and opposing to Islam as a source of violence against women. Alternative for Germany aims at strengthening its positions among all women, whose rights are an integral part of European identity, therefore, the actualization of womens involvement in the movement becomes not only instrumental, but also of value nature. More radically oriented female activists get involved in the European Identitarian movement.

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17

Crew, David, and Robert G. Moelle. "Protecting Motherhood: Women and the Family in the Politics of Postwar West Germany." American Historical Review 99, no. 4 (October 1994): 1348. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168873.

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18

Ferree, Myra Marx, and Robert G. Moeller. "Protecting Motherhood: Women and the Family in the Politics of Postwar West Germany." Contemporary Sociology 23, no. 2 (March 1994): 244. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075222.

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19

Usborne, Cornelie. "Kirsten Leng. Sexual Politics and Feminist Science: Women Sexologists in Germany, 1900–1933." American Historical Review 125, no. 4 (October 2020): 1529–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz799.

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20

Langenbacher, Eric. "Twenty-first Century Memory Regimes in Germany and Poland: An Analysis of Elite Discourses and Public Opinion." German Politics and Society 26, no. 4 (December 1, 2008): 50–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260404.

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One of the most important developments in the incipient Berlin Republic's memory regime has been the return of the memory of German suffering from the end and aftermath of World War II. Elite discourses about the bombing of German cities, the mass rape of German women by members of the Red Army, and, above all, the expulsion of Germans from then-Eastern Germany and elsewhere in Central and Eastern Europe have gained massive visibility in the last decade. Although many voices have lauded these developments as liberating, many others within Germany and especially in Poland—from where the vast majority of Germans were expelled—have reacted with fear. Yet, do these elite voices resonate with mass publics? Have these arguments had demonstrable effects on public opinion? This paper delves into these questions by looking at survey results from both countries. It finds that there has been a disjuncture between the criticisms of elites and average citizens, but that the barrage of elite criticisms leveled at German expellees and their initiatives now may be affecting mass attitudes in all cases.

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Lang, Rainhart, and Irma Rybnikova. "Discursive constructions of women managers in German mass media in the gender quota debate 2011-2013." Gender in Management: An International Journal 31, no. 5/6 (July 4, 2016): 359–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/gm-02-2016-0017.

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Purpose This study aims to explore the main discursive images of women managers as reproduced by selected German newspapers at the time of the political debate surrounding gender quota on management boards between 2011 and 2013. Design/methodology/approach Drawing on critical discourse analysis according to Wodak (2001), an empirical analysis of media articles on women managers in two German newspapers, Welt and Bild, has been conducted. Findings The results of the study show that despite the diversity of images fabricated by the media in reference to women managers, the debate surrounding the issue of establishing a gender quota in management boards is dominated by dualistic categories and reductionist identity ascriptions, like women managers as being “over-feminine” or “over-masculine”, “exclusive” or “outsiders”. Research limitations/implications As the empirical focus of the study lays on two right-wing newspapers in Germany, the results do not allow for generalizations regarding the German media landscape. Social implications Public dispute surrounding gender quota in German companies tends to reproduce stereotypical discursive figures regarding women managers instead of challenging them. A fundamental change in the media reports on women managers is needed. Originality/value The research contributes to the analysis of media representations of women managers, by providing context-sensitive results from the current political debate in Germany. The findings reveal the stability of discursive structures over time, particularly gendered bias in the case of media representations of women managers, notwithstanding political aspirations to change established practices.

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Mushaben, Joyce Marie. "The Reluctant Feminist: Angela Merkel and the Modernization of Gender Politics in Germany." 100 Jahre Frauenwahlrecht – Und wo bleibt die Gleichheit? 27, no. 2-2018 (November 20, 2018): 83–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v27i2.07.

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Academic studies regarding the impact of various forms of gender representation focus largely on quantitative evidence that women in power can make a difference, downplaying qualitative case studies that can establish causal links between women's participation in government and better policies for women. Analyzing policy changes initiated by Germany’s first female Chancellor since 2005, the paper argues that despite her CDU-affiliation, Angela Merkel has contributed more to gender equality in Germany than all previous chancellors, even though she refuses to label herself a feminist. The author explores three factors shaping Merkel's reluctance to embrace the (western dominated) feminist label, e.g., her socialization under a diametrically opposed GDR gender regime, her preference for data-driven policy learning, her aversion towards “ideological” framing, coupled with a tendency to pursue mixed motives, respectively. The paper concludes with recent examples geared towards leveling the global gender playing-field, attesting to her willingness to embrace transformational representation.

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Randall, Vicky. "The CDU and the Politics of Gender in Germany: Bringing Women to the Party." West European Politics 35, no. 2 (March 2012): 431–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2011.648478.

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Weber, Beverly. "Cloth on her Head, Constitution in Hand: Germany’s Headscarf Debates and the Cultural Politics of Difference." German Politics and Society 22, no. 3 (September 1, 2004): 33–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503004782353122.

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As the current debates about the headscarf in Germany and Francedemonstrate, “Islamic” veils and headscarves garner attention forminority women in Europe to an unparalleled degree.2 For centuries,Islamic veils and headscarves have served as powerful symbols inOrientalist discourse, functioning as markers of the Oriental woman’ssupposed eroticism as well as convenient tropes for philosophers.3Recent kidnappers’ demands in Iraq that France lift its headscarf bandemonstrate the complex appropriations of Muslim women for fundamentalistdiscourses as well.

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25

Mohr, Barbara, and Annette Vogt. "German Women Paleobotanists From the 1920S to the 1970S—Or Why Did This Story Start So Late?" Earth Sciences History 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 14–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.20.1.q7643x2308728m56.

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This study documents women paleobotanists and their achievements from the late 1920s to the early 1970s in Germany. More than forty women were involved in paleobotanical research and related fields during this period. After they had finished their degrees, about two thirds of them left the field for private, political, and/or economic reasons. Several of them, however, had a successful career or were even leaders in their field. Compared with other disciplines and neighbouring countries, the unusually late entry of women students into this discipline from the 1930s on is explained by the close affiliation of the discipline with Paleozoic geology and mining in Germany before 1945. It is significant that of the thirteen women who finished a degree in the field before 1945, about two thirds studied Quaternary pollen analysis and vegetation history. Only a minority was involved in pre-Quaternary paleobotany. After World War II, the number of women scientists increased noticeably only when Tertiary palynology/paleobotany became more important sub-disciplines of paleobotany, a pattern which was similar in both parts of the newly divided country. During the period between 1945 and 1955, the number of women students in West Germany was significantly higher than in the East. This is partly explained by the policies of the East German communist party, which put restrictions on women students from a middle-class background. Between 1955 and 1973 the number of women students in East Germany exceeded those in the West. This was due to the East German party policy of activating the female working force, especially in fields which had been traditionally occupied by men, such as geology, mining, and engineering.

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Quack, S., and F. Maier. "From State Socialism to Market Economy—Women's Employment in East Germany." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 26, no. 8 (August 1994): 1257–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a261257.

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The transformation from a centrally planned economy to a market economy involves a wide-ranging redistribution of paid employment, income, and individual opportunities. Men and women in the former East Germany (GDR)—who before reunification had equal roles of participation in paid labour—have been affected in different ways by the restructuring of the East German economy. Women are now more often unemployed, and for longer periods, and face greater difficulties in finding a job. In order to explain these differences between men and women, the authors investigate the economic, social, and political dimensions of the transformation process. The main argument is that economic and social disadvantages affecting East German women are not just related to the economic and political transformation as such. Rather, they are rooted in a traditional gender division of paid work in the former GDR which was reinforced by the paternalistic family and social policy developed by the East German state. At the same time, however, East German women's experiences of being fully integrated into employment, and enjoying greater economic independence, make it unlikely that they will easily accept the West German model of partial labour-market integration.

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Haibach, Marita. "Women and philanthropy in Germany." Voluntas 7, no. 4 (December 1996): 383–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02354160.

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Dursun, Ayse, Sabine Lang, and Birgit Sauer. "Financing Gender Equality." German Politics and Society 40, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2022.400101.

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State budgets reflect political priorities, providing a measure of issue relevance over time and comparatively across states. This article offers the first analysis of Länder budgets for women’s policy agencies (WPA) in Germany and Austria between 1991 and 2018. Comparing Länder WPA budgets provides insights into material allocations to, and the conditionality of, gender politics in Germany’s strongly federalized state and Austria’s weak federation. We find that German Länder budgeted for independent WPA earlier than Austrian Länder. However, with the advent of the 1999 Austrian coalition of Christian Democrats and the right-wing Freedom Party, which aimed to dismantle national-level gender policies, Austrian Länder investment in WPA grew to compensate for diminishing federal funds. The party constellation in power mattered more in Austria, but in both countries the parties in power were more important for WPA financing than the descriptive representation of women in Länder parliaments.

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Riabov, Oleg. "Symbolic boundaries in the politics of Soviet identity: gender dimension (On the materials on the Great Patriotic War’s cinema)." Woman in russian society, no. 2 (June 30, 2020): 10–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21064/winrs.2020.2.2.

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Using the boundary approach, the paper dwells upon the role of gender discourse in politics of the Soviet identity in the time of the Great Patriotic War. In the beginning, it discusses what role symbolic boundaries created with help of gender discourse play in politics of identity. Then, the essential traits of politics of Soviet identity are examined on the material of the film “Circus” (1936). Finally, the paper focuses on utilizing the gender discourse by cinema of the Great Patriotic War. It investigates how the films used the representations of femininity in such directions of the politics of the Soviet identity as producing the images of “us” and forming the feeling of belonging to the political community; providing the national unity through weakening internal symbolic boundaries; strengthening external symbolic boundaries and forming negative identity through constructing the images of “them” — the women of Nazi Germany. The author comes to the conclusion that the boundary approach has significant heuristic potential and may be employed in Gender Studies.

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Bevans, Stephen. "Michael E. O’Sullivan. Disruptive Power: Catholic Women, Miracles, and Politics in Modern Germany, 1918–1965." University of Toronto Quarterly 89, no. 3 (February 2021): 593–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/utq.89.3.hr.42.

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Beverly M. Weber. "Beyond the Culture Trap: Immigrant Women in Germany, Planet-Talk, and a Politics of Listening." Women in German Yearbook: Feminist Studies in German Literature & Culture 21, no. 1 (2005): 16–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wgy.2005.0002.

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32

Boak, H. L. "Gender and Rural Modernity. Farm Women and the Politics of Labor in Germany, 1871-1933." German History 28, no. 3 (May 12, 2010): 376–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghp116.

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Martin, Elaine. "Women, Literature, and Politics (Report on the Conference Held in Hamburg, West Germany, Spring 1986)." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 12, no. 3 (April 1987): 601–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/494354.

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Hudde, Ansgar, and Carmen Friedrich. "Having power, having babies? Fertility patterns among German elite politicians." Zeitschrift für Familienforschung 31, no. 1-2019 (April 9, 2019): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/zff.v31i1.02.

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Members of the political elite have far-reaching influence on the overall society. In this paper, we analyse fertility patterns among the German political elite for two reasons: First, we learn more about the living circumstances of a subgroup that makes crucial decisions and could serve as a role model for the general population. Second, we gain insight into the association between social status and fertility patterns at the top tier of the status distribution. We collect biographical data from all high-rank politicians in Germany in 2006 and/or 2017, comprising 184 women and 353 men. We compare fertility patterns in this subgroup to the general population, as well as we differentiate the number of children by politicians’gender, region (eastern/western Germany), party affiliation, and other variables. Results show that, on average, male politicians have relatively many children: 2.0 in western Germany, and 2.2 in eastern Germany. Female politicians have very few children in western Germany (1.3) and relatively many in eastern Germany (1.9). The east-west gap between men and women is entirely driven by differences in childlessness. For men, the observation of high fertility in this high-status group could hint towards a positive association between social status and fertility at the top of the status distribution. For women, large east-west differences in this subgroup could mean that the association between social status and fertility at the top of the status distribution might be negative or positive, depending on macro-level characteristics such as gender norms and work-family reconciliation policies.

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Davidson-Schmich, Louise K. "Addressing Supply-Side Hurdles to Gender-Equal Representation in Germany." 100 Jahre Frauenwahlrecht – Und wo bleibt die Gleichheit? 27, no. 2-2018 (November 20, 2018): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v27i2.05.

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One hundred years after being granted the right to active suffrage, German women remain underrepresented in elective office. Quotas have partially addressed demand-side barriers to gender parity in descriptive representation, but significant supply-side gaps remain. Men comprise over 70% of political party members in the Federal Republic, dominating the bodies that provide candidates for elective office. Solutions to this supply-side problem have often focused on “fixing” women to fit into gendered party institutions, rather than altering these structures to be more welcoming to women. In contrast, drawing on interviews with (potential) party members in Germany, this article identifies informal institutions that deter gender-balanced involvement in political parties and suggests ways in which these norms might be changed.

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Jaraba, Mahmoud. "The Practice of Khulʿ in Germany: Pragmatism versus Conservativism." Islamic Law and Society 26, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2019): 83–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685195-02612a01.

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AbstractIn this article, I examine how Muslim women who ae religiously-married in Germany might initiate no-fault divorce in the absence of a German registered civil marriage. Because there is no Muslim state authority to consult, local imams and Islamic leaders can resort to a community-led practice known as khulʿ (divorce initiated by the woman) to dissolve an Islamic marriage (nikāḥ) that is not recognized by civil authorities. In this article, which is the culmination of three years of fieldwork in Germany, I analyze and interpret the views and practices of two groups of religious actors - conservatives and pragmatists - towards khulʿ in cases of nikāḥ. I find that conservatives only permit a woman to divorce through khulʿ with her husband’s consent, whereas pragmatists use Muslim minority jurisprudence (fiqh al-aqalliyyāt al-Muslima) to argue that the husband’s consent is not essential to legitimize a khulʿ pronouncement.

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Doerr, Nicole. "The Visual Politics of the Alternative for Germany (AfD): Anti-Islam, Ethno-Nationalism, and Gendered Images." Social Sciences 10, no. 1 (January 14, 2021): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10010020.

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This article is an empirical investigation into the visual mobilization strategies by far-right political parties for election campaigns constructing Muslim immigrants as a “threat” to the nation. Drawing on an interdisciplinary theoretical approach of social movement studies and research on media and communication, I focus on the far-right political party Alternative for Germany (AfD), which has produced several widespread inflammatory series of visual election posters featuring anti-Islam rhetoric, combined with provocative images of gender and sexuality. By approaching visual politics through a perspective on actors constructing visual forms of political mobilization, I show how far-right populist “movement parties” are supported by professional graphic designers commercializing extremist ideologies by creating ambivalent images and text messages. My findings on the AfD’s visual campaign politics document the instrumentalization and appropriation of the rhetoric of women’s empowerment and LGBT rights discourse, helping the AfD to rebrand its image as a liberal democratic opposition party, while at the same time, maintaining its illiberal political agenda on gender and sexuality. Visual representations of gender and sexuality in professionally created election posters served to ridicule and shame Muslim minorities and denounce their “Otherness”—while also promoting a heroic self-image of the party as a savior of white women and Western civilization from the threat of male Muslim migrants. By documenting the visual politics of the AfD, as embedded in transnational cooperation between different actors, including visual professional graphic designers and far-right party activists, my multimodal analysis shows how far-right movement parties marketize and commercialize their image as “progressive” in order to reach out to new voters.

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McManus, Laurie. "Feminist Revolutionary Music Criticism and Wagner Reception." 19th-Century Music 37, no. 3 (2014): 161–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncm.2014.37.3.161.

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Abstract Histories of progressive musical politics in mid-nineteenth-century Germany often center on the writings of Richard Wagner and Franz Brendel, relegating contributors such as the feminist and author Louise Otto (1819–95) to the periphery. However, Otto's lifelong engagement with music, including her two librettos, two essay collections on the arts, and numerous articles and feuilletons, demonstrates how one contemporary woman considered the progressive movements in music and in women's rights to be interrelated. A staunch advocate of Wagner, Otto contributed to numerous music journals, as well as her own women's journal, advising her female readers to engage with the music of the New German School. In the context of the middle-class women's movement, she saw music as a space for female advancement through both performance and the portrayals of women onstage. Her writings offer us a glimpse into the complex network of Wagner proponents who also supported women's rights, at the same time providing evidence for what some contemporary conservative critics saw as a concomitant social threat from both Wagnerian musical radicalism and the emancipated woman.

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RYAN, MARYNEL. "Different paths to the public: European women, educational opportunity, and expertise, 1890–1930." Continuity and Change 19, no. 3 (December 2004): 367–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416004005193.

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This article describes a comparison of two groups of women, one German and one French, who were able to use the expanding educational opportunities for women during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to forge a new path to public influence. The comparison highlights the different socio-political and institutional contexts of Imperial Germany and Third Republic France, in order to explain the very different career patterns of women with similar research interests: national economists who trained in Berlin and lawyers who trained in Paris. Although the greater emphasis is on the German case, I explore the possibilities for (and limitations to) women's claims to public influence in both contexts.

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Ferree, Myra Marx. "Angela Merkel: What Does it Mean to Run as a Woman?" German Politics and Society 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780935315.

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Considering Angela Merkel as a female candidate raises questions of the extent to which political leadership has become degendered in recent decades. Three issues of gender and politics are considered here: the changes in expectations for women in public life, the shift in defining what is a "woman's interest" and how women may represent such interests, and the degree to which women challenge the "old boys' networks" with alternative connections to women and provide a critical mass rather than just an individual in office. The implications of each of these dimensions for assessing the impact of Merkel on German politics are considered. I suggest that her role can be seen as a feminist one, even if her own politics are not.

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Cooper, Belinda. "Patriarchy Within a Patriarchy: Women and the Stasi." German Politics and Society 16, no. 2 (June 1, 1998): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503098782173813.

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Public debate in Germany, particularly in the western Germanmedia, grew heated in 1991 and 1992 over the role of intellectuals inEast German society and their collaboration with or resistance to theStasi. Sparks flew with particular intensity when Wolf Biermann,former East German dissident musician and poet, accused SaschaAnderson, erstwhile East German dissident poet, of being a Stasiinformant and an “asshole” (while there was some disagreementover the latter charge, the former, at least, turned out to be accurate).As the debate raged, some observers commented that it seemedmore a clash of male egos than a serious attempt to analyze the past.In a 1993 book on the dissident literary community, a West Germancommentator suggested the Stasi debate was a conflict among “threeegomaniacs … [Wolf] Biermann, [writer Lutz] Rathenow, [Sascha]Anderson.” East German author Gabriele Stötzer-Kachold hadmade a similar suggestion in 1992.

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Eich-Krohm, Astrid. "Book Review: The CDU and the Politics of Gender in Germany: Bringing Women to the Party." Gender & Society 26, no. 3 (May 17, 2012): 529–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243211412773.

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Rossi, Lauren Faulkner. "Disruptive Power: Catholic Women, Miracles, and Politics in Modern Germany, 1918–1965 by Michael E. O'Sullivan." German Studies Review 43, no. 1 (2020): 185–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gsr.2020.0019.

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Caul Kittilson, Miki. "Book Review: The CDU and the Politics of Gender in Germany: Bringing Women to the Party." Comparative Political Studies 44, no. 9 (September 2011): 1300–1303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414011405463.

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Inthorn, Sanna. "Listening while doing things: Radio, gender and older women." Radio Journal: International Studies in Broadcast & Audio Media 18, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/rjao_00025_1.

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This article investigates the role of radio in older women’s everyday lives. Based on interviews with listeners in Britain and Germany, it argues that patriarchy structures women’s radio listening into old age. The women who participated in this study accommodated their radio listening to their role as housewives, deliberately choosing content that does not distract from their work and making sure they do not invade their husbands’ space with radio sound. Across their radio day, older women move in and out of different forms of listening, characterized by different levels of attentiveness. They enjoy radio as background noise to domestic labour, but they also use radio as a resource for identity work and a critical engagement with gender politics.

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Pfanzelt, Hannah, and Dennis C. Spies. "The Gender Gap in Youth Political Participation: Evidence from Germany." Political Research Quarterly 72, no. 1 (May 23, 2018): 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918775249.

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In this article, we consider the gender gap in political participation by analyzing recent survey data about German adolescents. Differentiating between institutional, non-institutional, and expressive participation, we show that, even in Germany where there is strong gender equality, type-specific gender differences persist. Testing for resource, socialization, and attitudinal explanations, in multivariate regression analyses, we identify socialization in civic forms of participation together with the lower confidence of women in their personal and political skills as major drivers for the sexual differences in political engagement, especially so for institutionalized forms of participation.

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Na, Hye-Sim. "Korean Nursing Women who emigrated to Germany and the 68th Movement." Korea Association of World History and Culture 62 (March 31, 2022): 221–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2022.03.62.221.

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The process of immigration and settlement of Korean nursing women in Germany in the 1960s and 1970s was a process in response to the various social changes that were going on in German society. Their period of living in Germany mostly overlaps with the period of the 68th Movement and the social changes that resulted from it. The social changes caused by the 68th movement have an impact on some of Korean women's recognition of their identity as migrant women workers from the Third World. It was not simply a passive learning process, but an active self-discipline process. Based on the self-identity learned in this process, women play a central role in leading the struggle for the right to stay in 1977-78 to success. They revealed their identity as women from the Third World who live as transnational beings in German society. The awakening of its identity led to an organized new social movement and led to solidarity with various underprivileged people living outside the boundaries.

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Mckay, Joanna. "Women in German Politics: Still Jobs for the Boys?" German Politics 13, no. 1 (March 2004): 56–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0964400042000245398.

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Sewell, Sara Ann. "Bolshevizing Communist Women: The Red Women and Girls' League in Weimar Germany." Central European History 45, no. 2 (June 2012): 268–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938912000052.

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The year 1924 marked a fundamental turning point in the history of the Weimar Republic. After months of deep crises in 1923, which included foreign occupation, hyperinflation, and attempted coups d'état by both communists and Nazis, the German economy and polity entered a phase of relative stability, and social peace loomed on the horizon. Recognizing the dramatic shift in the sociopolitical landscape, the German Communist Party (Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands, KPD) also underwent a significant transformation. On the political front, the most notable event was the ousting of Ruth Fischer and Arkadij Maslow, under the heavy hand of Moscow, in favor of Ernst Thälmann.

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Koch, Raphael. "Board Gender Quotas in Germany and the EU: An Appropriate Way of Equalising Participation of Women and Men?" Deakin Law Review 20, no. 1 (September 18, 2015): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/dlr2015vol20no1art494.

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The professional equalisation of men and women has become one of the most discussed topics in politics over the last years. As a solution to this problem many European countries have introduced regulations which ensure special quotas for women on the managing boards of companies. The main problem concerning such gender quotas is that the equalisation of men and women is primarily a sociopolitical objective which might result in a possible conflict with national and European constitutional law. Consequently, the current legal situation in Germany and the EU needs to be analysed critically. Therefore the different ways of incorporating gender quotas into the existing legal system must be compared with each other.

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