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Journal articles on the topic 'Women's rights – Italy – History'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Souillard, Sasha. "La Rivoluzione Macchiata: The Stained Revolution." Interdependent: Journal of Undergraduate Research in Global Studies 2 (2021): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33682/nv4g-se2u.

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Although graffiti gained popularity through the expansion of American pop culture, its origins are greatly embedded in Italian culture and history. Not only does the word graffiti come from the Italian word "graffiato" or "scratched "off", but some of the world's first graffiti was found in Pompeii's ruins. Over the last few years, Italy has been governed by right-wing coalitions that have implemented fascist practices once used by Mussolini. Given that there is little space for leftist ideas to emerge in the public space, Italians have used graffiti as a form of political activism and protest. Conversations surrounding fascism, racism, women's rights, immigration and the LGTBQ community have arisen within graffiti, allowing outsiders to better understand Italians' takes on these issues. This study investigates Italy's sociopolitical climate through graffiti as a form of art, and also sheds light on how graffiti provokes its audience. The graffiti found in Florence, Bologna, and Naples proves to be linguistically complex, and provokes observers both through heightened language and visuals. This study suggests that the majority of Italian sociopolitical graffiti belongs to students who are unable to take part in democracy based on their age or legal status. While often deemed a vandalistic act, graffiti has allowed Italian individuals to protest what is unjust, and make themselves heard in a society where their voices are being suffocated by right-wing political parties and their media.

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2

Natale, Anna Lucia. "Radio programming by and for women in Italy in the 1970s: The case of Noi, voi, loro donna." Journal of Italian Cinema & Media Studies 11, no. 2 (March 1, 2023): 369–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jicms_00184_1.

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This article explores the medium of radio as a vehicle for female empowerment from a cultural-historical perspective. It focuses on programmes by and for women on Italian public radio in the 1970s, at the height of second-wave feminism. In keeping with a constructionist approach that enhances the innovative potential of media, and recognizing radio as a source for women’s history, the article aims to identify the ways and goals by which radio speaks about women and addresses women. Following a case study methodology that focuses on the programme Noi, voi, loro donna (‘We, you, they woman’) (1978–82, Radio Tre), the article highlights the radio’s commitment for women’s rights: it offered a space for women-led discussion on women’s issues; it spread knowledge, reflections and analyses about gender inequalities and feminism; and thereby it provided women with the cognitive tools to acquire self-awareness, become familiar with new ideas and behaviours and redefine their identities.

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3

Dunphy, Richard. "Review article: Gender and sexuality in Ireland." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 124 (November 1999): 549–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014413.

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Recent years have witnessed a very welcome flourishing of historical and political research on the questions of gender and sexuality in Irish history and Irish society. In particular, the shameful lack (until the publication in 1978 of MacCurtain and Ó Corráin’s pioneering collection of essays) of historical studies of women’s changing roles within, and contributions to, Irish society is now being remedied. No longer can it be said that Irish women are entirely ‘hidden from history’ (to borrow the title of Sheila Rowbotham’s famous 1973 book), although some lacunae in the literature are still noticeable — for example, the problem of lesbian invisibility remains. That said, the present selection of works is impressive in the range of issues, themes and theoretical perspectives it covers. Given that gender and sexuality have featured prominently on the political agenda of the Republic of Ireland since at least the early 1980s, these publications are both timely and much needed.The first title reviewed here, Mary O’Dowd and Sabine Wichert’s Chattel, servant or citizen, is not specifically concerned with Ireland but has a much broader scope. Based on the proceedings of the twenty-first Irish Conference of Historians, it includes essays examining women’s status in Italy, Britain, France, Canada, Poland and the U.S.A., as well as several comparative essays. Among the essays with a specifically Irish theme are three in particular which deserve to be singled out.Donnchadh Ó Corráin’s essay on ‘Women and the law in early Ireland’ makes use of Latin and vernacular legal tracts, contemporary genealogies and (to a lesser extent) vernacular literature to explore themes which include marriage, rights and responsibilities in relation to children, rights of inheritance, and sexual violence against women. Máirín Ní Dhonnchadha singles out the Law of Adomnán of A.D. 697 as a landmark in the written history of women in Ireland. Named after the abbot of Iona and scholar, it is ‘the earliest surviving law concerned primarily with [women’s] welfare, and very probably the first law with this focus to have been enacted in the country’.

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4

Cott, Nancy. "Women's Rights Talk." American Studies in Scandinavia 32, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v32i1.1483.

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5

Dazhao, Li. "The Modern Women's Rights Movement." Chinese Studies in History 31, no. 2 (December 1997): 24–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/csh0009-4633310224.

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6

Newman, Louise M., and Ellen Carol DuBois. "Woman Suffrage and Women's Rights." Journal of American History 88, no. 1 (June 2001): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674975.

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7

DuBois, E. C. "Making Women's History: Activist Historians of Women's Rights, 1880-1940." Radical History Review 1991, no. 49 (January 1, 1991): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-1991-49-61.

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8

Panizza (book editor), Letizia, Sharon Wood (book editor), and Patrizia Bettella (review author). "A History of Women's Writing in Italy." Quaderni d'italianistica 22, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 169–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v22i1.9360.

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9

Salsini, Laura A., Letizia Panizza, and Sharon Wood. "A History of Women's Writing in Italy." Italica 79, no. 2 (2002): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3655998.

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10

O'Rawe, Catherine. "Book Review: Women's hIstory and Postwar Italy." European Journal of Women's Studies 16, no. 1 (February 2009): 87–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13505068090160010603.

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11

Footitt, Hilary. "women's Rights and women's Lives in France, 1944-1968." Women's History Review 4, no. 3 (September 1, 1995): 401–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612029500200169.

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12

Fiume, Giovanna. "Women's History and Gender History: The Italian Experience." Modern Italy 10, no. 2 (November 2005): 207–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940500284291.

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SummarySince the early nineteenth century political opposition became a central concept of political representation in constitutional monarchies. While this concept marked the political language of unified Italy on the national level, in local administration the legitimacy of political opposition remained an issue of dispute, as illustrated in this analysis of the political language in Bologna's city council. Local perceptions of national events, like Garibaldi's unsuccessful Mentana-campaign, assumed a significant symbolic meaning and challenged traditional understandings of local administration by introducing notions of political opposition. In Bologna, the second city of the former Papal State, the Moderates were able to form a political hegemony after the Unification of Italy and remained the predominant political force also after the parliamentary revolution of 1876 and the electoral reforms of the 1880s. Due to its limited influence on the local administration, Bologna's Left defined its ideological profile earlier and more clearly than the Left in other parts of Italy and integrated issues of national importance into local political discourse. Illustrating the relationship between central administration and the periphery, the article analyses the development of political language and changing meanings of political representation on the local level between Unification and World War One.

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13

Thane, Pat. "Aspects of Women's History." Contemporary European History 3, no. 2 (July 1994): 231–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000795.

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The first volume under review is the outcome of a five-day conference held in Italy in July 1989. It was the first gathering of representatives of national historians’ associations affiliated to the International Federation for Research in Women's History/Federation International pour la Recherche de l'Histoire des Femmes (IFR WH/FIRHF), or rather of those associations which could afford to send representatives. IFR WH/FIRHF is an Internal Commission of the International Committee of the Historical Sciences. Its purpose, obviously, is to promote the serious study of women in history and the role of women within the profession.

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14

Dudden, Faye E. "Women's Rights Advocates and Abortion Laws." Journal of Women's History 31, no. 3 (2019): 102–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2019.0029.

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15

De Giorgio, Michela. "Women's history in Italy (nineteenth and twentieth centuries)." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 1, no. 3 (June 1996): 413–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545719608454929.

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16

Rose, Sonya O. "Women's Rights, Women's Obligations: Contradictions of Citizenship in World War II Britain." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 7, no. 2 (August 2000): 277–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713666747.

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17

Burnett, Margaret, Kelcey Winchar, and Adelicia Yu. "A HISTORY OF WOMEN'S REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS IN CANADA." Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology Canada 41, no. 5 (May 2019): 713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jogc.2019.02.170.

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18

Thompson, Lauren Macivor. "“The Reasonable (Wo)man”: Physicians, Freedom of Contract, and Women's Rights, 1870–1930." Law and History Review 36, no. 4 (November 2018): 771–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073824801800041x.

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This article examines how ideals of contract freedom within the women's rights movement challenged medical and medical jurisprudence theories about women between 1870 and 1930. Throughout this period, medicine linked women's intellectual incapacity with problems rooted in their physical bodies. Doctors opined that reproductive diseases and conditions of pregnancy, childbirth, menstruation, and menopause rendered women disabled, irrational, and inherently dependent. Yet at the same moment, the elimination of the legal disability of coverture, and new laws that expanded women's property and earnings rights contributed to changing perceptions of women's public roles. Courts applied far more liberal understandings of sanity and rationality in property and contract cases, even when the legal actors were women. Seizing this opportunity, reformers made powerful arguments against doctors' ideas of women's “natural” mental weakness, pointing out that the growing rights to contract and transact illustrated women's rationalism and competency for full citizenship. Most significantly, these activists insisted that these rights indicated women's right to total bodily freedom—a concept that would become crucially important in the early birth control movement.

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19

Anderson, T. H. "Focus on civil rights; Vietnam; women's liberation." OAH Magazine of History 1, no. 1 (May 1, 1985): 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/1.1.11.

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20

Clement, D. ""I Believe in Human Rights, Not Women's Rights": Women and the Human Rights State, 1969 - 1984." Radical History Review 2008, no. 101 (April 1, 2008): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-2007-040.

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21

Nandi, Raka. "Enslaved Daughters: colonialism, law and women's rights." Women's History Review 10, no. 1 (March 1, 2001): 145–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020100200551.

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22

Sperling, Jutta. "Dowry or Inheritance? Kinship, Property, And Women's Agency in Lisbon, Venice, and Florence (1572)." Journal of Early Modern History 11, no. 3 (2007): 197–238. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006507781147470.

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AbstractThe marital property regimes, inheritance practices, and kinship structures of Renaissance Italy and early modern Portugal were at opposite ends of a spectrum. In Italy, the legitimacy of marriage was defined as the outcome of dowry exchange governed by exclusio propter dotem, thus conceptually linked to the disinheritance of daughters and wives. In Portugal, where the Roman principle of equal inheritance was never abolished, domestic unions qualified as marriages insofar as joint ownership was established. Kinship structures were rigidly agnatic in Italy, but cognatic, even residually matrilineal, in Portugal. An investigation of notarial records from Lisbon, Venice, and Florence shows how women's capacity for full legal agency as property owners in both societies differed. Female legal agency, however, whether measured by women's capacity to engage in property transactions independently of their marital status (Portugal), or as the manipulation of limited legal resources, even resistance against a system of dispossession (Italy), always unfolded within the context of larger agendas that were beyond women's control, such as the processes of state formation in medieval Italy and empire-building in Portugal.

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23

Natiq qızı Bağırova, Zeynəb. "Women's rights as part of human rights." ANCIENT LAND 14, no. 8 (August 26, 2022): 52–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2706-6185/14/52-55.

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İnsan hüquqları dedikdə, dinindən, dilindən, irqindən, cinsindən və etnik mənsubiyyətindən asılı olmayaraq, dünyadakı bütün insanların sadəcə insan olduqları üçün istifadə etdikləri hüquq və azadlıqlar başa düşülür. İnsan hüquqlarının bir hissəsi olaraq qadın hüquqları uğrunda mübarizə 1789-cu il Fransa İnqilabından sonra başladı. Tarixdə ilk dəfə olaraq qadınlar 1791-ci ildə öz Qadın və Mülki Hüquqları Bəyannaməsini nəşr etdilər. Oktyabrın 24-də BMT Nizamnaməsinin qəbulu ilə 1945-ci ildə müasir insan hüquqları rəsmiləşdi. Xüsusən də Nizamnamənin preambulasında insan hüquqlarının müdafiəsinin Birləşmiş Millətlər Təşkilatının əsas məqsədlərindən biri olduğu bildirilir və eyni zamanda kişi və qadınların bərabərliyi məsələsinə toxunulur. Dünyanın bir çox yerində qadın hüquqlarının əhəmiyyət kəsb etmədiyi bir vaxtda qadın hüquqlarına bu cür yanaşma çox vacib hesab olunurdu. 1945-ci ildə Birləşmiş Millətlər Təşkilatının yaradılmasından sonra qadın bərabərliyini təmin edən daxili orqanın yaradılması əsas məsələlərdən biri oldu. Buna görə də 1946-cı ildə BMT-nin tərkibində İnsan Hüquqları Komissiyası və Qadının Statusu üzrə Komissiya yaradıldı. Daha sonra 1979-cu ildə o dövr üçün böyük əhəmiyyət kəsb edən və müstəsna olaraq qadın hüquqlarının müdafiəsi ilə bağlı olan Qadınlara qarşı ayrı-seçkiliyin bütün formalarının ləğv edilməsi haqqında Konvensiya (CEDAW) qəbul edildi. CEDAW Konvensiyasını digər beynəlxalq sənədlərdən fərqləndirən əsas xüsusiyyət ondan ibarət idi ki, digər sənədlərdə ümumilikdə bütün insanlara təminat verilən mülki, siyasi, iqtisadi, sosial və mədəni hüquqların hər biri qadınlar üçün nəzərdə tutulmuşdur. Bəyannamənin iştirakçısı olan dövlətlər qadınları bu cür zorakılıq hərəkətlərindən qorumağa və zorakılığa məruz qalmış qadınlara belə zorakılığın qarşısını almaq üçün lazımi şərait yaratmağa borcludurlar. Ailə münasibətləri də daxil olmaqla, zorakılığın bütün formalarından uzaq yaşamaq hər bir qadının və qızın əsas insan hüququdur. Açar sözlər: İnsan hüquqları, Qadın hüquqları, CEDAW bəyannaməsi, Gender bərabərliyi, BMT Zeynab Natig Baghirova Women's rights as part of human rights Abstract Human rights mean the rights and freedoms that all people in the world, regardless of religion, language, race, gender or ethnicity, enjoy simply because they are human. As part of human rights, the struggle for women's rights began after the French Revolution of 1789. For the first time in history, women published their own Declaration of Women's and Civil Rights in 1791. With the adoption of the UN Charter on October 24, 1945, modern human rights became official. In particular, the preamble to the Charter states that the protection of human rights is one of the main goals of the United Nations, and also addresses the issue of equality between men and women. In many parts of the world, this approach to women's rights was considered very important at a time when women's rights were not important. After the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, one of the key issues was the establishment of an internal body to ensure women's equality. Therefore, in 1946, the Commission on Human Rights and the Commission on the Status of Women were established within the UN. Then, in 1979, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was adopted, which was of great importance for that period and dealt exclusively with the protection of women's rights. The main feature that distinguished the CEDAW Convention from other international documents was that in other documents, each of the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights guaranteed to all people in general was intended for women. The States Parties to the Declaration are obliged to protect women from such acts of violence and to provide the necessary conditions for women who have been subjected to such violence to avoid such violence. Living away from all forms of violence, including family relationships, is a fundamental human right of every woman and girl. Keywords: Human rights, Women rights, CEDAW convention, Gender equality, UN

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24

Cherry, Natalya. "Nevertheless: American Methodists and Women's Rights." Wesley and Methodist Studies 14, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 110–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/weslmethstud.14.1.0110.

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25

Spring, Eileen. "Child Custody and the Decline of Women's Rights." Law and History Review 17, no. 2 (1999): 315–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/744014.

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Wright's article has two themes running through it: a discussion of the meaning of De Manneville and a history of custody in England from medieval times onward set against historians' theories of family development. Comment on her article then is best divided into two parts. I begin with her wide-ranging history, for here she makes an indisputable contribution to women's history that needs only notice and emphasis.

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26

Obeidat, Marwan M. "U.S. Foreign Policy and Muslim Women's Human Rights." Journal of American History 105, no. 3 (December 1, 2018): 644–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jay293.

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27

Engel, Barbara Alpern. "Women's Rights á la Russe." Russian Review 58, no. 3 (July 1999): 355–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0036-0341.00078.

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28

Koolaee, Elaheh. "Iranian Women from Private Sphere to Public Sphere, With Focus on Parliament." Iran and the Caucasus 13, no. 2 (2009): 401–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338410x12625876281587.

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AbstractWomen in Iran have gained unprecedented experiences in the course of their fight for democracy and human rights. In the Pahlavi era, the modernisation model was based on Western patterns. With the Islamic Revolution, a new generation of Iranian women emerged in social arenas. Ayatollah Khomeini always emphasised women's prominent and important role in social life. His views shed light on potentials for women's rights, but the obstacle of old cultural and historical attitudes have made these ideas difficult to actualise. The weakness of civil organisations, including women's political and non-political organisations, has seriously affected the outcomes. Although a reformist government and the reinforcement of governmental institutions concerned with women's affairs can play a part in improving the situation of women, women's civil society organisations can assume responsibilities at social levels in order to complement the role of the representatives. The author discusses the process of women's entrance in the public sphere and efforts by the 6th parliament to protect their rights.

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29

GRIFFIN, BEN. "CLASS, GENDER, AND LIBERALISM IN PARLIAMENT, 1868–1882: THE CASE OF THE MARRIED WOMEN'S PROPERTY ACTS." Historical Journal 46, no. 1 (March 2003): 59–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002844.

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The class and gender identities created by male politicians are vital to a proper understanding of how and why parliament increased women's legal rights in the nineteenth century. An examination of the parliamentary debates on the Married Women's Property Acts of 1870 and 1882 reveals that it is misleading to divide men into supporters and opponents of women's rights, because even some of those who supported the most radical reform did so in the belief that the gender hierarchy should be left intact. At the same time, politicians were reluctant to accept that their own homes should be affected by changes to women's rights, both because they feared that these changes would reduce their domestic authority and create discord in their homes, and because they did not think that the critique of male behaviour which justified the reforms should apply to them or their class. Their ability to confine both charges of abuse and the effects of the acts to the poor was essential to the successful passage of the Married Women's Property Acts. Rather than see this as the defeat of a liberal individualist vision, it was in fact the victory of an alternative strand of Victorian liberalism.

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Mojdeh, Pouryazdankhah. "WOMEN'S HEALTH RIGHTS IN UKRAINE." Journal of V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University, Series "Law", no. 32 (December 27, 2021): 89–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2075-1834-2021-32-13.

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Introduction: Women’s health, due to their biological characteristics and fertility function, as well as their role, their focus on family and community health care is different from that of men and is of particular importance. According to the World Health Organization, women are at greater risk of poverty, hunger and malnutrition due to their diverse roles in the family and society, which undergo various physiological courses such as puberty, menstruation, pregnancy, childbirth and menopause. And sex discrimination is a high-risk group. Women's health is vulnerable for various reasons, and in addition to biological features, the impact of cultural, social, economic and political factors. The first condition for a healthy and dynamic society and health is stability and strengthening the family, and women guarantee health and strengthening family. The family is the foundation and cornerstone of the social institution, given that the upbringing of the next generation is the responsibility of women. Dynamics is the result of the existence of healthy and knowledgeable women, which shows the importance of women's right to health. Unfortunately, despite international, regional organizations and groups working on women's rights, we still see discrimination and lack of access to women's rights today, and this lack of access seems to be due to ignorance and recognition of women's rights and lack of state support. in practice to facilitate women's access to health. Women's health is very vulnerable in most countries, and this is considered to be one of the features of the development of countries, with the main emphasis on promoting and strengthening the role of women in achieving good health and promoting their position in the system. Women develop education and a culture of health. Women Both recipients and main health care providers are part of the health care system and, in part, make up a large proportion of health care providers in the formal health care sector. This article examines the state of health rights in Ukraine, the history of women's health rights, laws on women's health care since Ukraine's independence, current laws on the advancement of women, and all international and global partnerships to promote health. women.

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Ann Tétreault, Mary. "Women's Rights in Kuwait: Bringing in the Last Bedouins?" Current History 99, no. 633 (January 1, 2000): 27–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2000.99.633.27.

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The defeat [of legislation that would grant women political rights] is a stark measure of the distrust that pervades government–parliament relations, and of the inability of Kuwaiti governing institutions to rise above patterns of conflictthat have poisoned national political life for many years.

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32

Kamp, Marianne. "The Soviet Legacy and Women's Rights in Central Asia." Current History 115, no. 783 (October 1, 2016): 270–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2016.115.783.270.

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While Soviet efforts to promote gender equality are not openly celebrated, the idea planted in the region during that now-disdained era—that men and women should be equal under the law—is still holding fast.

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33

Molony, Barbara. "Women's Rights, Feminism, and Suffragism in Japan, 1870-1925." Pacific Historical Review 69, no. 4 (November 1, 2000): 639–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3641228.

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34

MacGregor, Molly Murphy. "Living the Legacy of the Women's Rights Movement." Public Historian 21, no. 2 (1999): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3379288.

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35

PREST, W. R. "LAW AND WOMEN'S RIGHTS IN EARLY MODERN ENGLAND." Seventeenth Century 6, no. 2 (September 1991): 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.1991.10555325.

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36

Ramdas, Kavita. "Feminists and Fundamentalists." Current History 105, no. 689 (March 1, 2006): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2006.105.689.099.

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Reassertions of an idealized past and a restored ‘women's place’ are occurring, from Kabul to Cambridge, at a time when the international community has concurred that women's rights are a global good.

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McCammon, Holly J., Sandra C. Arch, and Erin M. Bergner. "A Radical Demand Effect: Early US Feminists and the Married Women's Property Acts." Social Science History 38, no. 1-2 (2014): 221–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.17.

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Numerous scholars consider the economic origins of the late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century US married women's property acts. Researchers investigate how economic downturns and women's inroads into business spurred lawmakers to reform property laws to give married women the right to own separate property. Such economic explanations, however, are only a partial story. Our investigation reveals the important role of women's collective activism in winning these legal changes. Women mobilized for property rights often as they pressed for voting rights and, in one case, as they campaigned for an equal rights amendment. We examine circumstances leading to passage of married women's property acts in seven states to show that as women mobilized for property rights alongside voting rights or a broader equal rights law, a radical demand effect unfolded. Lawmakers often considered demands for woman suffrage or an equal rights amendment as more far-reaching and thus more radical and threatening. Such feminist demands, then, provided a foil for property-rights activism, and the contrast led lawmakers to view property demands as more moderate. In addition, as they pressed for these combined reforms, women often engaged in hybrid framing that allowed them to moderate their demand for property reforms by linking their property goals to beliefs already widely accepted. The confluence of these circumstances led political leaders to deem property changes as more moderate and acceptable in an effort to steer feminists away from their radical goals. In the end, the radical demand effect created a political opportunity for passage of the married women's property acts.

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Caracausi, A. "Beaten Children and Women's Work in Early Modern Italy." Past & Present 222, no. 1 (January 4, 2014): 95–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtt043.

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Chatfield, Sara. "Married Women's Economic Rights Reform in State Legislatures and Courts, 1839–1920." Studies in American Political Development 32, no. 2 (October 2018): 236–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x18000147.

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Beginning in 1839 and continuing through the early twentieth century, the American states passed laws expanding married women's economic rights, including the right to own property and sign contracts. In almost every state, these significant legal changes took place before women had the right to vote. I argue that married women's economic rights reform is best understood as a piecemeal, iterative process in which multiple state-level institutions interacted over time. This rights expansion often occurred as a by-product of male political actors pursuing issues largely unrelated to gender—such as debt relief and commercial development—combined with paternalistic views of women as needing protection from the state. State courts played a crucial role by making evident the contradictions inherent in vague and inconsistent legal reforms. Ultimately, male political actors liberalized married women's economic rights to the extent that they thought it was necessary to allow for the development of efficient and workable property rights in a commercial economy, leaving women's place in the economy partially but not fully liberalized.

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Gonzalez, Charity Coker. "Agitating for Their Rights: The Colombian Women's Movement, 1930-1957." Pacific Historical Review 69, no. 4 (November 1, 2000): 689–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3641230.

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Kalchenko, A. P., V. G. Abashin, and Y. V. Tsvelev. "On the history of higher medical education for women in Russia." Journal of obstetrics and women's diseases 53, no. 3 (September 15, 2004): 55–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/jowd88177.

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The history of women's medical education and the use of women's labor in the public service in Russia is essentially a history of women's struggle for equality, the opportunity to receive education and access to skilled labor. Education was seen as a guarantee of participation in the expected reform of society, as a form of emancipation and the conquest of civil rights.

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Nguyen Thi, Bich. "History of women: research on the uniqual legal location of American women in modern history (XVI - XIX century)." Journal of Science Social Science 66, no. 2 (May 2021): 169–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18173/2354-1067.2021-0037.

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Today, the values of human rights, civil rights and especially the issue of gender equality (men and women equal rights) have become an urgent and decisive requirement for social progress. However, throughout the centuries, women's legal discrimination has been a historically common phenomenon on a global scale. Even in a country as proud of its democratic traditions as the United States, women are considered “second-class” citizens and their contributions seem to “disappear” in history. It was not until the 1960s - 1970s, under the influence of the Civil Rights Revolution, that the study of American women's history as an independent field attracted the attention of scholars. Within the scope of the article, the author focuses on analyzing two main issues: understanding the “second-class” status of American women in legal terms and trying to explain what causes inequality to exist. world in such a persistent way throughout the modern period (16th - 19th centuries) in the history of this country. From there, it helps readers to systematically and objectively view the efforts of American women in the struggle for their legal citizenship later.

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Akhmetova, Elmira. "Women's Rights: The Qur'anic Ideals and Contemporary Realities." ICR Journal 6, no. 1 (January 15, 2015): 58–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v6i1.356.

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This article is a study of the rights of women in Islam in comparison with the status of women in the contemporary Muslim world. Men and women in Islam, regardless of their age, social class and education, are equal as citizens and individuals, but not identical, in their rights and responsibilities. It suggests that, in the early age of Islam, women were given full confidence, trust and high responsibilities in leadership, educational guidance and decision-making. But this Islamic empowerment of women bears little relation to the real condition of women in modern Muslim societies. Women suffer the most in the MENA and other conflict-ridden regions from insecurity, domestic abuse, low access to education and medical care. The absence of good governance also results in gender inequality and violation of the rights of women. Without good governance, the status of women is not likely to improve. Muslim women have a potential to play a fundamental role in curbing corruption, social ills, violence and crime in the Muslim world. Therefore, in order to achieve stability and prosperity, the government must ensure a platform for women to participate in decision-making and benefit from the rights they are accorded in Islam.

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Moghadam, Valentine M. "How Women Helped Shape Tunisia's Revolution and Democratic Transition." Current History 118, no. 812 (December 1, 2019): 331–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2019.118.812.331.

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Baker, Jean H. "Getting Right with Women's Suffrage." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 5, no. 1 (January 2006): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153778140000284x.

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My title is a gloss from Everett Dirksen, the long-time, now-deceased U.S. senator from Illinois who encouraged his party “to get right with Abraham Lincoln.” As Republicans drifted away from acknowledging their partisan connection to the sixteenth president, Dirksen appreciated how Lincoln could serve as an invigorating, unifying theme for Republicans in the post-Civil Rights Era. The analogy, of course, is that suffrage history has been similarly marginalized, submerged even within the limited space given to women's history by attention to Progressive Era associations and service groups such as the General Federation of Women's Clubs, the PTA, women's literary clubs, as well as the settlement house movement and the Women's National Republican Club.

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Donert, C. "Women's Rights in Cold War Europe: Disentangling Feminist Histories." Past & Present 218, suppl 8 (January 1, 2013): 180–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gts040.

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Novkov, Julie, and Ross Evans Paulson. "Liberty, Equality, and Justice: Civil Rights, Women's Rights, and the Regulation of Business, 1865-1932." American Journal of Legal History 42, no. 3 (July 1998): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/846207.

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MacLean, Nancy, and Ross Evans Paulson. "Liberty, Equality, and Justice: Civil Rights, Women's Rights, and the Regulation of Business, 1865-1932." Journal of American History 85, no. 2 (September 1998): 692. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2567829.

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Mitchell, Katharine. "Narrativizing women's experiences in late nineteenth-century Italy through domestic fiction." Rethinking History 14, no. 4 (December 2010): 483–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642529.2010.515805.

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SUDO, Mizuyo, and Michael G. Hill. "Concepts of Women's Rights in Modern China." Gender & History 18, no. 3 (November 2006): 472–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0424.2006.00452.x.

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