Academic literature on the topic 'Women and politics'

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Journal articles on the topic "Women and politics"

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Rao, K. Samba Siva. "Women in Politics." Global Journal For Research Analysis 3, no. 8 (June 15, 2012): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778160/august2014/208.

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Reddy, E. Pratapa. "Women Empowerment in Politics." Global Journal For Research Analysis 3, no. 8 (June 15, 2012): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778160/august2014/195.

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Marhayani, Dina Anika. "THE PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN THE POLITICAL ARENA IN THE CITY OF SINGKAWANG." Jurnal PIPSI (Jurnal Pendidikan IPS Indonesia) 2, no. 1 (November 2, 2017): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.26737/jpipsi.v2i1.294.

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Political often a frightening specter especially for women. Election laws require women involved in politic by 30%, meaning that the state has given the opportunity for women to participate in politics. But in fact the involvement of women in politics, especially in Singkawang less than 30%. Least of the women involved in the political scene due to the patriarchal culture conditions that are not offset the ease of access of women in politics, especially in the legislature and the lack of education about the world of politics for women. This study will examine about constraints and strategies in achieving women's political participation with various literary journals. This study is expected to realize gender equality so remove discrimination between men and women
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서지영. "Emerging Subjects:Modern Media and Gender Politics." Women and History ll, no. 12 (June 2010): 189–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.22511/women..12.201006.189.

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Daulay, Harmona, and Rosmery Sabri. "Meritocracy and Analysis of Pierre Bourdieu in the Recruitment of Female Legislators in Medan and Deli Serdang." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT SCIENCE AND BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION 4, no. 2 (2018): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijmsba.1849-5664-5419.2014.42.1005.

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This study intends to find the current recruitment model for female members of legislative in the concept of meritocracy and the 30% female quota in parliament seat. The issue of money politic, dynasty politic, and woman quota are certainly far from the meritocracy concept that selected legislative members based on their skill and merit in politics. This research also intends to look at the capital in Pieere Bourdieu perversive also serve as an important tool for women legislative candidate to succeed in parliament. The intention of this research is to identify patterns in the current recruitment process in political parties as it relates to capital and the patriarchy system the permeate the world of women politics. This research uses a qualitative paradigm that utilizes the researcher as data miner through the in-depth interview with current women legislative members in Medan and Deli Serdang. Research indicates that there are 3 recruitment patterns for women legislative candidate; they are the close pattern, open pattern and semi-open pattern. Patriarchy system still dominant social political relationship politic experienced by women members of legislative. These conditions include stereotypes, double burden subordination, and marginalization. These gender issues can be seen as advantage or disadvantages for a woman in the political realm. Women members of legislative have several capitals which could be related to Bourdieu concepts such as economic capital, social capital, cultural capital and symbolic capital. Other than that, whether they habitus or not, they win the election. The combination of habitus and four capital of Bourdieu has influenced the existence and dynamics of women in politics (field).
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Ajala, Aderemi Suleiman, and Olarinmoye Adeyinka Wulemat. "FROM KITCHEN TO CORRIDOR OF POWER: YORUBA WOMEN BREAKING THROUGH PATRIARCHAL POLITICS IN SOUTH-WESTERN NIGERIA." Gender Questions 1, no. 1 (September 20, 2016): 58–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-8457/1545.

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Since the 1990s, a number of socio-cultural agencies have played a significant role in the rise of Yoruba women in civil politics. Amongst these are the increasing value of monogamy and women’s greater access to Western education; the culture of first ladies in government; and female socio-economic empowerment through paid labour. Despite their increasing participation, women are still marginalised in elective politics. Using the ethnographic methods of key informant interviews, observation and focus group discussions and a theoretical analysis of patriarchy, this article examines gender relations in Yoruba politics and in the nationalist movement in south-western Nigeria. The rise of Yoruba women in politics in south-western Nigeria is discussed, along with the factors influencing women’s participation in civil politics. The study concludes that patriarchal politics still exists in the Yoruba political system. Factors inhibiting the total collapse of patriarchal politics in south-western Nigeria include the nature of Yoruba politics; women being pitted against women in politics; gender stereotypes and household labour. Thus, to make Yoruba politics friendlier to all, it would be desirable to create more political openings for women.
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Vohlídalová, Marta, and Hana Maříková. "Who's Afraid of Women in Politics? Attitudes towards the Political Participation of Women." Gender a výzkum / Gender and Research 19, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 26–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/25706578.2018.19.1.404.

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Ogunbodede, Nife Elizabeth. "Making Women Count: an Appraisal of Women-centered Policies of Nigeria Political Parties." Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 8, no. 2(23) (September 5, 2023): 417–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2023.8.2.417.

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This article examines the effectiveness of various policies and strategies aimed at promoting women’s participation in politics in Nigeria, implemented by advocacy groups, international organizations, political parties, and the Nigerian government. Despite the legal right of women to engage in politics and governance, cultural beliefs have hindered their active involvement in politics, leading to inadequate representation of women in politics. By liberal feminist theory, the study evaluates women’s responses to these initiatives, the challenges encountered in implementing them, and how political parties can enhance their effectiveness. The article suggests that legislative reform is necessary to enable women to achieve equal status to men in society, which will boost women’s political participation. Furthermore, it argues that Nigeria’s political parties have not done enough to encourage women’s participation in politics. Hence, political parties should establish a welcoming and inclusive environment accommodating women’s needs. To achieve this, political parties should organize party meetings at convenient and accessible times and places for women, eliminate obstacles that impede women’s par-ticipation in politics, develop gender-sensitive training programs to enhance women’s confidence and skills, and establish mentoring programs to support potential women candidates in navigating the political landscape.
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Partini, NFN. "Women’s Political Participation in the Practice of Citizenship in Indonesia." Jurnal Perempuan 19, no. 2 (March 1, 2014): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v19i2.77.

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Women’s participation in politics is the manifestation of the citizenship right fulfillment. Women as well as vulnerable groups as citizens have the right to improve their existence in politics. The rights that attach to women as citizens hopefully can make them not only as the vote-getter or political parties’ participants but also as those being elected and exercise policy. Politic is genderless but politic system is constructed mostly by men. And women are lacking confidence within this culture of politic. It then deteriotes the stigma that women are unable and having no capacity to compete with men. Although women are legal citizens but the culture of politic is neither friendly to women nor conducive to feminine traits. The electoral process in citizenships system hopefully does not only create the man-represented view, but also a transformation process between the political party and the women platform.
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Nwapa, Flora. "Women in Politics." Présence Africaine 141, no. 1 (1987): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/presa.141.0115.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Women and politics"

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Loudes, C. M. H. "Increasing women's political representation : law into politics." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273116.

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Battista-Kerle, Maria. "Women and politics : a study of women trained in a political leadership setting /." Pittsburgh : University of Pittsburgh, 2007. http://etd.library.pitt.edu/ETD/available/etd-05142007-184221/unrestricted/Maria_ETD2007_final.pdf.

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Weston, Sarah Elizabeth. "Political voice as embodied performance : young women, politics and engagement." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/21546/.

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In this thesis I argue that a focus on the embodied voice can be used as a tool of political intervention. Specifically focusing on how young women engage politically, I explore to what extent voice training can help young women notice the relationship between physiological tensions in their voice and repressive social and political structures. Furthermore, I argue that voice training can support young women in creating political performances that resist these repressions. I identify that in both practices that engage young women in the political and in much applied theatre work the embodied voice is largely unconsidered. Instead these fields focus on voice in its metaphoric sense. I demonstrate the term ‘political voice’ must also consider the way the voice can be repressed or liberated physiologically. This is a theorisation of political voice drawing together the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu with the practices of voice technique. I designed and delivered a series of workshops with young women combining technique, drama exercises and political discussion, from which I draw several conclusions relevant to how we practice voice with young women. Firstly, voice training can be used to help young women understand the concept of habitus. This is important as I argue this is a process of political ‘noticing’, where young women can see that any perceived deficiencies in their voices are not the result of personal failure, but because of the ways in which the social has structured their voice. Secondly, voice training can help young people articulate these repressions and furthermore use the voice to vocalise against these repressions. This was clear in how aspects of the tensionless voice that my participants discovered through training manifested in how they represented political engagement in their devised performances. Accordingly, I argue that voice training is an act of political intervention.
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Xydias, Christina V. "Women Representing Women?: Pathways to Substantive Representation." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1269445382.

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au, kyliespear@optusnet com, and Kylie Murphy. "Bitch: The Politics of Angry Women." Murdoch University, 2002. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20040820.135459.

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‘Bitch: the Politics of Angry Women’ investigates the scholarly challenges and strengths in re theorising popular culture and feminism. It traces the connections and schisms between academic feminism and the feminism that punctuates popular culture. By tracing a series of specific bitch trajectories, this thesis accesses an archaeology of women’s battle to gain power. Feminism is a large and brawling paradigm that struggles to incorporate a diversity of feminist voices. This thesis joins the fight. It argues that feminism is partly constituted through popular cultural representations. The separation between the academy and popular culture is damaging theoretically and politically. Academic feminism needs to work with the popular, as opposed to undermining or dismissing its relevancy. Cultural studies provides the tools necessary to interpret popular modes of feminism. It allows a consideration of the discourses of race, gender, age and class that plait their way through any construction of feminism. I do not present an easy identity politics. These bitches refuse simple narratives. The chapters clash and interrogate one another, allowing difference its own space. I mine a series of sites for feminist meanings and potential, ranging across television, popular music, governmental politics, feminist books and journals, magazines and the popular press. The original contribution to knowledge that this thesis proffers is the refusal to demarcate between popular feminism and academic feminism. A new space is established in which to dialogue between the two.
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Stormont, Diane. "Hong Kong : politics, women and power /." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B24534432.

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Murphy, Kylie. "Bitch: the politics of angry women." Thesis, Murphy, Kylie (2002) Bitch: the politics of angry women. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/217/.

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'Bitch: the Politics of Angry Women' investigates the scholarly challenges and strengths in re theorising popular culture and feminism. It traces the connections and schisms between academic feminism and the feminism that punctuates popular culture. By tracing a series of specific bitch trajectories, this thesis accesses an archaeology of women?s battle to gain power. Feminism is a large and brawling paradigm that struggles to incorporate a diversity of feminist voices. This thesis joins the fight. It argues that feminism is partly constituted through popular cultural representations. The separation between the academy and popular culture is damaging theoretically and politically. Academic feminism needs to work with the popular, as opposed to undermining or dismissing its relevancy. Cultural studies provides the tools necessary to interpret popular modes of feminism. It allows a consideration of the discourses of race, gender, age and class that plait their way through any construction of feminism. I do not present an easy identity politics. These bitches refuse simple narratives. The chapters clash and interrogate one another, allowing difference its own space. I mine a series of sites for feminist meanings and potential, ranging across television, popular music, governmental politics, feminist books and journals, magazines and the popular press. The original contribution to knowledge that this thesis proffers is the refusal to demarcate between popular feminism and academic feminism. A new space is established in which to dialogue between the two.
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Murphy, Kylie. "Bitch : the politics of angry women /." Murphy, Kylie (2002) Bitch: the politics of angry women. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/217/.

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'Bitch: the Politics of Angry Women' investigates the scholarly challenges and strengths in re theorising popular culture and feminism. It traces the connections and schisms between academic feminism and the feminism that punctuates popular culture. By tracing a series of specific bitch trajectories, this thesis accesses an archaeology of women?s battle to gain power. Feminism is a large and brawling paradigm that struggles to incorporate a diversity of feminist voices. This thesis joins the fight. It argues that feminism is partly constituted through popular cultural representations. The separation between the academy and popular culture is damaging theoretically and politically. Academic feminism needs to work with the popular, as opposed to undermining or dismissing its relevancy. Cultural studies provides the tools necessary to interpret popular modes of feminism. It allows a consideration of the discourses of race, gender, age and class that plait their way through any construction of feminism. I do not present an easy identity politics. These bitches refuse simple narratives. The chapters clash and interrogate one another, allowing difference its own space. I mine a series of sites for feminist meanings and potential, ranging across television, popular music, governmental politics, feminist books and journals, magazines and the popular press. The original contribution to knowledge that this thesis proffers is the refusal to demarcate between popular feminism and academic feminism. A new space is established in which to dialogue between the two.
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Agarwala, Vidyawati. "Women and politics : a study of Indian women parliamentarians (1952-1996)." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/133.

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Rifai, Nurlena. "Muslim women in Indonesia's politics : an historical examination of the political career of Aisyah Aminy." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69679.

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This thesis deals with the political participation of Muslim women since the colonial period into the New Order period. It is a study of the Indonesian women's movement in its different trends: the roles of women in gaining and defending Indonesian independence as well as in Indonesia's politics in the Liberal Democracy, Guided Democracy, and New Order periods. It investigates the reasons for the relatively limited participation of women in politics. This low level of political participation is indicated by the ratio of women membership in the House of People's Representatives (DPR, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat), in the Consultative Assembly (MPR, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat), and in the central boards of political organizations. This thesis also focuses on the political career and discourse of Aisyah Aminy, and examines her involvement as a case study. The prominence of Aisyah Aminy lies in her ability to transcend the barriers which usually obstruct Muslim women from getting involved in politics.
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Books on the topic "Women and politics"

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Cott, Nancy F., ed. Women and Politics. Berlin, Boston: DE GRUYTER SAUR, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110971071.

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Cott, Nancy F., ed. Women and Politics. Berlin, Boston: DE GRUYTER SAUR, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110971088.

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Burrell, Barbara. Women and Politics. New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge series on identity politics: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315719535.

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Whitney, Sharon. Women in politics. New York: F. Watts, 1986.

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Randall, Vicky. Women and Politics. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18836-9.

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Babita, Shukla, ed. Women and politics. New Delhi, India: Serials Publications, 2009.

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1942-, Caudhurī Nājamā, and Women for Women (Organization : Bangladesh), eds. Women and politics. Dhaka: Women for Women, 1994.

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Julia, Varley, Aniksdal Geddy, and Gale Maggie B. 1963-, eds. Theatre women politics. Holstebro: Odin Teatret Forlag, 1998.

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Davis, Angela Y. Women, culture & politics. New York: Random House, 1989.

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Pandey, Sumana. Women in politics. Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Women and politics"

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Corrin, Chris. "Politics in Transition." In Magyar Women, 214–41. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23126-3_8.

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Burrell, Barbara. "“Doing Politics”." In Women and Politics, 113–31. New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge series on identity politics: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315719535-6.

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Galligan, Yvonne, and Fiona Buckley. "Women in politics." In Politics in the Republic of Ireland, 216–39. Sixth Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2018. | “First edition published by PSAI Press 1992”–T.p. verso. | “Fifth edition published by Routledge in association with PSAI Press 2010”–T.p. verso.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315652313-9.

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Maloiy, Lanoi. "Women in politics." In Elections, Violence and Transitional Justice in Africa, 78–98. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003129936-6.

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Galligan, Yvonne, and Fiona Buckley. "Women in politics." In Politics in the Republic of Ireland, 253–79. 7th ed. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003328476-11.

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Capern, Amanda. "Politics." In The Historical Study of Women, 149–95. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-09154-3_6.

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David, Deirdre. "Political Economy and Feminist Politics." In Intellectual Women and Victorian Patriarchy, 40–57. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18792-8_3.

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Downing, Lisa. "The politics of selfishness." In Selfish Women, 77–99. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429285349-4.

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Randall, Vicky. "How politics affects women." In Women and Politics, 157–206. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18836-9_5.

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Coxall, Bill. "Women, Inequality and Politics." In Contemporary British Politics, 449–59. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19867-2_22.

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Conference papers on the topic "Women and politics"

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Chaerowati, Dede Lilis, Nova Yuliati, and Mochamad Rochim. "Empowering Women in Politics through Women's Political Organization." In Proceedings of the Social and Humaniora Research Symposium (SoRes 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/sores-18.2019.46.

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Antanoviča, Agnija. "Sabiedrības viedokļa ietekme uz sieviešu politisko pārstāvniecību: Latvijas gadījums pasaules situācijas kontekstā." In LU Studentu zinātniskā konference "Mundus et". LU Akadēmiskais apgāds, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/lu.szk.2.rk.01.

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Women’s political representation is influenced by a number of different factors, including those belonging to political, socio-economic and cultural realms. The study analyses one of these factors – public opinion, which researchers classify into a group of cultural factors. While almost half of the world’s population believes that men are better political leaders than women, the median proportion of women in national parliaments in August 2020 on average is 25%. This suggests that women’s political representation may be related to low public support for women in politics. At the same time, although Latvian society in long-term prefers men in politics, there has been a rapid increase in the proportion of women in Latvian Parliament since elections of the 13th Saeima. The aim of the study is to establish whether the situation in Latvia resembles the general global and European Union tendencies, and if not, to identify the factors influencing the increase in the proportion of women in the Saeima. The study concludes that in the context of the world and the European Union, there is a correlation between public opinion on women in politics and the proportion of women in national parliaments. The case of Latvia could be considered a deviation from the norm. The rapid increase in the proportion of women in the 13th Saeima can be attributed to factors like the election of new political forces and a party representing the leftist values, as well as the increase in women’s activity in the labour market.
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"Role of Indian Muslim Women in Politics." In Budapest 2017 International Conferences. EAP, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.17758/eap.ed0917024.

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Para, Iulia. "WOMEN, POLITICS AND IMMORALITY IN ANCIENT ROME." In 6th SWS International Scientific Conference on Social Sciences ISCSS 2019. STEF92 Technology, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sws.iscss.2019.5/s18.039.

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Rakhmaniah, Aniek. "Women and Politics in Local Autonomy Era." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (IcoCSPA 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icocspa-17.2018.12.

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Sugiana, Astrid Meilasari, and Dianingtyas M. Putri. "INDONESIAN WOMEN’S PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS AND GOVERNANCE: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES." In International Conference on Future of Women. The International Institute of Knowledge Management (TIIKM), 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.17501/icfow.2018.1203.

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Bidwell, Nicola J. "Women and the Spatial Politics of Community Networks." In OZCHI'19: 31ST AUSTRALIAN CONFERENCE ON HUMAN-COMPUTER-INTERACTION. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3369457.3369474.

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Maria, Kalfa. "How does patriarchy prevent women from entering politics?" In 4th International Academic Conference on Humanities and Social Sciences. Acavent, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/4th.iachss.2020.09.223.

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Lestari, Puji, Muh Aris Munandar, and Wenny Dwika. "Modernization of Women in Politics in Semarang City." In 6th International Conference on Education & Social Sciences (ICESS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210918.050.

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Kollo, Fredik Lambertus, and Sunarso Sunarso. "Patriarchy Culture and Injustice for Women in Politics." In Proceedings of the Annual Civic Education Conference (ACEC 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/acec-18.2018.25.

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Reports on the topic "Women and politics"

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Roza, Vivian, and Mayra Buvinic. Women, Politics and Democratic Prospects in Latin America. Inter-American Development Bank, December 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008900.

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Over the last decade, Latin America has witnessed unprecedented gains of more than 50 percent in the number of women in power. This paper explains these gains and discusses factors that fuel and help forecast the continuing growth in women's political participation. The authors also explore the possible implications of this growth for the future conduct of democracy and the barriers women must overcome so that their share in the political ranks gets closer to their share in the population.
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Henderson, Nancy. British Aristocratic Women and Their Role in Politics, 1760-1860. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.6682.

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Miller, Jennifer. The Politics of Nazi Art: The Portrayal of Women in Nazi Painting. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.7033.

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Bado, Arsène Brice, and Brandon Kendhammer. Women, CBAGs, and the Politics of Security Supply & Demand in Côte d’Ivoire. RESOLVE Network, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/cbags2022.1.

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This study explores the drivers of participation and the roles women play within their communities in participating both formally and informally in community-based security groups. It seeks to understand how women are involved in community-based security groups by investigating and illustrating, among other things, their motivations and roles, the context, and the dynamics that underpin their participation in both the supply side and demand side of security provision. Based on extensive field research and an original dataset of interviews with a wide range of informal security actors, this research report offers two key findings to inform the work of policymakers and practitioners interested in security provision and peacebuilding. First, while women continue to engage directly and indirectly with community-based armed and informal security groups with a wide range of motivations, their overall place in the landscape of these groups is in flux, and those who participate bear social costs for doing so. Second, women’s influence in shaping the trajectory of community-based armed and security proving groups extends not just to their roles as suppliers of security (or insecurity, in the case of some groups), but as demanders of security. These complex dynamics point to the fact that women’s roles as participants, organizers, and mobilizers/legitimizers in CBAGs in ostensibly post-conflict settings like Côte d’Ivoire are no less complex than in overt conflict settings.
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Clarke, Roland. Postwar Reconstruction in Liberia: The Participation and Recognition of Women in Politics in Liberia. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.1038.

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Thomas, Jakana. Duty and Defiance: Women in Community-based Armed Groups in West Africa. RESOLVE Network, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/cbags2021.1.

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This desk report explores how West African community-based armed groups (CBAGs) facilitate women’s engagement with politics, create avenues for female expressions of anger, commitment to community values and national identity, and enable women to push for change in their communities by opening spaces for female participation. Assessing the formal and informal contributions women make to armed community mobilization and hybrid security reveals opportunities for gender-specific engagement and cautions that unidimensional considerations of where and how women intersect with conflict and security have the potential to undermine violence reduction and post-conflict peacebuilding efforts.
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Aggio, Carlos. 'Lady Leaders': The Case of Quotas for Women's Representation in Argentina. Inter-American Development Bank, July 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0006873.

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Argentina has taken steps to increase women's participation in politics. In 1991, it established that 30% of the candidate list for the Chamber of Deputies had to be women. As a consequence of the measure, the percentage of women deputies has increased from 5.44% in 1991/93 to 27% in 1995/97. At the same time, the country was under Menem's presidency that was considered to neglect democratic institution such as Parliament. The main aim of this paper is to answer the question: Does a quota system enhance women's participation in weak democracies? The main argument is given that the numeric increase of women has occurred in a weak and or neglected Parliament, the potential achievements of the initiatives has been neutralized. Additionally, the study argues that women have begun to make their voices heard in a political space that was traditionally controlled by men and this, in itself, constitutes a remarkable achievement.
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Tadros, Mariz, Sofya Shabab, and Amy Quinn-Graham. Violence and Discrimination Against Women of Religious Minority Backgrounds in Iraq. Institute of Development Studies, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2022.025.

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This volume is part of the Intersections series which explores how the intertwining of gender, religious marginality, socioeconomic exclusion and other factors shape the realities of women and men in contexts where religious inequalities are acute, and freedom of religion or belief is compromised. This volume looks at these intersections in the context of Iraq. Its aim is to amplify the voices of women (and men) whose experiences of religious otherisation have accentuated the impact of the intersections of gender, class, geography and ethnicity. At time of publication, in December 2022, the country is going through a particularly turbulent phase, prompting some to wonder why now? Isn’t it bad timing to focus on the experiences of minorities, let alone inter- and intra-gender dynamics? Iraq is caught in the middle of geo-strategic struggles of tectonic proportions but this is all the more reason to understand the dynamics of micro-politics through a gender-sensitive lens. Doing so sheds light on the interface between global, regional and local power struggles in tangible and concrete ways.
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Byrne, Maisie-Rose. Playing Politics with Periods: Why the Abolition of the ‘Tampon Tax’ is Spreading Across the World. Institute of Development Studies, May 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2023.025.

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From pet food to sunscreen, proposals to cut value-added tax (VAT) on a range of products and services are ever increasing. One of the best-known and far-reaching campaigns of this type has been the fight to abolish VAT on feminine hygiene products. More popularly known as the ‘tampon tax’, this issue has united campaigners from across to globe, contributing to policymakers in up to 25 countries removing or reducing taxes on menstrual products since Kenya’s landmark decision in 2004. Framed through a simple and evocative lens of fairness and equality, the campaign to end the ‘tampon tax’ has caught the attention of the public, press and policymakers alike, catapulting the oft-taboo issue of menstrual health to the top of the political agenda. Whilst social, economic, and menstrual health contexts vary per adopting country, the core message of the political announcements has stayed the same: abolishing the ‘tampon tax’ will address gender equality by resulting in more accessible and affordable menstrual products for women and girls.
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Nazneen, Sohela. Women’s Leadership and Political Agency in Fragile Polities. Institute of Development Studies, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2022.046.

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Recent evidence from Afghanistan shows that even in the most difficult contexts, women will still protest for their rights. This paper draws on evidence from the Action for Empowerment and Accountability (A4EA) research programme to show how women express their political agency and activism and seek accountability in repressive contexts. A4EA research looked at cases of women-led protest in Egypt, Mozambique, Nigeria, and Pakistan, and explored women’s political participation in Nigeria and Pakistan. The research shows that despite some success in claim-making on specific issues, ‘sticky norms’ and male gatekeeping prevail and govern women’s access to public space and mediate their voice in these contexts. The paper concludes by calling on donors to go beyond blueprints in programming, and to work in agile and creative ways to support women’s rights organising.
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