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Journal articles on the topic 'Women and socialism – Australia – History'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Battin, Tim, and Graham Maddox. "Socialism on Contemporary Australia." Capital & Class 22, no. 1 (March 1998): 154–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981689806400120.

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2

Sowerwine, Charles, Helmut Gruber, and Pamela Graves. "Women and Socialism, Socialism and Women: Europe between the Two World Wars." American Historical Review 105, no. 3 (June 2000): 1002. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651952.

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3

Sitar, Polona. "Stiletto Socialism." Aspasia 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 104–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2020.140108.

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This article explores how women interpreted everyday clothing practices and decoration of their body and how they positioned themselves in different social milieus during the period of socialist Slovenia (1945–1991). The new socialist middle class in Slovenia and Yugoslavia was defined by participation in a lifestyle, created and expressed through consumption and behaviors that turned everyday life into a symbolic display of taste and cultural distinction. This article shows the ways women engaged in self-expression and negotiated dressing up. It analyzes the self-emancipation of women as they challenged the boundaries of social hierarchies on the basis of self-transformations, pointing out the active role that women had in their self-positioning in social categories.
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4

Bongiorno, Frank. "Love and friendship: Ethical socialism in britain and australia∗." Australian Historical Studies 32, no. 116 (April 2001): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10314610108596144.

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5

Blanc, Paul Le. "Rosa Luxemburg and the Heart of Darkness." New Formations 94, no. 94 (March 1, 2018): 122–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/newf:94.08.2018.

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'Imperialism', Rosa Luxemburg tells us, 'is the political expression of the process of the accumulation of capital in its competitive struggle over the unspoiled remainder of the noncapitalist world environment'. The realities analysed by this outstanding socialist revolutionary have also found significant reflection in classic writings of such literary icons as Herman Melville, Joseph Conrad, Mark Twain, Rudyard Kipling and George Orwell. Conrad's racist conceptualisation in The Heart of Darkness shows us an idealistic imperialist, Kurtz, whose last words - 'the horror' - can be understood in opposite ways: as an idealism grotesquely corrupted when a 'civilising' white 'goes native' or, more persuasively, as a grotesque violence emanating from 'progressive' capitalist civilisation itself. Dark horrors visited upon innumerable victims in Africa, Asia, Latin America and among indigenous peoples of Australia and North America have been generated, as Luxemburg demonstrates in The Accumulation of Capital, from the very heart of European civilisation, permeated and animated as it is by the capital accumulation process. The eloquent justifications of Kurtz can be found in the glowing prose of - for example Winston Churchill: 'Let it be granted that nations exist and peoples labour to produce armies with which to conquer other nations, and the nation best qualified to do this is of course the most highly civilised and the most deserving of honour.' Yet the actual impacts have been summarised by W. E. B. Du Bois: 'There was no Nazi atrocity - concentration camps, wholesale maiming and murder, defilement of women or ghastly blasphemy of childhood - which the Christian civilization of Europe had not long been practicing against colored folk in all parts of the world in the name of and for the defense of a Superior Race born to rule the world.' Such horrors have afflicted not only vast 'peripheries' but have also defined modern and contemporary history in the civilised 'metropolis'.
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6

Cahill, A. E. "Catholicism and Socialism-The 1905 Controversy in Australia." Journal of Religious History 1, no. 2 (October 9, 2007): 88–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9809.1960.tb00017.x.

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7

GROSSMANN, ATINA. "Feminist Debates about Women and National Socialism." Gender & History 3, no. 3 (September 1991): 350–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0424.1991.tb00137.x.

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8

Irving, Terence H., and Terry Irving. "The Roots of Parliamentary Socialism in Australia, 1850-1920." Labour History, no. 67 (1994): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509278.

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9

Pamula, Natalia. ""Maternal Impressions"." Aspasia 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2019.130107.

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This article discusses disability memoirs written by mothers of disabled sons during state socialism in Poland. It recovers an often forgotten experience of living socialism as a mother of a disabled child and analyzes disability as a category of difference that, unlike gender or class, was not reordered by the socialist state. It argues that disability reconfigured motherhood as a political institution under state socialism and shows that a child’s disability permitted women to become politically disobedient subjects. Disability allowed women who were responsible for their children’s overcoming disability to make demands on the state and criticize it for the lack of sufficient accommodations and resources. At the same time, the article highlights the violence embedded in the relationship between a disabled son and his mother.
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10

Azoulay, Dan. "Winning Women for Socialism: The Ontario CCF and Women, 1947-1961." Labour / Le Travail 36 (1995): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143974.

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11

Misztal, Barbara A. "Migrant women in Australia." Journal of Intercultural Studies 12, no. 2 (January 1991): 15–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256868.1991.9963376.

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12

von Villiez, A. "The Emigration of Women Doctors from Germany under National Socialism." Social History of Medicine 22, no. 3 (November 24, 2009): 553–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/hkp101.

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13

Snowden, F. M. "Mosquitoes, Quinine and the Socialism of Italian Women 1900-1914." Past & Present 178, no. 1 (February 1, 2003): 176–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/178.1.176.

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14

Nugent, Christine. "Remembering, Reflecting, Reckoning: German Women and the Long Shadow of National Socialism." Oral History Review 45, no. 1 (April 1, 2018): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ohr/ohy002.

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15

Painter, Korbin. "Discrepant Oppression." Undergraduate Research Journal for the Humanities 1, no. 1 (September 1, 2016): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17161/1808.21409.

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This research focuses on the oppression and existence of lesbian women during the National Socialist period of German history. This research also places emphasis on the importance of incorporating a lens of gender and sexuality to the study of history. This research primarily draws upon the life stories of lesbian women collected by Claudia Schoppmann, a historian of German women. This research also draws upon National Socialist propaganda and government documents. Most prior scholarship on gender and sexuality under National Socialism and the Holocaust does not include the experiences and persecution of lesbian women at all. This lack of inclusion undermines the scholarship on gender and sexuality under National Socialism and the Holocaust and also contributes to the delegitimization and erasure of the existence and memory of lesbian women in history.
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16

Bucur, Maria. "Women and state socialism: failed promises and radical changes revisited." Nationalities Papers 44, no. 5 (September 2016): 847–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1169263.

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Imagine all history written as if all people, even women, mattered. Until a couple of decades ago, that was at most an aspiration for those of us working on East European history. Since then, however, and especially with the fall of Communism, feminist scholars have made significant inroads toward achieving this goal. This review essay reflects on the contributions made by five such studies that focus on different aspects of women's lives under state socialism in Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, the German Democratic Republic (GDR), Poland, and Romania. In one way or another, each author asks similar questions about the relationship between the Communist ideological emphasis on gender equality as a core moral value, on the one hand, and the policies and actions of these regimes with regard to women, on the other hand. Moreover, all studies focus on how women themselves participated in articulating, reacting to, and in some cases successfully challenging these policies. In short, they present us with excellent examples of how pertinent gender analysis is for understanding the most essential aspects of the history of Communism in Eastern Europe: how this authoritarian regime transformed individual identity and social relations.
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17

Gudac Dodić, Vera. "Gender Policies of the Yugoslav State in the Context of Socialism." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 199–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.3.gud.199-228.

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This paper examines official gender policies in the Yugoslav socialist context, primarily through the egalitarian socialist legislation, the prevailing discourse on the equality of men and women on which they relied, the projected values around which the social identity of women was constructed, the pillars recognized as central points of emancipation, but also through the means of their realization, the intertwining of gender policies and existing cultural practices as well as the (dis)continuity of female subordination in gender relations in socialist everyday life. In the same context, the paper discusses socialist women’s organizations, as well as the emergence of neo-feminism. The paper summarizes our previous research and draws on it, refers to other pertinent works and research, and documentation, shaping the picture of gender policies of the socialist Yugoslav state.
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18

Koehne, Samuel. "‘Never Forget That You Are a German’: Die Brücke, ‘Deutschtum’ and National Socialism in Interwar Australia." Australian Historical Studies 44, no. 1 (March 2013): 151–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2013.761586.

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19

Boxer, Marilyn J., and Susan K. Grogan. "French Socialism and Sexual Difference: Women and the New Society, 1803-44." American Historical Review 98, no. 2 (April 1993): 507. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166901.

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20

Levesque, Andree. "French Socialism and Sexual Difference: women and the new society, 1803-44." Women's History Review 3, no. 1 (March 1, 1994): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612029400200090.

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21

FIDELIS, MALGORZATA. "Pleasures and Perils of Socialist Modernity: New Scholarship on Post-War Eastern Europe." Contemporary European History 26, no. 3 (October 19, 2016): 533–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731600031x.

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What role did consumption, the mass media and popular culture play in post-war Eastern Europe? Did they help ‘normalise’ state socialism or rather inspire outlooks and desires incongruent with communist regimes’ goals? These questions are central to recent scholarship which has departed from conventional Cold War studies centred on narrowly-conceived political elites and modes of Soviet domination. Instead, using the lens of social and cultural history, scholars have turned to exploring Eastern European societies as independent subjects in their own right. Looking at workers, middle classes, women, tourists, hippies, shoppers, television audiences and other groups, this new body of work has questioned the impenetrability of the Iron Curtain and has highlighted Eastern European participation in broader European and global trends. Instead of enumerating failures of the socialist system from ‘economics of shortage’ to the depressing ‘greyness’ of apartment blocks, scholars now explore ‘pleasures in socialism’, including leisure, fashion and consumer culture. In place of preponderant societal resistance against the controlling state, they expose complex ways of appropriation, accommodation and identification with elements of state socialism by individuals and groups.
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22

Nicolescu, Gabriela. "From Border Fetishism to Tactical Socialism." East Central Europe 45, no. 2-3 (November 29, 2018): 279–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04502005.

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This article discusses the meeting point of two political systems with their distinctive value imprints on individuals’ everyday lives. It focuses on two stories of care, aesthetics and labor of Romanian women before the fall of the socialist regimes in Eastern Europe and in the first two decades after 1989. The first account comes from an expert, the head of the Union of National Cooperatives of Production (ucecom) during socialist Romania, the main producer of artizanat objects for export. She tells the story of the benefits of employment in state factories for women, and how socialist products were sold for Western markets in the 1970s and 1980s. The second account is of a former Romanian factory worker who after 1989 quit her job in Romania when state socialist factories were about to collapse and became a healthcare worker in Italy, for a larger salary and more stable employment. This second ethnographic example discusses migration for caregiver jobs in Italy as the transborder continuity of autonomy and employment practices that survived socialism. It is also a form of downward migration, where former state socialist professionals are paid as unskilled migrant workers. This article emphasizes the persistence of socialism in post-1989 practices and values embodied by people’s work habits not only in Eastern and Central Europe, but in unexpected places, such as southern Italy. This article applies the idea of “tactical socialism” as a strategy derived from a close analysis of work practices, with their positive accomplished effects, in contexts where jobs are distributed by the state and citizens feel protected.
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23

Khasanova, Shakhlo B. "FROM THE HISTORY OF EMANCIPATION OF UZBEK WOMEN OR THE "KHUDJUM" MOVEMENT." JOURNAL OF LOOK TO THE PAST 4, no. 10 (October 30, 2021): 45–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-9599-2021-10-19.

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The article reveals the essence of the policy of emancipation of Uzbek women pursued by the Soviet government, that is, emancipation (from the Latin emancipatio -freedom from dependence and subordination), measures taken to widely disseminate the ideas of Bolshevism. The policy of women's liberation, historically known as the Khujum movement, dealt a powerful blow not only to women's veils, but also to their national, religious traditions and spiritual values.Index Terms: Soviet power, Khudjum movement, Uzbek women, emancipation, socialism, burqa, Khudjum company
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24

Hilden, Patricia. "Re-Writing the History of Socialism: Working Women and the Parti Ouvrier Français." European History Quarterly 17, no. 3 (July 1987): 285–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569148701700302.

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25

Damousi, Joy. "‘Women—Keep Australia Free!’: Women Voters and Activists in the 1951 Referendum Campaign." Australian Historical Studies 44, no. 1 (March 2013): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2012.760630.

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26

Weitz, Eric D. "Women and Socialism/Socialism and Women: Europe Between the Two World Wars. Edited by Gruber Helmut and Graves Pamela. New York: Berghahn Books. 1998. Pp. xvi and 591. $85.00. ISBN 1-57181-151-6." Central European History 33, no. 4 (December 2000): 578–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900004179.

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27

Kaminsky, Lauren. "Utopian Visions of Family Life in the Stalin-Era Soviet Union." Central European History 44, no. 1 (March 2011): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910001184.

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Soviet socialism shared with its utopian socialist predecessors a critique of the conventional family and its household economy. Marx and Engels asserted that women's emancipation would follow the abolition of private property, allowing the family to be a union of individuals within which relations between the sexes would be “a purely private affair.” Building on this legacy, Lenin imagined a future when unpaid housework and child care would be replaced by communal dining rooms, nurseries, kindergartens, and other industries. The issue was so central to the revolutionary program that the Bolsheviks published decrees establishing civil marriage and divorce soon after the October Revolution, in December 1917. These first steps were intended to replace Russia's family laws with a new legal framework that would encourage more egalitarian sexual and social relations. A complete Code on Marriage, the Family, and Guardianship was ratified by the Central Executive Committee a year later, in October 1918. The code established a radical new doctrine based on individual rights and gender equality, but it also preserved marriage registration, alimony, child support, and other transitional provisions thought to be unnecessary after the triumph of socialism. Soviet debates about the relative merits of unfettered sexuality and the protection of women and children thus resonated with long-standing tensions in the history of socialism.
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28

McLachlan, Fiona, and Jennifer Curtin. "Introduction: Women, Sport and History in Australia and New Zealand." International Journal of the History of Sport 33, no. 17 (November 21, 2016): 2069–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2016.1368904.

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29

Sherlock, Peter. "‘Leave it to the Women’ The Exclusion of Women from Anglican Church Government in Australia." Australian Historical Studies 39, no. 3 (August 18, 2008): 288–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10314610802263299.

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30

Nattie, Golubov. "English ethical socialism: women writers, political ideas and the public sphere between the wars." Women's History Review 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020500200811.

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31

Golubov, Nattie. "English ethical socialism: women writers, political ideas and the public sphere between the wars." Women's History Review 14, no. 1 (March 2005): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020500200419.

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32

Hunt, Rebecca A., and Suzanne H. Schrems. "Who's Rocking the Cradle? Women Pioneers of Oklahoma Politics from Socialism to the KKK, 1900-1930." Western Historical Quarterly 37, no. 2 (July 1, 2006): 240. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25443359.

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33

Hong, Young-sun. "Cigarette Butts and the Building of Socialism in East Germany." Central European History 35, no. 3 (September 2002): 327–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691610260426489.

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Since the nineteenth century, cleanliness and hygiene have played an integral role in the construction of bourgeois subjectivity and notions of self-governance in Europe. Drawing on this reservoir of potential signification, the spread of a mass consumer society in the twentieth century has capitalized on commodified images of health, hygiene, and cleanliness, while the maintenance and representation of clean bodies for modern men and women became virtually inseparable from consumption. The Nazis both accelerated and gave a racial spin to the idea of a clean, healthy body as the symbol of racially superior, socially productive, and sexually virile Aryans. Whether commodified and sexualized under consumerism or channeled into a murderous project under the Nazis, hygienic and healthy bodies became the object of pleasure and a signifier of superior social and racial identity. When these considerations are taken into account, it is important to inquire into the problems faced by the founding fathers of the GDR with regard to questions of health and consumption. The vision of the socialist “New Man” and the ideal of pure and healthy living that were so frequently invoked in the early years of the GDR must be seen as attempts to forge a positive identity for the new socialist state while avoiding the twin ideological dangers posed by the memory of Nazi racial policies and the implicit connections made between health, consumption, and freedom in the pluralistic consumer society to the west.
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34

Weiss, Gillian, and Marjorie Theobald. "Knowing Women: Origins of Women's Education in Nineteenth-Century Australia." History of Education Quarterly 37, no. 2 (1997): 220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369369.

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35

Featherstone, Lisa. "Sexy Mamas? women, sexuality and reproduction in Australia in the 1940s." Australian Historical Studies 36, no. 126 (October 2005): 234–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10314610508682922.

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36

Russell, Penny, Marian Aveling, and Joy Damousi. "Stepping Out of History: Documents of Women at Work in Australia." Labour History, no. 62 (1992): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509120.

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37

Byrne, Liam. "Visions of the future: political labour’s temporality and socialist objectives in Britain and Australia, 1918–21." Historical Research 93, no. 261 (August 1, 2020): 503–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htaa004.

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Abstract This article is a comparative study of political temporality and the concept of the ‘future’ in British Labour and Australian Labor. It deepens knowledge of how Labo(u)r’s political culture has been forged through debates over socialism, focusing on the socialist objectives of 1918 and 1921. As a result, it allows an appreciation of phenomena such as the rise of Jeremy Corbyn and ‘Corbynism’. It is focused around a reading of the major conferences of each party, as sites of power negotiation, debate and ideological creation. These sources are complemented by an extensive reading of labour newspapers and pamphlets from both countries.
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38

Poynting, Scott. "The ‘Lost’ Girls: Muslim Young Women in Australia." Journal of Intercultural Studies 30, no. 4 (November 2009): 373–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256860903214123.

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39

Woollacott, Angela. "The Meanings of Protection: Women in Colonial and Colonizing Australia." Journal of Women's History 14, no. 4 (2003): 213–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2003.0017.

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40

McNICOL, EMMA. "The Significance of Socialism in Simone de Beauvoir’s Le Deuxième Sexe." Australian Journal of French Studies: Volume 59, Issue 3 59, no. 3 (July 1, 2022): 253–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/ajfs.2022.20.

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This article argues that overlooked socialist dimensions of Simone de Beauvoir’s 1949 Le Deuxième Sexe constitute a response to intersectional critiques of the text. While the Anglophone intersectional or diversity critique finds Beauvoir’s analysis in Le Deuxième Sexe to be exclusionary, specifically arguing that Beauvoir’s analysis does not conceive of the experience of women at the site of multiple forms of oppression, this essay contends that these critics overlook key passages in which Beauvoir engages Marx’s work. In these passages, Beauvoir (a) accounts for how class and gender intersect to produce a unique form of degradation for working-class women, (b) argues that women have a limited “class consciousness” and (c) endorses a working-class coalition through which workers come together across gender and racial lines. Ultimately I argue that Beauvoir’s use of Marx in Le Deuxième Sexe challenges analytic frameworks that emphasize identity difference on the basis of gender and race.
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41

Young, Christabel. "No Rising Generation. Women and Fertility in Late Nineteenth-Century Australia." Population Studies 45, no. 1 (March 1991): 177–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0032472031000145356.

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42

George, Margaret, and Pat Quiggin. "No Rising Generation: Women and Fertility in Late Nineteenth Century Australia." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 20, no. 4 (1990): 711. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204043.

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43

Gerrard, Jessica. "“Little Soldiers” for Socialism: Childhood and Socialist Politics in the British Socialist Sunday School Movement." International Review of Social History 58, no. 1 (February 7, 2013): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859012000806.

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AbstractThis paper examines the ways in which turn-of-the-century British socialists enacted socialism for children through the British Socialist Sunday School movement. It focuses in particular on the movement's emergence in the 1890s and the first three decades of operation. Situated amidst a growing international field of comparable socialist children's initiatives, socialist Sunday schools attempted to connect their local activity of children's education to the broader politics of international socialism. In this discussion I explore the attempt to make this connection, including the endeavour to transcend party differences in the creation of a non-partisan international children's socialist movement, the cooption of traditional Sunday school rituals, and the resolve to make socialist childhood cultures was the responsibility of both men and women. Defending their existence against criticism from conservative campaigners, the state, and sections of the left, socialist Sunday schools mobilized a complex and contested culture of socialist childhood.
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44

Whitehead, Kay. "Australian women educators’ internal exile and banishment in a centralised patriarchal state school system." Historia y Memoria de la Educación, no. 17 (December 18, 2022): 255–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/hme.17.2023.33121.

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This article explores Australian women teachers’ struggles for equality with men from the late nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century. While Australia purported to be a progressive democratic nation, centralised patriarchal state school systems relied on women teachers to fulfil the requirements of free, compulsory and secular schooling. This study focuses on the state of South Australia where women were enfranchised in 1894, far ahead of European countries. However, women teachers were subjected to internal exile in the state school system, and banished by the marriage bar. The article begins with the construction of the South Australian state school system in the late nineteenth century. The enforcement of the marriage bar created a differentiated profession of many young single women who taught prior to marriage; a few married women who required an income; and a cohort of senior single women who made teaching a life-long career and contested other forms of subordination to which all women teachers were subject. Led by the latter group, South Australian women teachers pursued equality in early twentieth century mixed teachers unions and post-suffrage women’s organisations; and established the Women Teachers Guild in 1937 to secure more equal conditions of employment. The paper concludes with the situation after World War Two when married women were re admitted to the state school system to resolve teacher shortages; and campaigns for equal pay gathered momentum. In South Australia, the marriage bar was eventually removed in 1972.
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45

Lake, Marilyn. "Women and Nation in Australia: The Politics of Representation." Australian Journal of Politics & History 43, no. 1 (June 28, 2008): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1997.tb01377.x.

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46

Piper, Alana Jayne, and Victoria Nagy. "Versatile Offending: Criminal Careers of Female Prisoners in Australia, 1860–1920." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 48, no. 2 (August 2017): 187–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01125.

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The use of longitudinal data from the criminal records of a sample of 6,042 female prisoners in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Victoria reveals limitations in the traditional method of examining criminality within specific offense categories. Investigations devoted exclusively to particular categories of women’s offenses potentially obscures the extent to which women resorted to multiple forms of offending. Such versatile activity challenges conceptions of women as predominantly petty offenders by suggesting that some women were arrested for minor offenses because of their engagement in more serious crimes and their participation in criminal sub-cultures.
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47

Zsófia Tóth, Eszter. "Shifting Identities in the Life Histories of Working-Class Women in Socialist Hungary." International Labor and Working-Class History 68 (October 2005): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905000207.

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This article explores how working-class women who belonged to the prize-winning Liberation Brigade of the Budapest Hosiery Factory in the 1970s represented their identities at different stages of their lives in oral-history interviews conducted with the author between 1998 and 2003. It argues that these identities had a deeply ambiguous relationship to those that the official discourse of the socialist era ascribed to them. Issues of consent, accommodation, and opposition are raised, which not only shaped identities under socialism, but continue to shape working-class memory of the period.
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48

Jarska, Natalia. "Female Breadwinners in State Socialism: The Value of Women's Work for Wages in Post-Stalinist Poland." Contemporary European History 28, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 469–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000201.

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AbstractThis article examines popular opinion about women's wage work in the late 1950s and early 1960s in Poland, using letters to institutions and sociological research from this period. It introduces the notion of female breadwinning as a useful category to describe the understanding of women's wage work under state socialism. Opinions on women's wage work varied, but all of them were based on gender assumptions. Women's and men's work were valued differently. Men's work had an indisputable, independent position. Women's work was evaluated in the context of family. Women could be breadwinners, but not equal to male ones; their wage work was perceived as secondary.
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49

Toffoletti, Kim, and Catherine Palmer. "Women and Sport in Australia—New Times?" Journal of Australian Studies 43, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443058.2019.1579081.

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50

Petričević, Paula. "How the Female Subject was Tempered. An Instructive History of 8 March and Its Media Representation in Naša Žena (Our Woman)." Comparative Southeast European Studies 69, no. 1 (April 16, 2021): 19–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-2001.

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Abstract The author explores the socialist emancipation of women in Montenegro during World War II and its aftermath, using the example of the 8 March celebrations. The social life of this ‘holiday of the struggle of all the women in the world’ speaks powerfully of the strength and fortitude involved in the mobilization of women during the war and during the postwar building of socialist Yugoslavia, as well as the sudden modernization and unprecedented political subjectivation of women. The emancipatory potential of these processes turned out to be limited in the later period of stabilization of Yugoslav state socialism and largely forgotten in the postsocialist period. The author argues that the political subjectivation of women needs to be thought anew, as a process that does not take place in a vacuum or outside of a certain ideological matrix, whether socialist or liberal.
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