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Journal articles on the topic 'Women in Chinese history'

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1

이선이. "Current Situation and Task for Studying Chinese History of Women by Korea." Women and History ll, no. 6 (June 2007): 103–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22511/women..6.200706.103.

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Roy, Patricia E., and Judy Yung. "Chinese Women of America: A Pictorial History." Western Historical Quarterly 18, no. 4 (October 1987): 456. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/969385.

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3

Sunglim Chun. "From Practicality to Diversity:A Review on Chinese women’s history in Korea in the last 20 years." Women and History ll, no. 13 (December 2010): 219–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22511/women..13.201012.219.

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4

Hooper, Beverley. "Demythologising Chinese women." Asian Studies Association of Australia. Review 11, no. 3 (April 1988): 119–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147538808712528.

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5

Beaver, Patricia D., Hou Lihui, and Wang Xue. "Rural Chinese Women." Modern China 21, no. 2 (April 1995): 205–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009770049502100203.

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6

Lin, Hang. "Bret Hinsch (2016). Women in Imperial China." British Journal of Chinese Studies 8, no. 2 (March 15, 2019): 160–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.51661/bjocs.v8i2.14.

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The vast scope of Chinese women’s history throughout its two millennia-long imperial period invites sustained scholarly attention to their status, position, image, and a wide range of gender-related issues. Whereas recent years have witnessed an increasing interest in examining historical Chinese women in different dynasties, Bret Hinsch’s new book offers a succinct, yet eloquent survey of womanhood in the shifting contexts of Chinese history, from remote antiquity to the end of the Qing dynasty (1644-1911).
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7

Paddle, Sarah. "“To Save the Women of China from Fear, Opium and Bound Feet”: Australian Women Missionaries in Early Twentieth-Century China." Itinerario 34, no. 3 (December 2010): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115310000690.

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This article explores the experiences of Western women missionaries in a faith mission and their relationships with the women and children of China in the early years of the twentieth century. In a period of twenty years of unprecedented social and political revolution missionaries were forced to reconceptualise their work against a changing discourse of Chinese womanhood. In this context, emerging models of the Chinese New Woman and the New Girl challenged older mission constructions of gender. The Chinese reformation also provided missionaries with troubling reflections on their own roles as independent young women, against debates about modern women at home, and the emerging rights of white women as newly enfranchised citizens in the new nation of Australia.
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Bao, Xiaolan. "Integrating Women Into Chinese History-- Reflections on Historical Scholarship on Women in China." Chinese Historians 3, no. 2 (July 1990): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1043643x.1990.11876860.

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9

Tsomu, Yudru. "Women as Chieftains in Modern Kham History." Inner Asia 20, no. 1 (April 16, 2018): 107–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-12340100.

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Abstract Drawing on oral and written Chinese and Tibetan accounts, this paper aims to provide a preliminary discussion of the role of Khampa women in political life by examining the lives of three notable women chieftains in the first half of the twentieth century. The case studies demonstrate that there were different paths or avenues for women to rise to power, since due to traditional biases against female political leaders, limitations and obstacles hindered their ability to access and exercise power. These accounts show that at the key juncture when a family was faced with crisis in the turbulent late Qing and Republican periods, it was often the female ruler who exercised power and authority and saved the family. Their assumption of power was possible because, in situations involving the absence of male heirs, both traditional customary law in Kham and the laws of the late Qing and Republican periods allowed women to inherit titles and positions. These women were caught up in power struggles between multiple forces, notably male leaders within their lineages, competing males from other lineages, sub-state agents like provincial warlords, the Chinese state and sometimes the Tibetan government. These examples demonstrate how the fragmentary, decentralised nature of interstitial polities opened up additional spaces for local leadership and particularly for female leadership.
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10

Dunch, Ryan. "Christianizing Confucian Didacticism: Protestant Publications for Women, 1832-1911." NAN NÜ 11, no. 1 (2009): 65–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138768009x12454916571805.

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AbstractThe printed Protestant missionary engagement with Chinese views of the role and proper conduct of women in society was more complex and ambiguous than scholars have often assumed. Publications targeted at women readers occupied an important place among Protestant missionary periodicals, books, and other printed materials in Chinese during the late Qing. Most publications for women and girls were elementary doctrinal works, catechisms, and devotional texts designed to introduce early readers to Christian belief, and light reading (fictional tracts and biographies) for women's spiritual edification, but there were some more elaborate works as well. After an overview of mission publications for women, this article focuses on two complex texts, one a compendium of practical knowledge and moral guidance for the Chinese Protestant "new woman," Jiaxue jizhen (The Christian home in China) (1897; revised 1909), and the other, a Protestant reworking from 1902 of the Qing dynasty didactic compilation Nü sishu (Women's four books). Together, these two texts give us a more multifaceted picture of how missionaries engaged with Chinese society and the role of women therein.
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11

Yui, Wei. "Chinese Women’s Art." Культура и искусство, no. 5 (May 2022): 86–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0625.2022.5.38062.

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The article discusses the origin and evolution of women's visual art in China. The development of this artistic direction was due to the radical social transformations since the beginning of the Open Door Policy in 1978. Analysis of the art by Li Hong, Cui Xiuwen, Feng Jiali, Yuan Yaomin and others reveals main features of the evolution of women's creativity in China. The search and acquisition of female identity, the destruction of psychological barriers imposed by traditional ideas and stereotypes about a woman, her physicality, beauty, etc., the study of gender differences, the reflection of female subjectivity, the assertion of a new status for women in modern society - all this makes the content of Chinese women's art. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that the article studies the works of quite reputable Chinese artists who were not presented earlier in Russian art history science. This article is intended to contribute to the study of the processes of emancipation of the consciousness of the Chinese and raising the status of women artists in society. Reflections on personal experience, social problems and historical destinies determine the specifics of the artistic language of women's works. In view of the active feminist movements of our time, increasing attention to the inner world of women and criticism of patriarchal foundations, addressing this topic seems very relevant today.
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12

Mann, Susan. "The History of Chinese Women before the Age of Orientalism." Journal of Women's History 8, no. 4 (1997): 163–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2010.0290.

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13

Xu, Wang Hong, Yong Bing Xiang, Wei Zheng, Xianglan Zhang, Zhi Xian Ruan, Jia Rong Cheng, Yu-Tang Gao, and Xiao-Ou Shu. "Weight history and risk of endometrial cancer among Chinese women." International Journal of Epidemiology 35, no. 1 (October 28, 2005): 159–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ije/dyi223.

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14

Cahill, Cathleen D. "“Our Sisters in China Are Free”: Visual Representations of Chinese and Chinese American Suffragists." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (August 7, 2020): 634–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000365.

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AbstractBoth white and Chinese American suffragists in the United States closely watched and discussed the events of the Chinese Revolution of 1911 and the establishment of the Chinese Republic (1912–1949). They were aware of the republican revolutionaries’ support for women's rights, which conflicted with American stereotypes of China as a backward nation, especially in its treatment of women. Chinese suffragists, real and imagined, became a major talking point in debates over women's voting rights in the United States as white suffragists and national newspapers championed their stories. This led to prominent visual depictions of Chinese suffragists in the press, but also their participation in public events such as suffrage parades. For a brief time, the transnational nature of suffrage conversations was highly visible as was the suffrage activism of women in U.S. Chinese communities. However, because Chinese immigrants were barred from citizenship by U.S. immigration law, white activists tended to depict Chinese suffragists as foreign, resulting in the erasure of their memory in the U.S. suffrage movement.
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15

Ng, Wing Chung, and Benson Tong. "Unsubmissive Women: Chinese Prostitutes in Nineteenth-Century San Francisco." Western Historical Quarterly 26, no. 4 (1995): 531. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970867.

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Michaels, S. "Choosing Revolution: Chinese Women Soldiers on the Long March." Oral History Review 36, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 298–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ohr/ohp056.

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Tracy-Taylor, Allison K. "Chinese Comfort Women: Testimonies from Imperial Japan’s Sex Slaves." Oral History Review 47, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 186–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00940798.2019.1705095.

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18

Tamar Van, Rachel. "The “Woman Pigeon”." Pacific Historical Review 83, no. 4 (2014): 561–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2014.83.4.561.

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Prior to the 1842 Treaty of Nanjing, Chinese officials prohibited the presence of foreign women in China. While many Chinese regulations concerning foreign merchants and missionaries were not enforced, this rule was. In 1830 and again in the 1840s, in the aftermath of the first Opium War, clusters of British and American families traveled up the Pearl River to the factories that housed visiting merchants in Canton (Guangzhou). On both occasions, trouble ensued. But the conflicts may not have been all they seemed. This article suggests that foreign women did have the potential to be a problem in China, less because of inherent cultural differences than because both Chinese officials and Western merchants used Western women to embody a boundary between peoples.
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19

Gladney, Dru C. "The History of Women’s Mosques in Chinese Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 3 (July 1, 2006): 111–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i3.1605.

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This remarkable collaboration of primarily Maria Jaschok and Shui Jingjun(with contributions from nine other mostly Muslim Chinese women who areduly acknowledged), contains a wealth of information on a subject that most scholars of Muslim communities have never considered or perhaps evenimagined: the existence of bona fide women’s mosques in China. Throughpainstaking historical, archival, interview, and field research, the authors layout a convincing argument that such mosques have existed in China and continueto experience a “rapid increase” (p. 15), at least since the late Mingdynasty (sixteenth to seventeenth centuries), proliferating in northern China’scentral plains region (mainly Henan, Hebei, Shandong, and Anhui) during theQing emperor Jiaqing’s reign (1796-1820) (pp. 67-69).This work sheds light on “how women [in China] engendered and sustainedfaith, aspiration and loyalties under often challenging conditions” (p.5) – which is putting it mildly. Strenuously caught between Confucian,Islamic, and patrimonial requirements, they developed an institution of learningand cultural transmission perhaps unique to the Muslim world. While theauthors never fully address why “women’s mosques” and madrassahs developedso fully in China (and almost nowhere else), they do richly demonstratethe extraordinarily important role these religious and educational centershave played in preserving and promoting Islamic understanding amongChina’s Muslims, known as the Hui national minority (with a year 2000 populationof approximately 9.8 million, out of a total 20.3 million Muslims inChina, according to the especially accurate PRC state census).While the authors claim these women’s “prayer halls” (the Chinese termis ambiguous) and the women who lead them are fully-fledged ahongs orimams (again, the Chinese term, like the Arabic and Persian equivalents, isnot clear about the teacher’s actual status), the issue here is whether they haveany authority over men. Since they clearly do not, ahong should be taken inits more general sense of “one possessing advanced Islamic knowledge” ortraining, and does not imply institutionalized authority beyond the sphere ofwomen (and children, which in most instances includes boys). Nevertheless,it is significant that they have such organized authority, training, and separateprayer halls or mosques among themselves ...
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20

Goodman, David S. G. "Why women count: Chinese women and the leadership of reform." Asian Studies Review 26, no. 3 (September 2002): 331–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357820208713349.

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21

Raphals, Lisa. "ARGUMENTS BY WOMEN IN EARLY CHINESE TEXTS." NAN NÜ 3, no. 2 (2001): 157–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852601100402261.

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AbstractA corpus of ethical and political arguments specifically attributed to women in Warring States and Han texts are philosophically comparable to the arguments of the Masters texts, but are not associated with teaching lineages. These hierarchical persuasions and instructive arguments cannot be attributed to ministers. They suggest new perspectives on contemporary discussions of the nature of philosophical debate, adversariality, and authority in Warring States China.
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22

Furth, Charlotte, and Harriet T. Zurndorfer. "Chinese Women in the Imperial Past: New Perspectives." American Historical Review 106, no. 3 (June 2001): 954. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2692364.

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23

Vo, Linda Trinh, and Judy Yung. "Unbound Voices: A Documentary History of Chinese Women in San Francisco." Western Historical Quarterly 32, no. 2 (2001): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3650778.

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24

Zhu, Liping, and Judy Yung. "Unbound Feet: A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco." Western Historical Quarterly 28, no. 2 (1997): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970897.

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25

Yu, Yan, and Judy Yung. "Unbound Feet: A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco." International Migration Review 31, no. 2 (1997): 484. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2547242.

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26

Ip, Manying, and Judy Yung. "Unbound Feet: A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco." Journal of American History 83, no. 2 (September 1996): 632. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945010.

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27

Cheng, Lucie, and Judy Yung. "Unbound Feet: A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco." Contemporary Sociology 26, no. 1 (January 1997): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076575.

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28

Matthews, Glenna. "Unbound feet: a social history of chinese women in san francisco." Women's History Review 6, no. 2 (June 1, 1997): 289–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612029700200286.

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29

Tong, Benson, and Judy Yung. "Unbound Feet: A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco." American Historical Review 102, no. 3 (June 1997): 900. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2171665.

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30

Danico, Mary Kunmi Yu. "Unbound Voices: A Documentary History of Chinese Women in San Francisco." Journal of American Ethnic History 21, no. 3 (April 1, 2002): 89–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27502861.

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31

Riordan, James, and Dong Jinxia. "Chinese Women and Sport: Success, Sexuality and Suspicion." China Quarterly 145 (March 1996): 130–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000044167.

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The performance of top Chinese women athletes in the 1990s has been unprecedented in the history of sport. Not only have they made remarkable progress from virtual obscurity to world champions and record breakers, they have far surpassed the performance of their male compatriots in international sport. This unique phenomenon extends from middle and long–distance running to swimming and diving, from weightlifting and chess to volleyball and basketball, from shooting and archery to wrestling and rowing, from badminton and gymnastics to softball and soccer – and table tennis dating back to the early 1970s.
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32

Li, Xiaorong. "Woman Writing about Women: Li Shuyi's (1817-?) Project on One Hundred Beauties in Chinese History." NAN NÜ 13, no. 1 (2011): 52–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852611x559349.

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AbstractThis article examines the woman poet Li Shuyi's (1817-?) poetry collection Shuyinglou mingshu baiyong (One hundred poems on famous women from Shying Tower). Through a reconstruction of Li Shuyi's life, a reading of her self-preface, and an analysis of her poems, this study aims to demonstrate how a woman author's perception of her own ill fate leads to her becoming a conscious writing subject, and how this self-realization motivates her to produce a gendered writing project. It argues that Li Shuyi articulates in her project her intervention into representations of women's images from her individual perspective on women's history, and her aims for immortality through writing.
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Belaya, Irina V., and Sergey V. Dmitriev. "Following Xuanzang: about “The Journey to the West” of a Chinese Woman or Feminism in China by E.A. Sinetskaya." Voprosy Filosofii, no. 10 (2021): 208–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2021-10-208-214.

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The article is devoted to the problem of studying the history of feminism in China – from the activities of Christian missionaries to Chinese revolutionaries. The prerequisites and stages of the formation of the women's movement for their rights are considered on the example of the book “The Journey to the West” of a Chinese Woman or Feminism in China by Elvira A. Sinetskaya. This book actually presents the first for Russian science study of development of Chinese movement for women rights, as well as constitutes a try to describe its characteristic feature and to place it in the context of world feminism. The author begins from definition such core terms as “feminism”, “gender”, etc., and then considers the history of feminism beginning in China and possible causes of its appearance. She analyses an attitude to women in traditional Chinese society through the lens of family relationship, society and religion, which is viewed from historical perspective. The study is based on variety of sources, including fiction literature. E.A. Sinetskaya connects the first attempts of Chinese women to obtain equality of rights with spread of Cristianity, but in this paper another point of view on this problem is presented. Then Taoism gave equal rights and possibilities for its progeny regardless of sex and social status. In this religion one can find pantheon of female goddesses, etc. The issues of family and marriage, the right to education, the right to independent earnings and problems with the exercise of their rights by women are being raised in the article, it highlights the connection between the Chinese women’s movement and the problem of human freedom
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34

Suh, Chris. "“America’s Gunpowder Women”." Pacific Historical Review 88, no. 2 (2019): 175–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2019.88.2.175.

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This article uncovers the little-known story of how the novelist Pearl S. Buck used her authority as a popular expert on China to pose a direct challenge to her white middle-class American readers in the post-suffrage era. Through provocative comparisons between Chinese and white American women, Buck alleged that educated white women had failed to live up to their potential, and she demanded that they earn social equality by advancing into male-dominated professions outside the home. Although many of her readers disagreed, the novelist’s challenge was welcomed by the National Woman’s Party (NWP), which sought to abolish all gender-based discrimination and preferential treatment through the introduction of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA). This story revises our understanding of the post-suffrage era by showing the vibrancy of feminist debates in the final years of the Great Depression, and it provides a new way into seeing how racialized thinking shaped American conceptions of women’s progress between first- and second-wave feminist movements.
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35

Chenier, Elise. "Sex, Intimacy, and Desire among Men of Chinese Heritage and Women of Non-Asian Heritage in Toronto, 1910–1950." Articles 42, no. 2 (June 23, 2014): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1025698ar.

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Because few women of Chinese heritage came to Canada, Chinese migrant communities before 1950 are described as “bachelor societies.” Sojourners’ own ambition to return home with more wealth, the imposition of ever-increasing head taxes on migrants from China, the 1923 Chinese Exclusion Act, and deeply entrenched racism toward people of Chinese heritage meant that the vast majority were doomed to live their lives without the emotional, material, or domestic support or companionship provided by wives and children. They were de facto bachelors, if not bachelors in fact. New research, however, shows that since the 1910s young men of Chinese heritage carved out spaces for themselves in Toronto’s urban sexual culture, and young white women a space for themselves in Toronto’s Chinatown. During the first half of the twentieth century, many men of Chinese heritage enjoyed sex, companionship, love, and family life. Perhaps as many as a third were married to or lived common-law with women of white heritage, and many more frequently engaged in sexual and intimate relationships with sex workers they sometimes sought as long-term companions. The evidence presented here challenges the current perception that “Chinese bachelors” lived sexless, loveless lives. These relationships were not without controversy, of course, but many people within the community accepted them, and women of white heritage, including sex workers, were integrated into the community in diverse ways.
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Lo, Shauna. "Chinese Women Entering New England: Chinese Exclusion Act Case Files, Boston, 1911–1925." New England Quarterly 81, no. 3 (September 2008): 383–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq.2008.81.3.383.

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Chinese women who sought entry to the United States during the Chinese Exclusion Act (1882–1943) faced unique challenges. As case files (1911–25) from the Boston Immigration Office reveal, however, they became adept transnational migrants, overcoming great obstacles and adopting innovative strategies to reach their destinations in the Northeast.
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Qian, Nanxiu. ""borrowing Foreign Mirrors and Candles To Illuminate Chinese Civilization": Xue Shaohui's Moral Vision in The Biographies of Foreign Women." NAN NÜ 6, no. 1 (2004): 60–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568526042523254.

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AbstractWaiguo lienü zhuan (Biographies of foreign women), the first systematic introduction of foreign women to the Chinese audience, was compiled by the late Qing writer Xue Shaohui (1866-1911) and her husband Chen Shoupeng (1857-?). This project represented an effort to advance the goals of the abortive 1898 reforms, a serious quest to incorporate Western experiences into the education of Chinese women. Through a close comparison with Western language sources, this article examines Xue Shaohui's reconceptualization of women's virtues through rewriting and sometimes twisting the original stories. The analysis focuses on sensitive moral issues—sex and power, the relationship between husband and wife, and the redefinition of wickedness when the conventional definition of a bad woman was no longer pertinent.
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Pivar, David J., and Benson Tong. "Unsubmissive Women: Chinese Prostitutes in Nineteenth-Century San Francisco." American Historical Review 101, no. 2 (April 1996): 574. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170577.

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Mittler, Barbara, and Wang Zheng. "Women in the Chinese Enlightenment: Oral and Textual Histories." American Historical Review 105, no. 3 (June 2000): 906. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651841.

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Yi, Zeng. "Changing Demographic Characteristics and the Family Status of Chinese Women." Population Studies 42, no. 2 (July 1988): 183–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0032472031000143316.

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Yeo, Winnie. "Risk factors and natural history of breast cancer in younger Chinese women." World Journal of Clinical Oncology 5, no. 5 (2014): 1097. http://dx.doi.org/10.5306/wjco.v5.i5.1097.

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42

Colin Mackerras. "Chinese Shadow Theatre, History, Popular Religion, and Women Warriors (review)." China Review International 15, no. 2 (2009): 209–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.0.0152.

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Yue, Ming-Bao. "Unbound Feet: A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco (review)." China Review International 7, no. 1 (2000): 274–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2000.0059.

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Wong, Kevin Scott. "Unbound Voices: A Documentary History of Chinese Women in San Francisco (review)." Journal of Asian American Studies 4, no. 1 (2001): 96–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jaas.2001.0012.

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Bradford Clark. "Chinese Shadow Theatre: History, Popular Religion and Women Warriors (review)." Asian Theatre Journal 26, no. 1 (2008): 179–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/atj.0.0031.

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Zhang, J. "Marriage and Suicide among Chinese Rural Young Women." Social Forces 89, no. 1 (September 1, 2010): 311–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sof.2010.0065.

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47

Cui, Ying. "Striving and thriving: Women in Chinese national sport organizations." International Journal of the History of Sport 24, no. 3 (February 19, 2007): 392–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523360601101378.

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48

Jinxia, Dong, and J. A. Mangan. "Olympic Aspirations: Chinese Women on Top – Considerations and Consequences." International Journal of the History of Sport 25, no. 7 (May 19, 2008): 779–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523360802009180.

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49

Edwards, Louise. "Women Warriors and Amazons of the mid Qing Texts Jinghua yuan and Honglou meng." Modern Asian Studies 29, no. 2 (May 1995): 225–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012713.

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Many cultures include in their narrative discourse tales of women who have gone to war or joined the hunt and indeed Chinese culture has produced a plethora of tales which relate the deeds of such strong and exceptional women. The general opinion from Western academics about these women is that they are rebelling against restraints imposed upon their sex by patriarchal society and ‘under the guise of patriotism or wifely devotion [find] an understandable motive for rejecting hearth and home.’ That patriarchal discourse should perpetuate through history and literature a subversive mode of thinsimply because it was duped by the invocations of patriotism an loyalty appears less than convincing. Certainly, if these are the woman warrior's motives then they have been exceptionally well disguised by the literary redactions of the deeds of the women warriors in Chinese culture. It is the intention of this article to explicate the complexity of the woman warrior in Chinese culture and reveal the multiplicity of discursive functions she fulfils by using the specific case of two mid Qing texts, Honglou meng and Jinghua yuan. The contradictions embodied in the recurring form of the woman warrior and her Amazonian sisters hold a key to understanding the complex and ambiguous signifying systems of sexual ideology in mid Qing Chinese culture. In this respect I will be invoking an Althusserian notion of the specific relationship between ideology and literature whereby the particular feelings or perceptions generated by the literature are regarded as being produced by the ideology within 'which it bathes, from which it detaches itself as art, and to which it alludes' through an internal distanciation from that very same ideology.2 In Honglou meng and Jinghuayuan this internal distanciation is made apparent by the elaborate use of myth in the former and irony in the latter.
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Orly, Selena, and Louise Edwards. "Chastity, Foreign Theories, and National Heritage Reorganization: Hu Shi (1892-1962) Addresses ‘The Woman Problem’." NAN NÜ 23, no. 2 (December 13, 2021): 272–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685268-02320026.

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Abstract This article examines Hu Shi’s view of “The Woman Problem” (funü wenti) through his tripartite approach for achieving a Chinese Renaissance as enunciated in his 1919 article “The Significance of the New Tide” (Xinsichao de yiyi). Our reading of the 1919 article reveals that Hu conceived of the twentieth-century Chinese Renaissance as a meticulously planned reform project based on a tripartite approach that involved: (1) researching concrete problems (yanjiu wenti), (2) importing foreign theories (shuru xueli), and (3) reorganizing national heritage (zhengli guogu). The article aims to demonstrate how Hu applied each of these interconnected methods to “The Woman Problem.” Previous scholarship on Hu’s views on women has failed to notice that it was methodologically integrated into his overarching Chinese Renaissance project and simultaneously underpinned by his academic program to reorganize national heritage. This essay also probes the quality of Hu Shi’s ‘feminism’ by expounding how his analysis of “The Woman Problem” was integrated into his overarching program to achieve a Chinese Renaissance.
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