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1
Fallon, Kathleen. "Getting Out The Vote: Women'S Democratic Political Mobilization In Ghana." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 8, no. 3 (October 1, 2003): 273–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.8.3.1h361h315l806060.
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Although the mobilization of women in Latin America prior to and during the transition to democracy has been well-studied, the mobilization of women in sub-Saharan Africa during this transition has received little attention. Yet, the study of women's mobilization within an emerging democratic state of sub-Saharan Africa would provide insight into how women may renegotiate their position in relation to transforming political structures, and how they may work to redefine their own rights. This article analyzes the case of Ghana to examine the mobilization ofwomen in sub-Saharan Africa. Specifically, multivariate analyses of a survey of 621 women and in-depth interviews with thirty-three members of women's organizations are used to explore whether women's organizations are attempting to mobilize women to participate in the formal political process during the transition to democracy, and, if so, whether their efforts are successful. The results indicate that women's organizations view the electoral process as a means to mobilize women, that they have attempted to mobilize women to participate in elections, and that their mobilization efforts influenced the political behavior of women. Implications of these findings for our understanding of women's mobilization in sub-Saharan Africa in comparison to those in Latin America are discussed.
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Dawuni, Josephine J. "To “Mother” or not to “Mother”: The Representative Roles of Women Judges in Ghana." Journal of African Law 60, no. 3 (October 2016): 419–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855316000115.
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AbstractFeminist scholars have debated questions of gender and judging by focusing on variables such as representation, difference, diversity and legitimacy. While illuminating, most of these studies are by scholars in the global north. More research is needed to understand issues of gender and judging in the global south. This article adds to existing literature by asking whether women judges promote women's rights. Through in-depth interviews with women judges in Ghana, the article demonstrates that women judges do promote women's rights. The article presents a new method of analysis: exploring the dichotomy between direct and indirect modes of representing women's rights. Recognizing the importance of substantive representation and the contributions of female judges in promoting women's rights, it argues that female judges are not a sufficient condition for promoting women's rights. Necessary conditions include laws guaranteeing women's rights, working partnerships with women's civil society organizations and an enabling socio-cultural climate.
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Grier, Beverly. "Voices of African Women: Women's Rights in Ghana, Uganda, and Tanzania." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 30, no. 4 (December 2009): 384–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15544770903269354.
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Glazebrook, Trish. "Women and Climate Change: A Case‐Study from Northeast Ghana." Hypatia 26, no. 4 (2011): 762–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2011.01212.x.
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This paper argues that there is ethical and practical necessity for including women's needs, perspectives, and expertise in international climate change negotiations. I show that climate change contributes to women's hardships because of the conjunction of the feminization of poverty and environmental degradation caused by climate change. I then provide data I collected in Ghana to demonstrate effects of extreme weather events on women subsistence farmers and argue that women have knowledge to contribute to adaptation efforts. The final section surveys the international climate debate, assesses explanations for its gender blindness, and summarizes the progress on gender that was made at Copenhagen and Cancun in order to document and provoke movement toward climate justice for women.
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Everett, Elizabeth. "Women's rights, the family, and organisational culture: A Lesotho case study." Gender & Development 5, no. 1 (February 1997): 54–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/741922302.
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Boris, Eileen. "Homework and Women's Rights: The Case of the Vermont Knitters, 1980-1985." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 13, no. 1 (October 1987): 98–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/494388.
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Ying, Hu. ""How Can a Daughter Glorify the Family Name?" Filiality and Women's Rights in the Late Qing." NAN NÜ 11, no. 2 (2009): 234–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138768009x12586661923027.
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AbstractThis paper examines married daughters' filiality toward their natal families through three case studies. The protagonists are Qiu Jin (1875?-1907), Wu Zhiying (1868-1934) and Xu Zihua (1873-1935). Using the lens of filiality, we are able to observe the finer nuances of their gendered self-conception within the context of the rapidly changing world at the end of China's imperial era. I argue that the language and sentiment of filiality facilitated a substantial broadening of women's rights: in expanding what a literati daughter can claim as her intellectual inheritance, in providing the basis of a legal argument for a daughter's inheritance rights, and in offering a conduit for the experience of women's participation in political changes.
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Desivilya, Helena Syna, and Dalit Yassour-Borochowitz. "The Case of CheckpointWatch: A Study of Organizational Practices in a Women's Human Rights Organization." Organization Studies 29, no. 6 (June 2008): 887–908. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840608088708.
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The present study aims to discern the ways whereby gender-role perceptions and women's perspectives on political conflict and peace processes inform the organizational development process, reflected in organizational structure and processes. In order to achieve this we studied CheckpointWatch, a women's voluntary organization devoted to monitoring and reporting human rights violations of Palestinians crossing Israeli military checkpoints. The research is a qualitative study. Data gathering was designed to collect information from two sources: (1) interviews with key informants in the organization, and (2) documents transmitted over the organization's internal communications network. The findings illustrate the complexities involved in the organizational development processes of a women's peace and human rights organization, its vacillation between transition into a more formalized NGO and its holding on to the social movement organization, grassroots stage. The study also demonstrates the significance of feminist ideology with its embedded complexity and internal paradoxes, which infiltrates into organizational structure, operational processes and activities. Finally, this research highlights the fundamental role of the cultural and sociopolitical context in women's organizational practices. Overall, the study contributes to organization studies by shedding light on the intricacies of organizational dynamics in women's Peace and conflict resolution organizations.
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Atiemo, Abamfo. "International Human Rights, Religious Pluralism and the Future of Chieftaincy in Ghana." Exchange 35, no. 4 (2006): 360–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254306780016140.
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AbstractA revolutionary development that resulted from Africa's experience of colonialism was the emergence of the nation-state made up of previously separate ethnic states. By the end of the colonial period the rulers of these ethnic states — the chiefs — had lost most of their real political and judicial powers to the political leaders of the new nation-states. But in spite of the loss of effective political power the chiefs continued to wield moral influence over members of their ethnic groups. The limited reach of the nation-state in the post-colonial era has also meant a dependence on the chiefs, in many cases, for aspects of local governance. This, for example, is the case of Ghana. However, in the modern context of religious pluralism the intimate bond between the chiefs and the traditional religion exacerbates tension in situations of conflict between people's loyalty to the traditional state and their religious commitment. In some cases, chiefs invoke customary laws in attempt to enforce sanctions against individuals who refuse to observe certain customary practices for religious reasons. But this has implications for the human rights of citizens. This article discusses the implications of this situation for the future of chieftaincy as well as prospects for the protection of the human rights of citizens who for religious reasons choose to stay away from certain communal customary practices.
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Madhok, Sumi. "On Reading The Logics of Gender Justice." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 26, no. 4 (2019): 503–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxz049.
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Abstract This ambitious and remarkable book provides us with a new, creative, and critical site for feminist scholarship and leads the way in producing historically and contextually specific empirical datasets and analysis of the deeply complex area of global women's rights. As is often the case with important work, the book engenders a supplementary set of hard questions to be asked both of itself and of the wider literature. In particular, the book enables us to raise two sets of further questions: first, about the links between law, policy making, women's rights, and social transformation, and second, to raise methodological and conceptual questions in the wake of empirically operationalizing intersectionality on a global scale.
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Englehart, Neil A., and Melissa K. Miller. "Women's Rights in International Law: Critical Actors, Structuration, and the Institutionalization of Norms." Politics & Gender 16, no. 2 (June 6, 2019): 363–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x19000242.
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Widespread adoption of the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) represents a puzzle. It cannot be described as serving the interests of any state as understood in conventional theories of international relations because it commits countries to radical social change. Yet all but six UN member states have ratified it. We argue that the case can only be explained by reference to Waltz’ first image, the individual level. We invoke Giddens' notion of structuration to explain how a small group of like-minded women, many of them diplomats, were able to work within existing structures of international diplomacy to create institutions that embedded their ideals in international law. These women were critical actors, positioned simultaneously in activist organizations and government and diplomatic institutions, giving them leverage to institutionalize new norms. The case shows the importance of analysis at the individual level to explain normative change in the international system.
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Smyth, Lisa. "Narratives of Irishness and the Problem of Abortion: The X Case 1992." Feminist Review 60, no. 1 (September 1998): 61–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/014177898339398.
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This paper considers the ways in which discourses of abortion and discourses of national identity were constructed and reproduced through the events of the X case in the Republic of Ireland in 1992. This case involved a state injunction against a 14-year-old rape victim and her parents, to prevent them from obtaining an abortion in Britain. By examining the controversy the case gave rise to in the national press, I will argue that the terms of abortion politics in Ireland shifted from arguments based on rights to arguments centred on national identity, through the questions the X case raised about women's citizenship status, and women's position in relation to the nation and the state. Discourses of national identity and discourses of abortion shifted away from entrenched traditional positions, towards more liberal articulations.
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Herr, Ranjoo Seodu. "Can Transnational Feminist Solidarity Accommodate Nationalism? Reflections from the Case Study of Korean “Comfort Women”." Hypatia 31, no. 1 (2016): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12213.
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This article aims to refute the “incompatibility thesis” that nationalism is incompatible with transnational feminist solidarity, as it fosters exclusionary practices, xenophobia, and racism among feminists with conflicting nationalist aspirations. I examine the plausibility of the incompatibility thesis by focusing on the controversy regarding just reparation for Second World War “comfort women,” which is still unresolved. The Korean Council at the center of this controversy, which advocates for the rights of Korean former comfort women, has been criticized for its strident nationalism and held responsible for the stalemate. Consequently, the case of comfort women has been thought to exemplify the incompatibility thesis. I argue against this common feminist perception in three ways: first, those who subscribe to the incompatibility thesis have misinterpreted facts surrounding the issue; second, the Korean Council's nationalism is a version of “polycentric nationalism,” which avoids the problems of essentialist nationalism at the center of feminist concerns; and, third, transnational feminist solidarity is predicated on the idea of oppressed/marginalized women's epistemic privilege and enjoins that feminists respect oppressed/marginalized women's epistemic privilege. To the extent that oppressed/marginalized women's voices are expressed in nationalist terms, I argue that feminists committed to transnational feminist solidarity must accommodate their nationalism.
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Fikri, Fikri. "Fleksibilitas Hak Perempuan dalam Cerai Gugat di Pengadilan Agama Parepare." Al-Maiyyah : Media Transformasi Gender dalam Paradigma Sosial Keagamaan 12, no. 1 (July 26, 2019): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35905/almaiyyah.v12i1.678.
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This study aimed to know about the flexibility of women's rights in divorce at Parepare Religious Court and how the judge resolved divorce case. This study was conducted with qualitative research with a focus on case studies, with a juridical, socio-anthropological, philosophical and psychological approach. The results of this study shows; 1) Judge's decision in Case No.171/Pdt.G/2019/PA.Pare is flexible in deciding divorce case. The case of divorce is a reflection of equality and justice in women's rights to law enforcement in the Religious Courts. Divorced as well as eliminating patriarchal culture by placing women as second class; 2) The judge at Religious Court in Parepare can approve in a divorce case for several reasons as follows; disputes and quarrels occur between husband and wife, the husband persecutes and hurts his wife's body, the husband betrays his wife to another woman.
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Steen, Jane. "Women's Ordination in the Church of England: Conscience, Change and Law." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 21, no. 3 (September 2019): 289–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x1900067x.
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Women's ordination raised issues of conscience across church traditions. The Church of England's statutory legal framework prevented these issues being confined to the Church; they were also played out in parliamentary debate. The interface between law and conscience has, however, considerable historical and contemporary resonance, as well as sound theological pedigree. This article therefore considers the place of conscience in legal and philosophical thought before the Enlightenment. It looks at norms of conscience in Roman Catholic and Church of England liturgical use. On a broader canvas, it looks at the interplay between thought, conscience and religion in human rights case law. The article suggests that a consensus of thought which sees the dictates of conscience as founded in, and inseparable from, the teachings of religion begins to break down in the early seventeenth century. Yet human rights courts find themselves deciding cases of conscience or religion where conscience and religion are often intertwined and where the external manifestation of one is governed by the inner promptings of the other. Such difficulties are not limited to the human rights courts but also play out in debates pertaining to ordination. While the North American churches sought to deal with issues of conscience head on, the Church of England very carefully avoided the language of conscience in its early discussions of women's ordination, conscious, it seems, of a lack of consensus around its meaning and source. As the women's ordination debates developed, arguments of conscience were often deployed more by those opposed to the move than those who supported it. Conscience became as much the locus of pain caused by another's action as it was an inner faculty for self-guidance. Its valence shifted from an intellectual to an emotional category.
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Adam, James Natia, Timothy Adams, and Jean-David Gerber. "The Politics of Decentralization: Competition in Land Administration and Management in Ghana." Land 10, no. 9 (September 8, 2021): 948. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land10090948.
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Decentralization policy forms part of a broader global ideology and effort of the international donor community in favor of subsidiarity and local participation, and represents a paradigm shift from top-down command-and-control systems. Since 2003, the formalization of property rights through titling became an integral component of decentralized land administration efforts in Ghana. The creation of new forms of local government structures and the related changes in the distribution of responsibilities between different levels of government have an impact on natural resource management, the allocation of rights, and the unequal distribution of powers. This paper aims to understand how decentralization reforms modify the balance of power between public administration, customary authorities, and resource end-users in Ghana. Decentralization’s impact is analyzed based on two case studies. Relying on purposive and snowball sampling techniques, and mixed methods, we conducted 8 key informant interviews with local government bureaucrats in land administration, 16 semi-structured interviews with allodial landholders, 20 biographic interviews and 8 focus group discussions with small-scale farmers. The interviews analyzed the institutions and the roles of actors in land administration. Our case studies show that decentralization has the tendency to increase local competition in land administration where there are no clear distribution of power and obligation to local actors. Local competition and elitism in land administration impact the ability of small-scale farmers to regularize or formalize land rights. Thus, the paper concludes that local competition and the elitism within the land administration domain in Ghana could be the main obstacles towards decentralization reforms.
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Gwiazda, Anna. "The Substantive Representation of Women in Poland." Politics & Gender 15, no. 02 (January 31, 2019): 262–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000909.
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AbstractThis article examines the substantive representation of women in Poland after the 2015 parliamentary elections. By looking at the case of the Black Protests, in which tens of thousands of demonstrators, wearing black, defended women's rights by protesting a proposed total abortion ban, it revisits the existing approaches to substantive representation. Hanna Pitkin's definition is used as a starting point, but then broader questions concerning women's interests, agents, and sites of representation are considered. This article identifies a variety of interests but argues that in Poland, conservative interests dominate in parliament, although feminist interests are voiced too, especially by nonelected agents in extraparliamentary sites. This article makes an important contribution to the research on women's political representation because it deals with unexplored aspects of representation in Central and Eastern Europe.
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Bereni, Laure, and Anne Revillard. "Movement Institutions: The Bureaucratic Sources of Feminist Protest." Politics & Gender 14, no. 3 (September 2018): 407–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000399.
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AbstractOver the past several decades, scholarship on women's movements, feminism, and the state has brought renewed attention to the study of protest politics by questioning its frontier with dominant institutions. This article takes this critique a step further by considering the institutional dimension of the state-movement intersection. Drawing on the French case, we argue that institutions that are formally devoted to women's rights inside the state (women's policy agencies) can operate asmovement institutions—that is, as bureaucratic instances routinely engrained with a protest dimension—rather than being only a shelter for a network of insider activists. As such, they can provide a specific, institutional feminist socialization to their members; they can purvey, rather than only relay, feminist protest, and they can deploy institutional repertoires of protest, combining bureaucratic and movement dimensions. We conclude that the definition and boundaries of the women's movement need to be broadened to include bureaucratic sources of feminist protest.
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Bektas, Eda, and Esra Issever-Ekinci. "Who Represents Women in Turkey? An Analysis of Gender Difference in Private Bill Sponsorship in the 2011–15 Turkish Parliament." Politics & Gender 15, no. 4 (November 28, 2018): 851–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000363.
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AbstractIn this study, we examine substantive representation of women in the 2011–15 Turkish Parliament by focusing on sponsorship of private members’ bills by members of parliament (MPs) across eight major issue areas. The Turkish case offers new insights into women's representation, not only because this topic is unexplored in the Turkish context but also because it provides an opportunity to examine the tension between gender as a social identity and ideology as a political identity in a legislature characterized by disciplined political parties and low gender parity. Findings indicate that women MPs in Turkey substantively represent women by sponsoring more bills on women's rights and equality issues than their male colleagues, despite their low numbers in parliament and affiliation with highly disciplined parties. Party ideology also shapes women MPs’ issue priorities depending on the emphasis placed by the parties on different issue areas. Whereas left-wing women MPs sponsor more bills on women's rights and equality issues defined with a feminist accent, right-wing women MPs sponsor more bills on issues regarding children and family. Left-wing women also differ significantly from right-wing women in their sponsorship of bills on health and social affairs issues, as left-wing parties prioritize those issues more than right-wing parties.
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Zachs, Fruma, and Yuval Ben-Bassat. "WOMEN'S VISIBILITY IN PETITIONS FROM GREATER SYRIA DURING THE LATE OTTOMAN PERIOD." International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no. 4 (October 14, 2015): 765–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815000975.
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AbstractThis article focuses on petitions by Ottoman women from Greater Syria during the late Ottoman era. After offering a general overview of women's petitions in the Ottoman Empire, it explores changes in women's petitions between 1865 and 1919 through several case studies. The article then discusses women's “double-voiced” petitions following the empire's defeat in World War I, particularly those submitted to the King-Crane Commission. The concept of “double-voiced” petitions, or speaking in a voice that reflects both a dominant and a muted discourse, is extended here from the genre of literary fiction to Ottoman women's petitions. We argue that in Greater Syria double-voiced petitions only began to appear with the empire's collapse, when women both participated in national struggles and strove to protect their rights as women in their own societies.
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Aspaas, Helen Ruth. "Women And Gender - Johanna Bond, ed. Voices of African Women: Women's Rights in Ghana, Uganda and Tanzania. Durham: Carolina Academic Press, 2005. xxxi + 421 pp. Notes. Index. $45.00. Paper." African Studies Review 49, no. 1 (April 2006): 198–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2006.0054.
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Bakan, Birol. "Why Did Latife Cover Her Hair?" Hawwa 7, no. 2 (2009): 144–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920709x12511890014586.
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AbstractThis paper uncovers the Orientalist assumptions dominating studies of Ataturk reforms as to women's rights in Turkey and proposes an alternative approach, which drops messianic approach to Ataturk reforms and calls for situating them within a broader historical strategic context. It argues that Ataturk's clique was one of the many contenders competing for political power in post-WWI Turkey. In an effort to pacify and eliminate its opponents, the political regime pursued a policy of corporatist regime construction, by which no autonomous social institution was left alone. Such a reading of early Republican history suggests that granting women certain rights was part of authoritarian regime consolidation. This essay argues the case further; suggesting that being contained within an authoritarian regime caused the nascent feminist movement to lose its potential to reach to broader women groups in Turkey.
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Ibrahim, Abd Rauf, Hasnani Hasnani, and Nanning Nanning. "Akomodasi Hak Perempuan pada Implementasi Peraturan Komisi Pemilihan Umum (PKPU) NO. 7 Tahun 2013 di Kota Parepare." Al-Maiyyah : Media Transformasi Gender dalam Paradigma Sosial Keagamaan 12, no. 1 (July 26, 2019): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35905/almaiyyah.v12i1.672.
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This research studied about reviewing women's rights to the implementation of general election regulations (PKPU) No. 7 2013 in Parepare. It also studied about female candidates in fighting to be the list of legislative candidates. This study was conducted with qualitative research with a focus on case studies, using in-depth interview data and supporting data from KPU. The result of the study shows the regulations guarantee women's political rights, but still have hampering on implementations because of both cultural values of society and technical constrains. Thus, the recommendations from the results of this study are (1) political parties must have a commitment in preparing their female cadres to fight on the legislative political stage. (2) An open proportional election system needs to be revised because it has an impact on the powerlessness of the party to carry out its qualified cadres who have no an established fund.
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Daly, Mary. "The Long Road to Gender Equality." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 26, no. 4 (2019): 512–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxz048.
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Abstract This piece reflects upon the significance of The Logics of Gender Justice. I make the case that this is one of the most significant works on the development of women's rights and gender justice. It offers depth of understanding of the policy and politics precipitating or blocking the roll-out of a range of such rights across time and place. Its geographical scope is both global and local. It offers a framework of analysis and a set of empirical insights that will galvanize scholarship, and not just in the field of gender. I am particularly intrigued by the differentiation between class- and status-based gender policies. I can see promise here—especially from a politics perspective—but to my mind this is not a watertight differentiation between policies. The possibility of an intersectional understanding of gender-related rights and policies is also downplayed by the Htun and Weldon's framework on my reading.
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Droeber, Julia. "Back to Islam? Women's Sexualities and Body-Politics in Muslim Central Asia." Hawwa 4, no. 2-3 (2006): 181–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920806779152264.
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AbstractIn this paper I examine the commonly held assumption that the developments we witnessed in Central Asian societies since the disintegration of the Soviet Union could be interpreted as a "return to pre-Soviet Islamic traditions". I am specifically concerned with reports about the increasing violations of women's sexual rights and mounting control over their bodies, developments that are accompanied by a "conspiracy of silence" about sexual matters.This essay is based on anthropological fieldwork in Kyrgyzstan, various reports from other Central Asian republics, a review of Soviet sex and gender policies, and analysis of Islamic Scriptures on the issue of sexuality. Even though some Muslim practices regarding sexualities can be seen as having a basis in the Qurān, the interpretations and translations into daily practice are to a major extent influenced by political, economic, and socio-cultural forces. I trace these processes in the case of Soviet and post-Soviet Central Asia and argue that the rhetoric of a "return to Islamic traditions" does not take into account the significant impact on other forces on the current practices of policing women's bodies and silencing discourses on sexualities.
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Garms, Ulrich. "Promoting Human Rights in the Administration of Justice in Southern Sudan. Mandate and Accountability Dilemmas in the Fiel Work of a DPKO Human Rights Officer." International Organizations Law Review 6, no. 2 (2009): 581–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157237409x477707.
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AbstractThe UNMIS Human Rights Section is called to promote respect for international human rights standards as part of a peacekeeping operation in a post-conflict society. As such, it is exposed to conflicting but equally legitimate demands from different stakeholders. To illustrate some of the dilemmas arising in practice from the tensions between these demands, the paper looks at three case studies taken from the work of the UNMIS Human Rights Section in Southern Sudan. They concern the tension between customary law and the protection of women's rights, the right to counsel in capital cases, and justice for atrocities committed during the civil war. The paper argues that, also because of the inherent fundamental contradictions in what a field presence such as the UNMIS Human Rights Section seeks to achieve, attempts to promote meaningful accountability of the field operation for the results obtained encounter significant limitations.
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Oksana Koshulko. "Women’s Empowerment: an Insight into History and the Present Day." SIASAT 6, no. 3 (July 31, 2021): 161–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/siasat.v6i3.101.
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The article presents the results of research concerning the empowerment of women from the 17th to 21st century in various countries, including Mexico, the U.K., the U.S.A., Ukraine and France among others. Fourteen cases of women's empowerment in their areas of activity are explored, using case studies collected from primary and secondary data. Twelve of the cases are described and explored using secondary data and two cases using primary data, collected in 2019 in Kyiv, Ukraine. The cases are encrypted as Case 1 - C_ 1 through to Case 14 - C_ 14. The article is an important insight into women's empowerment through history to the present, showing how at times women have sacrificed themselves to achieve their aims and how these sacrifices are important for women of today. However, despite the achievements throughout the centuries, women must continue their struggle to obtain full rights and freedom for all women around the world.
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Tweneboah, Seth. "A Clash of Legal Norms." Journal of Law, Religion and State 5, no. 2 (March 13, 2017): 87–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22124810-00502001.
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This paper explores the reasons for proscribed sanctions and their effects on contemporary Ghana. I contend that the sacred office of the Ghanaian chief, which is legitimated by spiritual and legal norms, plays an ambivalent role in Ghana’s legal and political modernization. Using banishment as a case study, the paper pays attentions to how the continued use of proscribed sanctions, among other chiefly actions, raises an ambivalent challenge to Ghana’s laws, its sovereignty, and its commitment to human rights. I propose actions that may aid the state in overcoming these challenges and successfully integrating modern norms with ancient traditional values.
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Agyemang, Otuo Serebour, Emmanuel Aboagye, and Joyce Frimpong. "Left to their fate: rights of minority equity holders in Ghanaian firms." Society and Business Review 10, no. 1 (February 9, 2015): 40–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sbr-08-2014-0040.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the rights of shareholders, particularly those of minority shareholders in the management of firms in Ghana. Design/methodology/approach – As a result of the largely unexplored nature of this issue in Ghana, a qualitative analysis was conducted to offer a painstaking understanding needed. The case study design is in particular relevant for exploring such phenomenon, as it evolves through the experiences of several key players. Findings – Data indicate that minority shareholders’ influence is, in most cases, nil in every aspect of their firms. Whilst majority shareholders have an absolute right to appoint or influence the appointment of top officials of the firms, minority shareholders’ role in the selection is limited. In addition, in regards to control of corporate decision-making processes, unlike the majority shareholders, the minority shareholders do not have any influence on them. Further, in terms of relevant information, whilst the majority shareholders have absolute access to them anytime they desire, the minority shareholders only rely on annual general meetings to get hold of them, thus limiting their access to corporate information. The revelations unambiguously grant the majority shareholders of the firms absolute control rights whilst undermining the rights of the minority shareholders. This paper was concluded by itemizing the implications of our findings for management, regulators and governments. Originality/value – It is believed that this is among the handful of studies that have been conducted using developing or emergent economy data to empirically analyse how minority shareholders wield their rights in emergent economies and to add to the mounting pool of scattered cross-country evidence.
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Roberts, Dorothy, and Sujatha Jesudason. "MOVEMENT INTERSECTIONALITY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 10, no. 2 (2013): 313–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x13000210.
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AbstractIntersectional analysis need not focus solely on differences within or between identity-based groups. Using intersectionality for cross movement mobilization reveals that, contrary to criticism for being divisive, attention to intersecting identities has the potential to create solidarity and cohesion. In this article, we elaborate this argument with a case study of the intersection of race, gender, and disability in genetic technologies as well as in organizing to promote a social justice approach to the use of these technologies. We show how organizing based on an intersectional analysis can help forge alliances between reproductive justice, racial justice, women's rights, and disability rights activists to develop strategies to address reproductive genetic technologies. We use the work of Generations Ahead to illuminate how intersectionality applied at the movement-building level can identify genuine common ground, create authentic alliances, and more effectively advocate for shared policy priorities.
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Sagy, Tehila. "Rethinking multicultural jurisdictions." Ethnicities 18, no. 5 (March 13, 2018): 631–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796817744823.
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This article is about the rights of disempowered individuals within autonomous cultural groups. For more than a decade, multiculturalism theorists have been struggling to find a suitable balance between the policies they advocate and the need to protect the vulnerable members of the groups they seek to empower. One of the most convincing and innovative solutions to emerge has been Ayelet Sachar’s model of transformative accommodations (TA). Yet, the main argument presented in this article (based on an ethnographic study) is that this model is unfeasible due to the rule of conservation of power. This claim is illustrated by two case studies: the case of the Beit Ya’acov Primary School for Girls in Emmanuel in the Israeli Occupied Territories and the case of the Buduburam refugee camp in Ghana. The article concludes by suggesting that multiculturalists have yet to produce a satisfying response to what seems to be the principal challenge to the policy they advocate.
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Adam, James Natia, Timothy Adams, Jean-David Gerber, and Tobias Haller. "Decentralization for Increased Sustainability in Natural Resource Management? Two Cautionary Cases from Ghana." Sustainability 13, no. 12 (June 18, 2021): 6885. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13126885.
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In Sub-Saharan African countries, governments are increasingly devolving natural resource management from central administration to the local government level as a trend toward subsidiarity. In parallel, efforts to implement formalization processes have resulted in a puzzling institutional arena, wherein mixed actors are struggling to influence the paths of institutional change and the associated distribution of land and land-related resources. Relying on political ecology and new institutionalism in social anthropology, we investigate how the decentralization of formalization of rights in artisanal and small-scale gold mining can lead to paradoxical outcomes, often negatively impacting social, economic, and environmental sustainability. Two comparative case studies are performed in Ghana. Our results show that the negative effects of formalization efforts for resource end users are to be understood in the broad context of actors’ repositioning strategies following the selective implementation of decentralization. The authors conclude that increasing the power of the central government and line ministries to control local resources can influence the disenfranchisement of local people’s participation and control of natural resources, resulting in a relentless environmental crisis.
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Monahan, Camille. "The Failure of the Bona Fide Occupational Qualification in Cross‐Gender Prison Guard Cases: A Problem beyond Equal Employment Opportunity." Hypatia 28, no. 1 (2013): 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2011.01248.x.
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Knowing the theory of gender that a court is using to understand and assess the issues in a case is vital to ensuring that women are afforded their full rights under the law. Unfortunately, courts often do not explicitly state what understanding of gender is informing their decisions. An exception is found in employment law: specifically, the bona fide occupational qualification (BFOQ) exception to Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, which allows employers to engage in sex‐based discrimination in those instances in which the sex of the employee is a reasonably necessary qualification for the job. In these cases, because the court must analyze how “manness” or “womanness” impacts one's qualification to hold certain kinds of employment, the court must articulate its understanding of gender. This paper examines two BFOQ cases in the cross‐gender prison guard context, those cases in which an individual of one sex seeks to guard inmates of the opposite sex. In these cases the courts created a theory of gender that posits men and women as different in kind. The theory developed in this line of cases is an attack on Title VII protections and a potential barrier to women's equality under the law.
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Murray, Kath, and Lucy Hunter Blackburn. "Losing sight of women's rights: the unregulated introduction of gender self-identification as a case study of policy capture in Scotland." Scottish Affairs 28, no. 3 (August 2019): 262–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2019.0284.
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Within the last two years, respective proposals by the Scottish and UK Governments to reform the Gender Recognition Act 2004 (GRA) to allow people to change their legal sex based only on making a legally-registered self-declaration have sparked an intense debate on how sex and gender identity should be defined in law and policy. This paper examines how gender self-identification had in fact become a feature of Scottish policy-making and practice, long before public consultation on GRA reform began. The analysis is structured as two case-studies that examine firstly, policy development on the census in relation to the ‘sex’ question, and second, Scottish Prison Service policy on transgender prisoners. The analysis shows that the unregulated roll-out of gender self-identification in Scotland has taken place with weak or non-existent scrutiny and a lack of due process, and that this relates to a process of policy capture, whereby decision-making on sex and gender identity issues has been directed towards the interests of a specific interest group, without due regard for other affected groups or the wider population. The paper raises questions about the adequacy of institutional safeguards against well-organised and highly purposeful lobbying, particularly where any groups detrimentally affected do not have effective representation.
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Oppenheim, Janet. "A Mother's Role, a Daughter's Duty: Lady Blanche Balfour, Eleanor Sidgwick, and Feminist Perspectives." Journal of British Studies 34, no. 2 (April 1995): 196–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386074.
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Addressing the Women's Institute in London on November 23, 1897, Eleanor Sidgwick, principal of Newnham College, Cambridge, observed thatThere will always be gaps in domestic life which can best be filled by the unmarried girls and women of the family; help wanted in the care of old people and children and invalids, or in making the work of other members of the family go smoothly, to which a woman may well devote herself at some sacrifice of her own future—a sacrifice she will not regret. This kind of work can best be done by women, not only because they are generally better adapted to it, but because the sacrifice is not so clear nor so great in their case as it would generally be in that of a man. Only let the cost be counted and compared with the gain, and do not let us ask women to give up their chance of filling a more useful place in the world for the sake of employing them in trivial social duties from which they might be spared with little loss to anyone.With these remarks, Mrs. Sidgwick joined the extended debate over the rights and duties of spinster daughters that the Victorian women's movement pursued for decades. For many participants, it was the preeminent issue that women had to confront if they were significantly to improve the condition of their lives.
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Rush, Michael, and Suleman Ibrahim Lazarus. "‘Troubling’ Chastisement: A Comparative Historical Analysis of Child Punishment in Ghana and Ireland." Sociological Research Online 23, no. 1 (January 19, 2018): 177–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780417749250.
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This article reviews an epochal change in international thinking about physical punishment of children from being a reasonable method of chastisement to one that is harmful to children and troubling to families. In addition, the article suggests shifts in thinking about physical punishment were originally pioneered as part and parcel of the dismantling of national laws granting fathers’ specific rights to admonish children under conventions of patria potestas. A comparative historical framework of analysis involving two case studies of Ireland and Ghana illustrates non-unilinear pathways of international convergence towards the prohibition of physical punishment. The comparative historical analysis highlights the 1930s and 1940s as an era when Ireland began to reject patria potestas and religious or judicial rulings which allowed for children to be given ‘a good beating’ in family and school settings. However, from the same period, Ghana is seen to experience Christian remonstrations not to ‘spare the rod’ leading to the ‘conventional’ tradition of ‘this is how we do it here’. Two case studies serve to illustrate that banning physical punishment was less controversial in Ireland where allied traditions of patria potestas and disciplinarian Christian beliefs had lost their moral hegemony than in Ghana where such beliefs still held influence. The article concludes overall that normative campaigns against physical punishment of children emanate from a coherent paradigm of family policy where childcare, education, and well-being of children are embedded as everyday societal responsibilities rather than privatised or patriarchal familial obligations. The coherent model offers an alternative moral hegemony to neo-liberal and Janus-faced conceptualisations of good or ‘intact’ families versus ‘broken’ or ‘troubled’ families.
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Owusu Ansah, Barikisa, and Uchendu Eugene Chigbu. "The Nexus between Peri-Urban Transformation and Customary Land Rights Disputes: Effects on Peri-Urban Development in Trede, Ghana." Land 9, no. 6 (June 5, 2020): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land9060187.
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Typically, peri-urban areas are havens and vulnerable receptors of customary land rights (CLRs) disputes due to the intrusion of urban activities or an uncoordinated mix of both. Although it is a dictum that CLRs cause setbacks to socioeconomic and spatial development, there seems to be a paucity of empirical studies on the effects of the CLRs disputes on the development of peri-urban areas, especially in developing countries, such as Ghana. This study addresses this issue by establishing a link between peri-urban transformation and emerging CLRs disputes, while assessing the effects of these disputes on the development of peri-urban areas. The study adopted a problem-centered mixed methods approach with a focus on the case of Trede, a town in Ghana transitioning from rural to urban status. Findings reveal that the changes leading to enhancing of peri-urban transformation are also the same changes inducing CLRs disputes in the area. It was found that the implementation of a local land use plan is a critical driver of CLRs disputes in Trede. A land-use plan implemented as a major step in converting rural lands into urban plots, triggered tenurial changes, land market development, high land values, loss of agricultural land, etc., which become recipes for the CLRs disputes in the study area. These CLRs disputes have hatched detrimental consequences on the economic, social, and physical developmental trajectories of Trede. As a way forward, the study proposes measures for peri-urban land management and CLRs dispute prevention.
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Fanghanel, Alexandra. "On Being Ugly in Public: The Politics of the Grotesque in Naked Protests." Hypatia 35, no. 2 (2020): 262–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hyp.2020.5.
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AbstractSexualized naked protest using young and attractive women's bodies have long featured in the repertoire of protest tools for interventions in public space. Antirape feminist groups and nonhuman-animal rights activist groups, in particular, have mobilized these bodies to attract attention to their causes. Contemporary debates have suggested that these sorts of protest are objectionable, and that they are entwined with contemporary rape culture. This article complicates these accounts by considering what happens when the naked body is presented as a grotesquery in the service of these apparently emancipatory politics.Analyzing two instances of naked protest as case studies, this article examines what happens to naked protest when the bodies protesting are “ugly” or are rendered so. The analysis suggests that naked protest featuring bodies that are “ugly” harbors the possibility of mobilizing a transgressive politics beyond contemporary rape culture. This article has implications for better understanding how to mobilize protest in a way that is transgressive and bold without further enshrining rape culture as the normative background against which it takes place.
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Duncan, Beatrice Akua. "Cocoa, Marriage, Labour and Land in Ghana: Some Matrilineal and Patrilineal Perspectives." Africa 80, no. 2 (May 2010): 301–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2010.0206.
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There is evidence to show that the institution of marriage, particularly customary law marriage, has served as an important framework for the extraction of conjugal labour as a factor in cocoa production since its introduction in the Gold Coast in 1879. This was necessitated by the abolition in 1874 of slavery and pawning, and the consequent need to replace an illegitimate and coercive system with a legitimate one. By virtue of a pre-existing customary obligation placed on women to assist their husbands in their economic pursuits, the marriage institution provided a basis for this transition. It has been argued, however, that some forms of economic relationship in Ghana revolve around expectations of reciprocity, and that human beings are not altogether altruistic in their dispensation of labour. Hence, women who provide labour support to their husbands expect to be rewarded with land or cocoa farms. In this article, I argue that the pivotal role of cocoa in the rural economy intensified the use of conjugal labour and the consequent expectation of land by wives from their husbands, resulting in a situation in which cocoa, marriage, labour and land rights eventually evolved as ‘institutional quadruplets’. Through case studies extracted from field work conducted in six communities in the Brong Ahafo, Western and Volta Regions of Ghana I demonstrate the continued interplay between these forces in modern times, and outline some policy-centred concerns for the future direction of the cocoa industry.
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Agyemang, Felix SK, and Nicky Morrison. "Recognising the barriers to securing affordable housing through the land use planning system in Sub-Saharan Africa: A perspective from Ghana." Urban Studies 55, no. 12 (October 3, 2017): 2640–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098017724092.
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Housing low-income households is a daunting task for policy makers across the Global South, and especially for those in Africa where past attempts to deliver State-funded affordable housing projects yielded minimal results. Presenting Ghana as a case study, the purpose of this article is to consider the rationale for and barriers to securing affordable housing through the planning system, situated within an African context. The key factors that would inhibit effective policy implementation include, on the one hand, a lack of central government commitment, weak enforcement of planning regulations and low capacity of local planning authorities, and, on the other hand, the dominance of customary land ownership and the informal nature of housing delivery. That notwithstanding, undertaking a mapping exercise of large-scale formal residential developments built across Greater Accra in recent years, the article suggests that there is an opportunity cost in not attempting to extract some form of economic rent from the private sector. By having an already established nationalised development rights system alongside a rising formal real estate market, there is in effect scope for introducing planning obligations in the longer term. Whilst by necessity, it takes time to fully establish and enforce this form of land value capture legislation; nonetheless, if the principles can be established, transferable lessons exist across Africa and the Global South.
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Pini, Barbara, and Sally Shortall. "Gender Equality in Agriculture: Examining State Intervention in Australia and Northern Ireland." Social Policy and Society 5, no. 2 (April 2006): 199–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746405002885.
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This paper is concerned with the extent to which the state offers potential for furthering farm women's status and rights. Using case studies of Australia and Northern Ireland, it examines the extent to which the state has intervened to address gender inequality in the agricultural sector. These two locations provide a particularly rich scope for analysis because while Australia has a long history of state feminism and an extensive legislative framework for pursing gender equity, this is not the case with Northern Ireland. At the same time, the restructuring of the state in Northern Ireland, following on from the Belfast Agreement of 1998 and the Northern Ireland Act of 1998, has generated new opportunities for state intervention regarding gender equality. Moreover, while gender is now for the first time being placed on the state agenda in Northern Ireland, gender reform is being wound back in Australia, as equity discourses are subsumed by the hegemonic discourses of neo-liberalism.
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Peyre, Henri. "1960: Facing the New Decade." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 115, no. 7 (December 2000): 1862. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/463587.
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If ours is a young man's world, it is also a woman's world. Some of us who are fortunate to have women among our graduate students and as young colleagues are extraordinarily impressed by the high level of their work. Indeed, we often wonder if criticism will not make substantial strides forward, blending the cognitive and the affective values, taste and a rational approach, the logic of the intellect and that of the heart, only when women take over a large share of it, as they are now out-numbering men as teachers of English and of languages in many schools. This country witnessed a bold feminist movement several decades ago. The second sex then conquered all the rights and courageously accepted corresponding duties. College presidents in women's colleges were in many cases women. In anthropology, archeology, psychology several American women have been outstanding. So have they been in journalism. Why not to the same extent today in philology, medieval studies, literary history, criticism? Are men to blame, wary of these potential rivals, preferring to utilize women's generosity and their capacity for devoted attachment by keeping them as secretaries and obedient confidents of their profound male cogitations? Have women put so much energy in once winning equality and security that they are now content to enjoy these rights, and to look upon maternity and procreation without tears and without anesthesia as their sole vocation? Men in any case have the duty to make room for them, to incite them to express themselves more boldly, to elect them to more positions of power in this Association and in others, to ask them for the healthy challenge which our duller brains need to receive from their keener perceptiveness in matters of art and literature.
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Adu-Gyamfi, Mavis, Zheng He, Gabriel Nyame, Seth Boahen, and Michelle Frempomaa Frempong. "Effects of Internal CSR Activities on Social Performance: The Employee Perspective." Sustainability 13, no. 11 (June 1, 2021): 6235. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13116235.
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Corporate social responsibility (CSR) continues to receive greater attention in the current business world. Many studies on CSR focus on manufacturing or industrial companies by examining external CSR activities from external stakeholders’ perceptions. However, academic institutions such as higher education institutions (HEIs) remain highly unexplored in the context of internal corporate social responsibility (ICSR). Employees are the most valuable and vital assets for every business organization. Therefore, this study focuses on CSR’s internal dimensions to determine its impact on social performance in HEIs in Ghana. Recognizing the social exchange theory (SET), we specifically examined the effects of five internal CSR dimensions (i.e., health and safety, human rights, training and development, workplace diversity, and work-life balance) on social performance. We used a multi-case approach to assess internal CSR activities in private and public Ghanaian universities. We purposely selected three public universities and one private university because of their varying contexts and academic mandates. We used structured questionnaires to collect data from both teaching and non-teaching staff of the selected universities. Structural equation modeling (SEM) was used to assess the data. We found that health and safety, workplace diversity, and training and development positively and significantly impact social performance. At the same time, human rights and work-life balance have an insignificant effect on social performance. Thus, ICSR practices have a substantial influence on both employees’ and organization’s performance, and hence this study gives important implications for both researchers and practitioners
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Anderson, Leslie. "Empowering Women: Land and Property Rights in Latin America. By Carmen Diana Deere and Magdalena Leon. Pittsburgh: The University of Pittsburgh Press, 2001. 544p. $55.00 cloth, $24.95 paper. Still Fighting: The Nicaraguan Women's Movement, 1977–2000. By Katherine Isbester. Pittsburgh: The University of Pittsburgh Press, 2001. 272p. $45.00 cloth, $19.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 847–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402710460.
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The titles of these books point both to their common concern and to the difference between them. Still Fighting underscores the extent to which Latin American women (in this case, Nicaraguans) are still struggling, from a disadvantaged position, to achieve recognition of their own personal value and identity, as well as a better social, political, and economic position. Empowering Women underscores, instead, the extent to which women's struggle is about achieving power in the form of legal title to land. The former stresses gender identity while the latter emphasizes personal empowerment. The first accentuates setbacks experienced and the work still to be done; the latter highlights accomplishments while acknowledging that much work remains. Carmen Diana Deere and Magdalena Leon locate their work within gender studies in Chapter 1, stating their orientation toward redistribution rather than recognition (p. 9). Although Katherine Isbester does not refer to gender studies, her work is about the struggle for identity and the role it plays in strengthening a social movement.
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Fathayatul Husna. "Sports Hijab." Proceedings of International Conference on Da'wa and Communication 2, no. 1 (November 26, 2020): 218–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/icondac.v2i1.372.
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This paper examined the fulfillment of shar’i sportswear facilities for Muslim women, with a case study in Living Sports Hijab. The main question in this research is how Muslim women's activities to exercise in public spaces are fulfilled by shar’i sportswear from Livigi Sports Hijab? To answer this question, the authors collected data through interviews, literature studies, and combined it with online data. This article examined by using a qualitative descriptive method. The results of this study that Livigi Sports Hijab is one of the best brands in Indonesia that provides shar’i sportswear facilities for Muslim women. The presence of Living Sports Hijab not only gives Muslim women freedom to exercise in public spaces but also supports Muslim women to maintain their health by exercising. This showed that women have the same rights as men to use public spaces as access to exercise. In addition, Living Sports Hijab also spread Islamic da’wa through social media accounts and through shar’i sportswear. Not only around Islamic da'wa, but also shared campaign to become a strong Muslimah. Thus, the conclusion of Living Sports Hijab as the object of this study showed that Muslim women also negotiate public spaces for exercise. Therefore, this paper contributes to enriching new discourses related to Muslim women, public spaces, and Islamic da’wa in the contemporary era.
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Nasr, Seyyed Vali Reza. "The Islamic Threat." American Journal of Islam and Society 10, no. 1 (April 1, 1993): 122–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v10i1.2529.
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There is little dispute that the Iranian revolution, the ensuing hostagecrises in Tehmn and Beirut, the Salman Rushdie affair, and, finally, thePemian Gulf war have drastically changed the image of Islam in the West.The hetoric of the most ardent Muslim activists has been accepted at facevalue, and Islam has been identified as a revolutionary force with an axe togrind against the West. Although the Western phobia of Islam has somejustification, the West has allowed stereotypes and shibboleths to rule itsjudgment too easily. Explicitly, as well as implicitly, Islam is depicted in themedia and even academic literature as the religion of war, vengeance, anddestruction-as a force that is inimical to the orderly conduct of internationalrelations and the progress of society and politics. Islam is viewed as hostileto democracy, minority rights, and women's welfare. Islam as a world civilizationhas been reduced to Islamic fundamentalism, and even then the Westhas preferred to cling to political slogans rather than grapple with complexsociopolitical pmesses in undetstanding the theoretical and political challengeof Islamic movements.The radications of the simultaneous reduction of Islam to fundamentalismand the "mythologization" of fundamentalism are immediately clear.The West turned a blind eye to a brutal military coup in Algeria in 1991, believingthat martial rule would be a far better option for Algeria and the Westthan an Islamic government in Algiers. The reaction to the crisis in the formerrepublics of Yugoslavia has been equally perplexing, especially in the lightof Serbia's glorification of its genocidal carnage of Bosnians as "a worthycause" that Europe will eventually appreciate. After all, the Serbs are "doingEurope a favor by ridding it of the menace of Islam." Muslims have in factcharged, and rightly so, that the West follows a different set of standards ondemocracy and human rights when it comes to Muslim societies.Is the Western reaction to things Islamic mere genuflection or does it reveala more deep-seated anger and distrust of Islam? If the latter is the case,what will the consequences of such a policy be for global interests of theWest? The Islamic threat: Myth or Reality? offers answers to these queries.Esposito, a leading expert on Islamic studies who has written prolifically onthe relation of Islam to politics, provides a lucid examination of the roots ofMuslims' activism and the Westem response to it. He places the attitude ofIslamic movements towards the West in the context of the Muslim experience ...
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Hartanto, Rima Vien Permata, Siany Indria Liestyasari, and Adriana Grahani Firdausy. "STRATEGI PENGUATAN AKSES PEREMPUAN TERHADAP KEADILAN MELALUI LEGAL EMPOWERMENT DALAM RANGKA PENGETASAN KEMISKINAN PEREMPUAN." PKn Progresif: Jurnal Pemikiran dan Penelitian Kewarganegaraan 13, no. 1 (July 30, 2018): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/pknp.v13i1.22484.
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<p><em>Definitions and attributes of poverty has been too much attached to the economic aspects, especially measured by the level of income per capita, whereas the root of poverty is lack of access for poor people to participate in determining their own destiny in the decision making process for the purpose of policy formulation in various fields of life. Poverty should also include a lack of understanding and awareness of the law, mechanisms of assistance and legal assistance and access to the political process in decision making. If the poor are involved, then they will get p</em><em>rotection of</em><em> law. This is where the view on poverty from a legal perspective is becoming increasingly important. Poverty experienced by most women in Indonesia, especially women living in rural areas so that poverty limits the capacity of women to access justice. Poor access to justice is then further leads to further women trapped in poverty. Various studies and reports have revealed various obstacles that women face in accessing justice. The main obstacle is the general lack of awareness and understanding of their legal rights. To overcome these obstacles, one of the strategies to improve women's access to justice is legal empowerment or the empowerment law. In general, legal empowerment or the empowerment law is an effort aimed at strengthening the marginalized people, including in this case is a group of women, in order to improve their control over their lives, by making use of legal resources in the community and development activities related and not solely relying on legal institutions (formal). If women are empowered legally, then they get legal protection.</em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords:</em></strong><em> Legal Empowerment, Acess to Justice, Poverty, Women.</em></p>
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Latifi, Yulia Nasrul, and Wening Udasmoro. "The Big Other Gender, PAtriarki, dan Wacana Agama dalam Karya Sastra Nawāl Al-Sa'dāwī." Musãwa Jurnal Studi Gender dan Islam 19, no. 1 (September 28, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/musawa.2020.191.1-20.
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Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap struktur yang menstrukturkan wacana agama sehingga menjadi patriarkis dan misoginis dalam tiga karya fiksi “Adab Am Qillah Adab?”, “Qiṣṣah Fatḥiyyah al-Miṣriyyah”, dan Zīnah karya Nawāl Al-Sa'dāwī dengan perspektif the big Other dan metode interpretasi. Penelitian ini dinilai penting disebabkan mayoritas kajian gender dan agama masih terfokus pada problem hermeneutik mikro (asbabunnuzul ayat) dan belum mengungkapkan kenapa bahasa kitab suci itu bias. The big Other adalah struktur atau aturan simbolik yang menyebabkan subjek terkungkung sehingga The Symbolic sebagai jangkar subjek semakin tiranik. Sebagai bagian dari teori subjektivitas yang dikenalkan Žižek, the big Other mengandung lack sehingga tidak dapat melakukan totalisasi dan dapat dikritisi subjek. Hasil analisisnya adalah, the big Other internal (irasionalitas dan kontra-faktualitas) dan eksternal (faktor ekonomi dan politik) yang menjadikan konstruksi patriarkis dalam bahasa kitab suci yang kemudian distrukturkan dalam nalar wacana agama. Lack dalam the big Other menjadikannya struktur terbuka sehingga selalu dikritik dan dilawan oleh subjek narasi untuk memperjuangkan otonomi perempuan dalam wacana agama. [The research talks about revealing with religion point of structuralism discourse on patriarchal and misogynic in three works of "Adab Am Qillah Adab?", "Qiṣṣah Fatḥiyyah al-Miṣriyyah" and Zīnah by Nawāl Al-Sa'dāwī which is seeing the Big Other of gender issue and the method of exegeses texts. The value of research takes on gender and religion with focus micro-hermeneutical problems (asbabunnuzul of verses) and language and holy book on reading texts with a biased view. The big Another issue is a case with a symbolic rule to becomes a patriarchal image on perennial discourse. It is to be a traumatic woman incident on religious tyrannies. As part of Žižek's theory, the Big Other issues contain lack meaning with no perfect talk discuss. The points analyses are the internal factor (irrationality and kontra-factuality) and the external factor (the economic and political factors). Perennial discourses make for reading Al-Qur'an with patriarchal power. "Lack" in the Big Other issues makes the open-minded for challenge and critic for women's rights issues in Religion Studies.]
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Angevine, Sara. "Aborting Global Women's Rights: The Boundaries of Women's Representation in American Foreign Policy." Politics & Gender, June 29, 2020, 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x20000112.
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Abstract American foreign policy has expanded in recent years to address issues that affect women and girls worldwide, global women's rights, yet there has been minimal investigation into how these representative claims for women worldwide are formed and the substantive U.S. commitment. Is this a reflection of a growing American feminist foreign policy or symbolic rhetoric for domestic audiences? To better understand the representation of global women's rights in American foreign policy, I analyze the political context behind three widely supported American foreign policy bills focusing on women that were introduced during the 111th Congress (2009–10). Each of these bills failed to become statute. Drawing from qualitative comparative case study analysis, I show how antiabortion politics constrain the legislative success of any American foreign policy legislation that focuses on women, regardless of relevance. This suggests that foreign women's bodies are a terrain for U.S. legislators to advance abortion policy objectives with minimal electoral constraint. Although advancing women's rights furthers broader U.S. foreign policy objectives, such as preventing terrorism and growing market economies, domestic abortion politics shape the boundaries of how global women's rights are represented in American foreign policy.
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Paula, Dandara Oliveira de. "Human Rights and Violence Against Women: Campo Algodonero Case." Revista Estudos Feministas 26, no. 3 (November 14, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1806-9584-2018v26n358582.
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Abstract: The present article seeks to analyze human rights from a gender perspective. To do so, it goes back to the past to explain the development of the society of rights and women's rights. The analysis starts from the premise that human rights are social products and therefore will reflect and represent the values and interests of the society that produced them, in this case, capitalist society. One of the values of this society is patriarchy and the idea of the superiority of men as a social actor in relation to women. This value is represented in human rights that nevertheless have universality as one of its characteristics: the idea that all people are subjects of such rights independently of any identities. Therefore, the legal text in which human rights were coined affirms an equality that does not exist in practice, since women are violated and their rights are violated every day, in addition to the gender inequality present throughout the world. As an example and materialization of this reality, the Campo Algodonero Case, introduced to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, appears as the first case of the Court to mention femicide, showing the vulnerability of women’s life and integrity.