Journal articles on the topic 'Women's rights – France'
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1
Atack, Margaret, and Claire Duchen. "Women's Rights and Women's Lives in France 1944-1968." Modern Language Review 91, no. 1 (January 1996): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3734055.
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Footitt, Hilary. "women's Rights and women's Lives in France, 1944-1968." Women's History Review 4, no. 3 (September 1, 1995): 401–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612029500200169.
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MOURAD, Mahmoud, and Rim FARHAT. "Women's Civil and Political Rights in Lebanon and France and Their Impact on Economic Growth." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 10, no. 1 (February 18, 2020): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v10i1.16489.
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This study carried out a quantitative analysis of several variables in both Lebanon and France. Specific aspects related to education, unemployment, vulnerable employment, gender gap, and participation in parliamentary life were studied. We started from the rationale that human rights necessitate that human beings so it is imperative that each individual enjoy civil and political rights, which means in addition to the right to life and the right equality, there should be the right to the legal recognition and participation in public life whether through employment or elections. These rights have been recognized by the international human rights laws, mainly in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by United Nations and by the existing local laws both in Lebanon and France.The tests of homogeneity for the panel data models from Lebanon and France have been implemented carefully considering the linear relationship between the real GDP as a dependent variable and three of the independent variables consisting of the rate of women teachers in the secondary education , the rate of female to male ratio in labor force participation , the rate of women’s vulnerability to risks in the female labor force . The study demonstrated the importance of the Random Effects Model (REM) using the the log-transformed data. The study revealed a positive impact of both and on the real GDP while the variable has a negative impact both in Lebanon and France during the period (2008-2017).
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Lamačková, Adriana. "Conscientious Objection in Reproductive Health Care: Analysis of Pichon and Sajous v. France." European Journal of Health Law 15, no. 1 (2008): 7–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092902708x300172.
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AbstractThis article explores the issue of conscientious objection invoked by health professionals in the reproductive and sexual health care context and its impact on women's ability to access health services. The right to exercise conscientious objection has been recognized by many international and European scholars as being derived from the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. It is not, however, an absolute right. When the exercise of conscientious objection conflicts with other human rights and fundamental freedoms, a balance must be struck between the right to conscientious objection and other affected rights such as the right to respect for private life, the right to equality and non-discrimination, and the right to receive and impart information. Particularly in the reproductive health care context, states that allow health professionals to exercise conscientious objection must accommodate this in such a way that its exercise does not compromise women's access to health services. This article analyses the European Court of Human Rights' decision on admissibility in Pichon and Sajous v. France (2001) and argues that a balancing approach should be applied in cases of conscientious objection in the sexual and reproductive health care context.
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Allwood, Gill, and Khursheed Wadia. "Increasing Women's Representation in France and India." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 2 (June 2004): 375–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390404017x.
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The immediate post–Second World War period saw women gain equal political rights in a number of countries, including France and India. Political participation researchers began to consider women's involvement in politics. However, because they focused on state institutions and political parties as the most important sites of political participation, and because the presence of women within these sites was insignificant, the conclusions drawn were either that women were uninterested in and/or uninformed about politics or that their interest and knowledge derived from the male head of household. Moreover, when women's political participation was considered, the preferred location of study was the Western liberal democratic nation–state (Dogan, 1955; Duverger, 1955).
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Kimble, Sara L. "Of “Masculine Tyranny” and the “Women's Jury”: The Gender Politics of Jury Service in Third Republic France." Law and History Review 37, no. 4 (September 24, 2019): 867–902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248019000324.
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In belle époque France, criminal juries were criticized as too tolerant of crime and too lenient to effectively punish criminals. While the French institution of the jury was under attack by magistrates and other elites, mixed sex juries provided an alternative model. Jury reformers advocated the introduction of mixed-sex criminal juries in France in order to render better verdicts and reduce crime, especially in the areas of infanticide and abortion. The French National Assembly debates over proposed legislation, however, stalled over political concerns with women's truncated citizenship rights. Historical analysis of the types of arguments deployed in this jury reform debate (including archival documents, parliamentary records, and press sources) reveals that reform proponents argued that gender difference-especially in terms of morality and psychology-justified women's admission to juries, particularly in cases of infanticide and abortion. The operation of an unofficial “women's jury” (jury féminin) between 1905 and 1910 in Paris demonstrated women's judicial decision-making capacity. Analysis of this citizens' jury documents the development of a feminist critique of the legal treatment of domestic violence, reproductive freedom, and marriage law publicized in the early twentieth century. This research contribution posits grounds for the re-periodization of feminist legal history as viewed through this case study of women's claims to jury service in Third Republic France.
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Falchi, Federica. "Democracy and the rights of women in the thinking of Giuseppe Mazzini1." Modern Italy 17, no. 1 (February 2012): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2012.640084.
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Addressing Italian workers in his Doveri dell'uomo of 1860, Mazzini unequivocally laid out his thoughts on women's rights. The thinker from Genoa, all the more after his encounters with other political philosophers from different national environments such as Britain and France, saw the principle of equality between men and women as fundamental to his project of constructing first the nation, and second a democratic republic. In his ideas regarding emancipation Mazzini, who spent a good 40 years of his life in exile, was one of a small group of European thinkers who in challenging the established customs and prevailing laws not only hoped for the end of women's social and judicial subordination, but also held that changes to the position of women were essential to the realisation of their political projects. Thanks to this respected group of intellectuals, the issue of female emancipation found a place in the nineteenth-century European debate regarding democracy and the formation of national states. The closeness of the positions of these thinkers, and their commitment in practice as well as theory, mean that it can legitimately be argued that in the course of the nineteenth century a current of feminist thinking took shape. This was born of the encounters between and reflections of various intellectuals who met first in France and then in England, and who came to see women's rights not just as a discrete issue for resolution but as fundamental to their projects for the regeneration of nations, or, as in the Italian case, for the construction and rebirth of a nation.
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Vergès, Françoise. "On Women and their Wombs: Capitalism, Racialization, Feminism." Critical Times 1, no. 1 (April 1, 2018): 263–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-1.1.263.
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Abstract This article draws from Françoise Vergès's book, Le ventre des femmes: Capitalisme, racialisation, féminisme,* which traces the history of the colonization of the wombs of Black women by the French state in the 1960s and 1970s through forced abortions and the forced sterilization of women in French foreign territories. Vergès retraces the long history of colonial state intervention in Black women's wombs during the slave trade and post-slavery imperialism, and after World War II, when international institutions and Western states blamed the poverty and underdevelopment of the Third World on women of color. Vergès looks at the feminist and Women's Liberation movements in France in the 1960s and 1970s and asks why, at a time of French consciousness about colonialism brought about by Algerian independence and the social transformations of 1968, these movements chose to ignore the history of the racialization of women's wombs in state politics. In making the liberalization of contraception and abortion their primary aim, she argues, French feminists inevitably ended up defending the rights of white women at the expense of women of color, in a shift from women's liberation to women's rights.
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Reineke, Sandra. "FASHIONING FEMALE CITIZENS: POPULAR WOMEN'S MAGAZINES AND REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS IN FIFTH REPUBLIC FRANCE." Contemporary French Civilization 34, no. 1 (January 2010): 41–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.2010.3.
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Haqyar, Abdullah. "The Phenomenon of Human Rights from the Perspective of Islam and the West." Volume-2: Issue-3 (August, 2019) 2, no. 3 (March 31, 2020): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.2.3.1.
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The phenomenon of human rights, in its contemporary sense, is not even ancient in Western thought, and it came from the context of a social and political movement in France, and the most important of the fundamental rights that collected under this title is the right to life, the right to liberty, the right to equality, the right to asylum, the right to freedom of expression, the right to freedom of opinion and religion, women's rights, the right to participate in social and political life, and the right to personal property. It is an established principle that the first condition for the exercise of these rights is their incompatibility with the rights of other human beings and their human rights. The philosophical basis of human rights in the West consists of three important principles: the principle of human dignity, equality and justice. But the difference between human rights in the West and Islam is that "God" is at the center of the Islamic worldview, while in the Western world the "man" is the central one, and man is the measure of all rights. A clearer interpretation of the two types of "God-centered" or "human-centered" ideas in the West is the predominance of human-centeredness and in Islam the predominance of God-centeredness. The philosophical foundations of human rights in Islam are the principle of human dignity, the principle of God-seeking, the principle of human immortality, and the principle of its developmental relation to the set of being.
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Li, Shuaizhen. "Analysis of the Wearing or Revealing of the Hijab." BCP Education & Psychology 9 (March 29, 2023): 187–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpep.v9i.4682.
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Women are blatantly portrayed as second-class citizens through the careful analysis of historical and religious writings. In modern society, young girls and women are encouraged to stand up for their basic rights. When it comes to the highly controversial question of whether or not women should wear hijabs and how it affects their personal life, opposing countries with multiple perspectives on the issue have created according to guidelines for how these women should act without paying much attention to the female community itself. These rules have led to unequal treatment of women's actions throughout the world. A Muslim teacher in France lost her job while battling for her right to wear a headscarf while teaching, while Mahsa Amini in Iran was assassinated by the morality police. Women suffer in both situations since their human rights are disregarded—whether it is her freedom of religion or clothes which attract feminists' attention. It is advised that Islamic countries stop utilizing the hijab to prevent men from harassing women and start teaching children to treat others with respect instead. Furthermore, all countries should respect women's autonomy and permit the wearing or revealing of the hijab.
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Hause, Steven C., and Paul Smith. "Feminism and the Third Republic: Women's Political and Civil Rights in France, 1918-1945." American Historical Review 102, no. 4 (October 1997): 1176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170707.
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Reineke, Sandra. "In vitro veritas: New reproductive and genetic technologies and women's rights in contemporary France." International Journal of Feminist Approaches to Bioethics 1, no. 1 (April 2008): 91–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/fab.2008.1.1.91.
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Cobble, Dorothy Sue. "International Women's Trade Unionism and Education." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000089.
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AbstractThis keynote address, delivered in December 2015 at the International Federation of Workers’ Education Association General Conference in Lima, Peru, refutes the standard trope of labor movement decline and provides evidence for the global rise and feminization of labor movements worldwide. Trade union women’s commitment to emancipatory, democratic worker education helped spur these changes. The origins and effects of two historical examples are detailed: the Bryn Mawr Summer School for Women Workers held in the United States annually from 1921 to 1938 and the first International Women’s Summer School of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) held in France in 1953. The latter experiment, attended by women labor leaders from 25 countries, energized the Women’s Committee of the ICFTU. It led to the adoption of “The Charter of Rights of Working Women” by the ICFTU in 1965 and helped make possible the election of Sharan Burrow and other women to top office in the International Trade Union Confederation. The address concludes with a discussion of what the history of trade union women’s education teaches about strengthening future labor movements.
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Stuart, Robert. "“Calm, with a Grave and Serious Temperament, rather Male”: French Marxism, Gender and Feminism, 1882–1905." International Review of Social History 41, no. 1 (April 1996): 57–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113690.
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SummaryThis article argues that historians have underestimated the importance and complexity of Marxists' engagement with feminism during the introduction of their doctrine into the French socialist movement before the First World War. It examines the ideological discourse of the Parti Ouvrier Français, the embodiment of Marxism in France from 1882 to 1905, in order to reveal the ambiguities and contradictions of the French Marxists' approach to the “woman question” – seeking to explicate the puzzling coincidence in the movement's rhetoric of a firmly feminist commitment to women's rights with an equally intransigent hostility to organized feminism.
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Zeng, Zhijia. "A Cross-National Examination of Abortion Politics: Contrasting Perspectives in the United States and France." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 55, no. 1 (June 6, 2024): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/55/20240065.
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The debate surrounding abortion laws has been one of great prominence in current politics. While some nations take a strong stance against the accessibility of the practice, others view it as an essential protection of women's autonomy. The main objective of this paper is to perform a comparative analysis of both the historical and contemporary legal landscape of abortion within France and the United States. Throughout this paper, the examination of the evolution of abortion laws in both countries are laid against a backdrop of shifting societal values, cultural influences, and political dynamics. In the United States, the narrative of abortion laws is marked by intense ideological complications and complex legal battles that result from deep rooted societal divisions. In contrast, Frances progression leaned towards growing liberalization, strongly influenced by public health priorities and an emphasis on gender equity. Through delving into key legal decisions, political movements, and public relations, this paper aims to illustrate the shaping legal and cultural frameworks within the two nations shape their respective policies and practices surrounding the topic of abortion. This paper highlights the implications of these divergent approaches towards womens reproductive autonomy, government health outcomes, and overarching societal norms. The comparative analysis of abortion within the two democracies seeks to provide insights into the underlying reasons for the stark differences in their approaches, striving to draw conclusions that may provide insight for future legal and policy initiatives in the realm of reproductive rights.
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Sali, Meirison Alizar, Desmadi Saharuddin, Rosdialena Rosdialena, and Muhammad Ridho. "MODERASI ISLAM DALAM KESETARAAN GENDER (KOMPARASI TERHADAP AGAMA YAHUDI DAN NASRANI)." Jurnal AL-IJTIMAIYYAH: Media Kajian Pengembangan Masyarakat Islam 6, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/al-ijtimaiyyah.v6i1.5510.
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Islam is a moderate religion that is very close to the dignity of women which is very different from the two religions of its predecessors. In both religions women are considered as a burden in life and very detrimental, women's rights are morally and materially ignored. Like ownership of property, the right to issue testimony, identity is assigned to the husband not to his father. Even as far back as 1956 and perhaps up to now in France and Germany full of women's freedom must obtain the husband's permission to conduct transactions, such as buying and selling, grants from his own property. With library studies and comparative approaches and qualitative methods the author reveals whether Jews and Christians have similarities in their treatment of women in theory and is there a difference between the two religions? Do Islam, Judaism and Christianity in theory give equal treatment to women? Let a Muslim know that there is a gap between the teachings of Islam and the behavior of some Muslims today that are no longer in accordance with Islamic norms. Such behavior does not originate from Islam as a moderate religion.Keywords: Islamic Moderation, In Gender, Comparison, Judaism and Christian.
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Oksana Koshulko. "Women’s Empowerment: an Insight into History and the Present Day." SIASAT 6, no. 3 (July 31, 2021): 161–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/siasat.v6i3.101.
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The article presents the results of research concerning the empowerment of women from the 17th to 21st century in various countries, including Mexico, the U.K., the U.S.A., Ukraine and France among others. Fourteen cases of women's empowerment in their areas of activity are explored, using case studies collected from primary and secondary data. Twelve of the cases are described and explored using secondary data and two cases using primary data, collected in 2019 in Kyiv, Ukraine. The cases are encrypted as Case 1 - C_ 1 through to Case 14 - C_ 14. The article is an important insight into women's empowerment through history to the present, showing how at times women have sacrificed themselves to achieve their aims and how these sacrifices are important for women of today. However, despite the achievements throughout the centuries, women must continue their struggle to obtain full rights and freedom for all women around the world.
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Cuthbert Brandt, Gail, and Naomi Black. "“Il en faut un peu”: Farm Women and Feminism in Québec and France Since 1945." Victoria 1990 1, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 73–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031011ar.
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Abstract Certain farm women's organizations continue to represent the social feminist tradition of Canadian suffragism and the broader social Catholic feminism still influential elsewhere. Canadian historians have often criticized such groups in contrast with a more aggressive, equal-rights feminism found among urban and rural women in both waves of feminism. We argue that, far from being conservative, groups identified as social feminist serve to integrate farm women into public debates and political action, including feminism. We outline the history of the Cercles de fermières of Québec, founded in 1915, and the French Groupements de vulgarisation-développement agricoles féminins, founded since 1959. A comparison of members with nonmembers in each country and across the group, based on survey data collected in 1989 for 389 cases, suggests that club involvement has counteracted demographic characteristics expected to produce antifeminism. In general, we find less hostility to second-wave feminism than might be expected. Relying mainly on responses to open-ended questions, we argue that, for our subjects, feminism is tempered by distaste for confrontation. Issues supported by the movement for women's liberation are favoured by farm women, but the liberationist style and tactics are eschewed. Those of our respondents identified as feminists express preference for a complementarity modelled on the idealized family.
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Vlasova, А. "THE OVERCOMING OF DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WOMEN AND PROTECTION OF THEIR RIGHTS DY INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS (1945-1967 YEARS)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 128 (2016): 18–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2016.128.1.04.
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"Women's issue" in French society remains unresolved after granting of voting rights to women which actually made them equal with men. Discrimination on the basis of gender in France took place in traditional thinking, the main thesis of which was the stereotypical perception of women as second-rate persons and weak individual in the family and society. So, women needed protection and approval of their rights. International organizations took the responsibility to protect women from discrimination and pursue policies to improve conditions of their life. Several declarations, conventions, pacts were adopted by the Organization of the United Nations and the International Labour Organization. They have been directed to change the relationship between members of society by providing equal rights in all spheres of life regardless of their gender, nationality, religion, property belonging or any other possible human characteristics. Formation of the French public policy conducted in accordance with the decisions of international organizations, in which she was a permanent member. Overcoming discrimination policy of women was aimed for destruction stereotypical attitudes that concern the role of women in French society, economic, social, political and daily life.
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Booley, Ashraf. "Progressive Realisation of Muslim Family Law: The Case of Tunisia." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal 22 (October 24, 2019): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2019/v22i0a2029.
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From the time when women's rights were not placed high on the agenda of any state to the time when women's rights are given top priority, Tunisia's gender-friendly legislation requires a fresher look. One would be forgiven for thinking that Tunisia's reforms started after they gained independence from France in the 1950's. In fact, it was during the French Protectorate that reformers started rumours of reform, arguing amongst other issues for affording women more rights than those they were granted under sharia law, which governed family law in Tunisia. After gaining its independence, Tunisia promulgated the Code of Personal Status, which was considered a radical departure from the sharia. It is considered to be the first women-friendly legislation promulgated in the country. It could be argued that Tunisian family law underwent, four waves of reform. The first wave started during the French Protectorate. The second wave started in the 1950's with the codification of Tunisia's family law, which introduced women-friendly legislation. The third wave started in the 1990's with changes to the Code of Personal Status, and the latest wave commenced in 2010. In this article, I analyse the initial, pioneering phases of the reforms resulting from the actions of a newly formed national state interested in building a free society at the end of colonial rule, as well as reforms that have taken place in the modern state since the Arab uprising in Tunisia. As a result of the various waves of reforms, I argue that Tunisia should be seen as the vanguard of women-friendly legislation in the Arab world.
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Zeff, Eleanor E. "Old traditions die hard: The influence of nationalism and the European community on women's rights in France, the United Kingdom and Germany." History of European Ideas 15, no. 1-3 (December 1992): 257–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(92)90138-3.
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EL ENANY, Racha Mohamed Hassan. "WRITING MULTIFACETED AND PLURAL IDENTITY (FRANCO-IRANIAN) AND THE CONCEPT OF WOMEN'S LIBERATION IN" MARX AND THE DOLL'' OF MARYAM MADJIDI." International Journal of Humanities and Educational Research 04, no. 01 (February 1, 2022): 293–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2757-5403.12.21.
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It is nice to open up to other culture but it is unfortunate that we are uprooted from our cuture.Maryam Madjidi, Iranian writer, she had to leave iran, her home with her family to live in France, to escape from tyranny that prevailed at this time. Maryam the child, suffered from isolation and living in a strange country using different langage and culture of the Iranian culture and in a struggle between multiple ideas, she has to be forced to live with more than one identity. To forget her pain, Maryam find in writing the only way to be free. Our work is based on two parts. To study this novel "Marx And The Doll" , we focus through this study on the impact of internal conflict and plural identity and writing multifaceted with the writer. Also we care about highlighting on some sustainable development axes about women's liberation and reclaiming her rights to explain the different customs and traditions towards women in Iran from the period of Iranian revolution.
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Wilson, Rodney. "Financial Economics: Islamic Finance in Europe: Towards a Plural Financial System." Journal of Economic Literature 51, no. 4 (December 1, 2013): 1198–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.51.4.1183.r7.
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Rodney Wilson of Emeritus Professor, Durham University reviews, “Islamic Finance in Europe: Towards a Plural Financial System” by Valentino Cattelan. The Econlit abstract of this book begins: “Fifteen papers investigate Islamic finance in Europe as part of a plural financial system in the current age of globalization, through a multi- and interdisciplinary approach to law and economics. Papers discuss law as a kite—managing legal pluralism in the context of Islamic finance; a glimpse through the veil of Maya—Islamic finance and its truths on property rights; Islamic moral economy as the foundation of Islamic finance; financial stability and economic development—an Islamic perspective; Islamic banking contracts and the risk profile of Islamic banks; the economic impact of Islamic finance and the European Union; migrant banking in Europe—approaches, meanings, and perspectives; women's empowerment and Islam—open issues from the Arab world to Europe; Islamic banking in the EU legal framework; regulating Islamic financial institutions in the United Kingdom; Luxembourg—a leading domicile for Shari'ah compliant investments; managing Islamic finance vis-à-vis laïcité—the case of France; a critical view on Islamic finance in Germany; the development of Islamic banking in Turkey—regulation, performance, and political economy; and the move toward a plural financial system. Cattelan is Lecturer in Islamic Finance at the University of Rome ““Tor Vergata.””
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Bach-Golecka, Dobrochna. "WOMEN’S RIGHTS AND PRO-LIFE MOVEMENT: OPPOSITION OR HARMONY?" Studia Iuridica 99 (2024): 9–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2024-99.1.
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The aim of this article is to focus on women’s rights and how these rights correlate with pro-life stance: Are those in opposition to one another or in harmony? In order to answer this question, an analysis of the notion of women’s rights has been performed. Moreover, the categories of the rights of pregnant women and reproductive rights are also examined. The normative analysis of human rights provisions concerning the scope of the protection of the right to life in the pre-natal phase is made, alongside the examination of relevant judicial decisions, namely: the Court of Justice of the European Union in the "Grogan" case (1991), the Supreme Court of the United States judgments in "Roe v. Wade" (1973) and "Dobbs" case (2022), the European Court of Human Rights in "Bouton v. France" (2022) and the Polish Constitutional Tribunal judgment on prohibition of eugenic abortion (2020). In conclusion, the arguments concerning the mutual relationship between women’s rights and the pro-life and pro-abortion movements are presented, with a final standpoint on the noble character of the pro-life stance, based on human rights protection due to solidarity, altruism and cosmopolitan values.
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Portier, Philippe. "LAICITY AND WOMEN’S RIGHTS. EQUALITY AND DIFFERENCE IN CONTEMPORARY FRANCE." POLITICS AND RELIGION IN EUROPE 9, no. 2 (December 27, 2015): 197–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0902197p.
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It is common practice to defend the idea that by separating, in 1880s-1905, the State from the Churches, in particular from the Roman Catholic Church, the French Republic has opened the way to the feminine emancipation. The return to the history tilts us to propose a more diffentiating interpretation. The influence of the laicity is, in France, by no means unambiguous: according to periods, the Republic adopted varied public policies towards women. This article presents a diachronic modelling, envisaged from the dialectic of the equality and the difference, of these policies. It spots a first period, 1880 till 1960, during which remains a hierarchical formula maintaining women in a status of inferiority ; between 1960 and 1990, the equality spouses with the religious difference; from 1990, under the influence of the controversy around the “ Muslim question “, France enter a more universalist model, in which the assertion of women’s rights comes along with a relative denial of the religious difference.
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Franklin, Elise. "A Bridge Across the Mediterranean." French Politics, Culture & Society 36, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 28–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2018.360202.
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During the Algerian War, Nafissa Sid Cara came to public prominence in two roles. As a secretary of state, Sid Cara oversaw the reform of Muslim marriage and divorce laws pursued by Charles de Gaulle’s administration as part of its integration campaign to unite France and Algeria. As president of the Mouvement de solidarité féminine, she sought to “emancipate” Algerian women so they could enjoy the rights France offered. Though the politics of the Algerian War circumscribed both roles, Sid Cara’s work with Algerian women did not remain limited by colonial rule. As Algeria approached independence, Sid Cara rearticulated the language of women’s rights as an apolitical and universal good, regardless of the future of the French colonial state, though she—and the language of women’s rights— remained bound to the former metropole.
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Yusuf, Hakeem. "S.A.S v France." International Human Rights Law Review 3, no. 2 (November 19, 2014): 277–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131035-00302006.
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The Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights has upheld the French law which prohibits the concealment of one’s face in public places. The law is directed principally at prohibiting Muslim women covering their faces in public spaces in France. The decision of the Strasbourg Court is premised on the French notion of ‘le vivre ensemble’; ‘living together.’ This critical analysis of the judgment contends that the decision is flawed and retrogressive for women’s rights in particular and undermines the socio-cultural rights and freedoms of individuals who belong to minority groups in general. On wider implications of the decision, it is worrisome that the decision appears to pander to dangerous political leanings currently growing in many parts of Europe and beyond. The Court risks promoting forced assimilation policies against minorities in various parts of the world. To illustrate its implications, the article highlights the experience of the Uyghurs, a Turkic ethnic group in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region of China.
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Petrechenko, S. A. "The formation of women`s suffrage in the USA in the XIX-XX centuries." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 1, no. 80 (January 22, 2024): 130–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2023.80.1.18.
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In the scientific article, the author analyzed the issue of the formation of women’s suffrage in the United States of America. The meaning of the “conference to discuss the social, civil and religious condition and rights of women” held in Seneca Falls in 1848 is revealed. The role of suffragettes, their complex international connections and strategies for the development of women’s rights are outlined. The achievements of Mary Wollstonecraft, Maria Stuart, Francisca Anneke, Sarah Parker Remond, Stanton, Anthony, Ida Wells, Frances Harper, Churchy Terrell, Alice Paul and the social movement of abolitionists in the process of securing women’s rights, including women’s suffrage, are revealed. The importance of the founding of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance, the International Women’s League, the World Women’s Christian Temperance Union, the International Council of Women, the National Association of Colored Women, the Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage, and the Inter-American Commission on Women is characterized. The emergence of the internationalism of women’s suffrage, the spread of feminism is analyzed. The events and consequences of the struggle for women’s suffrage in the USA are summarized. In particular, it notes that the transnational legacy of the suffrage movement is evident in the ongoing aspirations of US women for full citizenship today. Then, as now, the struggle for women’s rights is linked to global movements for human rights – for immigrant, racial, labor and feminist justice. The internationalism of the women’s suffrage movement shows us that activists and movements outside the USA, as well as a wide range of diverse international causes, were crucial to the organization of what was considered such a quintessentially American right to vote. The emergence of women’s suffrage reminds us how much we have to learn from feminist struggles around the world. We see the prospects for further scientific research in the study of women’s suffrage in the states of the EU and other countries of the world and in their comparison. A scientific article can be useful for experts, historians and students.
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Perego, Elizabeth. "Veil as Barrier to Muslim Women’s Suffrage in French Algeria, 1944–1954." Hawwa 11, no. 2-3 (June 9, 2014): 160–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341246.
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In 1944, women in metropolitan France and across the French empire gained full citizenship. That same year, French officials enfranchised Algerian Muslim men. Yet, under pressure from the European settler community in Algeria, the French refused to give Algerian Muslim women citizenship. Why did the settler community want to withhold political rights from these women, and how did the French justify their exclusion while permitting everyone else across the empire to become citizens? This paper will argue that, due to settler resistance to seeing the Algerian electorate expanded, members of Algeria’s European community and French officials exploited the veil to emphasize how Muslim society “repressed” its women to the point that they were unfit to exercise political rights. In the process, the veil came to symbolize a barrier between these women and modernity, a constructed meaning that continues to drive secular campaigns against Muslim headcoverings in France and North Africa.
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Faller, Helge. "Part of the Game: The First Fifty Years of Women’s Football in Ireland and the International Context." Studies in Arts and Humanities 7, no. 1 (June 3, 2021): 58–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18193/sah.v7i1.202.
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Women’s football in Ireland started in 1895 when the British Ladies’ Football Club (BLFC) visited Belfast for the first time and was followed by a tour the next year, which included some matches labelled ‘Ireland vs. England’. After two decades of silence, World War I saw the restart of women’s football, thanks to Mrs Walter Scott, and this time it was played seriously. Right from the start, the focus was not only on local exhibition matches but also on international selective matches. On Boxing Day in 1917, women’s football history was written, with the first international match of two selected teams in Belfast. After the war, Ireland became part of the international women’s football boom, played several international matches and had close ties to the French Federation. After some years of decline, the 1930s saw the most flourishing years in Irish women’s football before World War II, culminating in the first Irish full international in France, against France, in 1936. After the war, Irish women’s football was back on the international scene again. In this piece, I will show that Ireland—like France, Belgium, Austria and England—was one of the key international players in women’s football history up to the early 1950s. As soon as serious football was played by women, starting in World War I, the Irish ladies were part of the international movement and played international selective matches. This distinguished them from other nations in the 20s and 30s, where women’s football was seen as a show-act and not as a serious sport.
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Garbaye, Linda. "Female and Male Activism for Women’s Rights in Eighteenth-Century America and France." XVII-XVIII, no. 72 (December 1, 2015): 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/1718.371.
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Studlar, Donley T. "Politics and Sexual Equality: The Comparative Position of Women in Western Democracies. By Pippa Norris. Boulder: Rienner, 1987. 165p. $25.00. - The Women's Movements of the United States and Western Europe: Consciousness, Political Opportunity, and Public Policy. Edited by Mary Fainsod Katzenstein and Carol McClarg Mueller. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987. 321p. $34.95. - Women's Rights in France. By Dorothy McBride Stetson. Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1987. $32.95." American Political Science Review 82, no. 4 (December 1988): 1401–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1961804.
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Allen, Lori. "Studying Human Rights in the Middle East: Lingua Franca of Global Politics or Forked Tongue of Donors?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 2 (April 7, 2016): 357–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816000088.
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The study of human rights has gone through many phases, and the boom in the scholarly industry of human rights studies has yielded many subspecialties, including human rights in particular regions and the intersections of human rights with different religious traditions. One principal area of discussion likely to be of interest to readers of this journal has been the question of Muslim women's human rights and the role of religion in this respect. The problem was often presented as primarily an ideological one, a conflict between a local tradition, Islam, and the global demands for human rights.
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Pachowicz, Anna. "Posłanka Wanda Ładzina (1880–1966) i jej działalność w Polsce i we Francji." Przegląd Sejmowy 3(176) (2023): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2023.188.
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The aim of this article is to present the life and activities of Wanda Ładzina, particularly her involvement in numerous spheres of charitable, political and social work and publishing. At various times in her life she was active in the French Red Cross (fr. Croix-Rouge française), and the Union of French Women (fr. Union des Femmes de France), and the Polish Red Cross. She was president of the Sisters’ Section of the Polish Red Cross (pol. Sekcja Sióstr Polskiego Czerwonego Krzyża), dressed wounded French soldiers participating in the First World War and later Polish soldiers fighting in the war against the Bolsheviks. She was also the caretaker of the Association of Catholic Servants in Lodz (pol. Stowarzyszenie Sług Katolickich w Łodzi), belonged to the National Women’s Organisation, Poland (pol. Narodowa Organizacja Kobiet, Polska), and the “Falcon” Polish Gymnastic Society. In 1922, in the elections of 5 November, she won a parliamentary seat on behalf of the Popular National Union; in the Sejm she sat on three committees: the Labour Protection Committee (pol. Komisja Ochrony Pracy), the Social Welfare Committee (Komisja Opieki Społecznej) and the Invalidity Committee (pol. Komisja Inwalidztwa); she was also active in the Polish-French parliamentary group. Wanda Ładzina fought above all for the social rights of female domestic workers, advocated the abolition of restrictions on women’s civil rights and the regulation of the status of employed women and working minors. During the Second World War, she was in France, active in the Polish Red Cross and, from 1941, in the Welfare Society for the Poles in France (fr. Groupement d’assistance aux Polonais en France, pol. Towarzystwo Opieki nad Polakami we Francji). After the end of the war, she decided to remain in France and published journalistic and religious texts. She died in Paris, was buried in the Montmorency cemetery.
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Vyas-Doorgapersad, Shikha, and Tshombe M. Lukamba. "The status and political participation of women in the Democratic Republic of Congo (1960–2010): A critical historical reflection." New Contree 62 (November 30, 2011): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v62i0.348.
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One of the central demands of the feminist movement (which started in the 1880s globally [but first arose in France in 1870]) has been and continues to be women’s exercise of their full and active citizenship, which they consider was denied them as a result of not being recognised as equals at the moment of the definition and construction of citizenship in the eighteenth century. Since then, the women’s movement and feminist movement have denounced this exclusion, calling for equal citizenship for women. At first, between the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth, the feminist movement demanded the right to vote along with other civic, civil, and political rights, considered as a first wave of feminism.1 The second wave of feminism during the 1960s and 1970s continued to demand the expansion of women’s citizenship in the case of the African continent as a whole, and called for a redefinition of the private sphere in which women were isolated. In this sphere they were excluded from certain human rights and were thus unable to fully exercise rights expressing an equal citizenship.2 In for example the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), as the focus for this discussion, the participation of Congolese women in the decision making of the country by 2011 was supported by the recently promulgated constitution of the DRC in 2006. The constitution promotes equal opportunity for men and women, but the current government has to date not yet achieved what was promised then. This paper is a critical historical reflection of women’s status and political participation in the DRC. It also argues that the DRC government should encourage women to become actively involved in political parties so that they are eventually able to achieve the highest office in the country in order to serve justice to human rights. Furthermore, the government should take the initiative to introduce a quota system for women in the different state structures. The paper also calls upon political parties of the DRC to encourage the participation of women in party politics.
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Le Bris, Catherine. "The Legal Framework for the Fight against Female Circumcision: From Cultural Indulgence to Human Rights Violations. The French Example." European Journal of Health Law 26, no. 2 (April 24, 2019): 141–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718093-12261424.
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Abstract The harmful consequences of female circumcision for women’s health have been demonstrated and are regularly recalled by the World Health Organisation. Whereas in the past, the cultural dimension of the practice was emphasised, which result in impunity or absence of guilt, it is now considered by the United Nations as a violation of human rights, especially of the right to health. In 2012, the General Assembly asked States for a total ban on the practice. Despite the consensus on the punishability of female circumcision, its enforcement diverges, in particular in Western Europe. France is considered as a model in this area, that’s why this study focuses on it. Yet, under French law, there is no special legislation criminalising the practice: female circumcision is punishable on grounds of mutilation. However, the French success is not complete: the prevention of such acts could be improved.
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Reineke, Sandra. "In vitro veritas: New reproductive and genetic technologies and women’s rights in contemporary France." IJFAB: International Journal of Feminist Approaches to Bioethics 1, no. 1 (March 2008): 91–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ijfab.1.1.91.
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Conrad, Jessica. "Interfering Women: Consumer Activism, Charity, and Women's Rights in Frances Harper's Sowing and Reaping." Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 144, no. 3 (2020): 349–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pmh.2020.0027.
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Aidt, Toke S. "Review of Forging the Franchise: The Political Origins of the Women’s Vote." Journal of Economic Literature 60, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 1039–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.20201567.
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Recent years have seen several 100-year anniversaries of the women’s vote, and today universal and equal suffrage is an inseparable part of democracy. Dawn Teele’s book, Forging the Franchise, is an inquiry into the reasons why male politicians elected by male voters gave women the right to vote in the United Kingdom, the United States, and France. It offers a theory of the political origins that focuses on electoral expediency and mobilization of women’s groups and it provides quantitative evidence from the three countries. It argues that women got the right to vote when the incumbents saw and needed an electoral advantage of expanding the right to vote to females. The book is of interest not only to those who want a deeper understanding of the historical process of women’s enfranchisement or who are interested in the political economy of democratization, but to everyone with a concern about gender inequality in politics today. (JEL D72, E16, J16, N30, N40)
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Calderaro, Charlène, and Calogero Giametta. "‘The Problem of Prostitution’: Repressive policies in the name of migration control, public order, and women’s rights in France." Anti-Trafficking Review, no. 12 (April 2, 2019): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14197/atr.2012191210.
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This article focuses on the political debates that led to the adoption of the sex purchase ban (commonly referred to as the Swedish or Nordic model) in France in April 2016. It examines the convergence of French mainstream feminists and traditional neo-abolitionist actors in the fight against prostitution, and its impact on sex workers’ rights and wellbeing. We argue that there is continuity between the effects produced by the ban on soliciting enacted in 2003 and those created by the law penalising clients passed in 2016. In discussing the current repression of sex work in France, we highlight how the construction of the ‘problem of prostitution’ should be seen in light of broader political anxieties over sexism in poor neighbourhoods and immigration control, which justify the national priorities of security and public order.
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Nossowska, Małgorzata. "Ewolucja wzorca kobiety idealnej we Francji belle époque. Przypadek Marguerite Durand i La Fronde." Studia Historica Gedanensia 14 (December 21, 2023): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23916001hg.23.017.18818.
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The Evolution of the Model of the Ideal Woman in France of the Belle Époque: the case of Marguerite Durand and La Fronde Although the nineteenth century, in many respects, changed France beyond recognition, with the Civil Code of 1802, it created a legal framework as strong as never before that enclosed women in a world of strictly defined roles and tasks. They were a reflection and legal sanction of the attitudes, understanding of social roles, and necessary attributes allocated to women, that were currently in operation, especially in the bourgeois French society. Any change in them took place extremely slowly, and met with resistance and considerable social reluctance. Suffice it to say, that French women did not gain full civil rights until 1938. Among the activists of women’s movements in France who provoked these changes and actively supported them, promoting new kinds of attitudes and behaviour was Marguerite Durand (1864–1936), feminist, journalist, founder and editor‑in‑chief of the daily (and later monthly) La Fronde, the first newspaper in France run by a woman and employing only women, although it did not only cover women’s issues. La Fronde became an important tribune promoting issues important for women, an advocate of legal changes, but, above all, of changes in the social perception of women, their image, their roles and tasks, their expected and required features, behaviour, and attitudes. And although this change was slow, La Fronde was one of its most important
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McMillan, James F. "Women in Social Catholicism in Late Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-century France." Studies in Church History 27 (1990): 467–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012250.
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This lecture should also have a sub-title, perhaps something like ‘a study in ambiguity’, because I want to use it as a particular example of the great paradox which seems to lie at the core of the relationship between women and the Church. On the one hand, as is well known, most varieties of Christianity have been marked by a more or less powerful misogynist strain which, understandably, has been the focus for feminist denunciations of the Church as one of the principal enemies of women’s rights. On the other hand, as ecclesiastical historians perhaps know better than others, Christianity cannot be viewed crudely as a force invariably responsible for women’s oppression, since from its beginnings it has proved itself specially attractive to women, allowing them to find inner peace and deep fulfilment through Church-related activities. I hope to show tliat the history of women’s involvement in the social Catholic movement in France in the period before the First World War is a perfect illustration of the paradoxical situation in which, within the framework of a potentially restrictive Christian discourse, women have been able to make a distinctive contribution both to their religion and to society in general.
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Sipos, Xénia Zsuzsanna. "Women’s Role in the Tunisian Process of Democratisation." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public Management Science 21, no. 2 (November 30, 2022): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2022.2.5.
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The significant role of women in all fields of the Tunisian society has been decisive since the country’s struggle for independence from the colonial power, France, and during the state-building process of the post-colonial period. Furthermore, the events of and after the Arab Spring brought about a more active role for women’s rights activists, which resulted in a widespread debate on gender equality. However, despite the efforts of the Tunisian Government to ensure protection against the discrimination of women, the growing socioeconomic crisis, amplified by the consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic, brought to the surface the difficulties of vulnerable groups, including women. Women engaged in rural activities were more at risk of facing deteriorating circumstances. In this context, the current study examines the relationship between the process of democratisation and the role women can play in the shaping of the political field and vice versa. In addition to applying statistical indicators, the article verifies the main theses of the research in the empirical part due to the incorporation of qualitative data collected from interviews conducted with five representatives/activists of local Tunisian NGOs. Although international relations themselves remain strongly gendered, the mobilisation of women’s rights activists can contribute to overwriting traditional masculine and feminine roles in public versus private spheres, and thus can result in a more gender-friendly environment.
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Setzer, Claudia. "Slavery, Women's Rights, and the Beginnings of Feminist Biblical Interpretation in the Nineteenth Century." Postscripts: The Journal of Sacred Texts, Cultural Histories, and Contemporary Contexts 5, no. 2 (November 14, 2011): 145–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/post.v5i2.145.
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Progressive movements create social changes that reach far beyond their original contexts. Such movements challenge authoritative texts and interpretations in the culture, generate alternative understandings of authoritative works that may be applied to other struggles, create a social arena for the dissemination of ideas, create patterns of thought that may be re-constituted in other forms, and may leave intact some related social problems. The abolitionist movement demanded a confrontation with slavery in the Bible and the development of non-literal exegesis. It also provided a conduit for the new methods of European biblical scholarship, particularly through the preaching and writings of abolitionist Theodore Parker. Three nineteenth-century women, Sarah Grimké, Frances Willard, and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, in spite of differences in their biographies and religious commitments, shared similar methods of interpreting the Bible to argue for women’s rights. This article argues that habits of interpretation and knowledge of emerging historical-critical scholarship that these women learned in the abolition movement carried over into their fight for women’s rights. Like many nineteenth-century Christians, they subscribed to a belief in progressive revelation, occasional Orientalism, and a sometime negative evaluation of Judaism. Yet they show a remarkable anticipation of contemporary feminist biblical scholarship in their understandings of the effect of culture on interpretation, their view of gender as socially constructed, and their descriptions of God and Jesus as both male and female.
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Strazzeri, Victor. "Transnational Women’s Activism in Eurocommunist Politics." HISPANIA NOVA. Primera Revista de Historia Contemporánea on-line en castellano. Segunda Época, no. 1 (February 22, 2024): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/hn.2024.8261.
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This article examines the phenomenon of “Eurocommunism” through the lens of the transnational dialogue between Italian and Spanish communist women activists as Spain transitioned from dictatorship to rebuilding democracy (1974-1982). Eurocommunism emerged in the mid-1970s as a trend of West European communist parties aiming to leverage democratic politics as a strategy of transition to socialism. The paper sheds light on the little-known female protagonists of the phenomenon by reconstructing the exchanges and collaborations between Italian and Spanish communist women on various fronts: from solidarity initiatives in the twilight of the Franco dictatorship to the exchange of political strategies to advance women’s rights in their respective contexts. As such, it provides evidence to the key role of women’s cross-border activism in propelling Eurocommunism in the 1970s. Finally, it highlights that female militants saw the renewal of their parties’ policies on the ‘women’s question’ as integral to the Eurocommunist platform.
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Bergès, Sandrine. "THE DESCENT OF WOMEN TO THE POWER OF DOMESTICITY." Ethics, Politics & Society 4 (August 6, 2021): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/eps.4.1.190.
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Is the virtue of domesticity a way for women to access civic power or is it a slippery slope to dependence and female subservience? Here I look at a number of philosophical responses to domesticity and trace a historical path from Aristotle to the 19th century Cult of Domesticity. Central to the Cult was the idea that women’s power was better used in the home, keeping everybody safe, alive, and virtuous. While this attitude seems to us very conservative, I want to argue that it has its roots in the republican thought of eighteenth-century France. I will show how the status of women before the French Revolutions did not allow even for power exercised in the home, and how the advent of republican ideals in France offered women non-negligible power despite their not having a right to vote.
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El Houssi, Leila. "The Role of Women in Tunisia from Bourguiba to the Promulgation of New Constitution." Oriente Moderno 98, no. 2 (September 7, 2018): 187–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340196.
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Abstract The question of women became one of those fundamental issues used by North African nations in order to demonstrate to Western countries just how “democratic” they were. In this regard, the legislation in favour of women’s emancipation in Tunisia undoubtedly reveals an important peculiarity. In 1956 Tunisia underwent an important modernisation following the independence obtained from France. This produced a social emancipation not found in other Islamic countries, resulting in the acquisition of women’s rights, for example, the abolition of polygamy. Since the 1970s, women have felt as if they are hostages to politics and, through some feminist associations, denounce inequalities despite enjoying certain rights, becoming aware of their subordination in a male-dominated society. With Bourguiba’s successor, Ben ʿAlī, assuming power in 1987, a policy emerged in which the rights of women seemed to be guaranteed, without guaranteeing human rights. And Tunisia revealed, much like other countries, a sort of mutilated modernity, in which the modernisation process was put in motion, without the modernising state committing itself to promoting a political modernity with the adoption of true democratic principles. Moreover, how much did the secularism of the Ben ʿAlī regime coincide with the transformation of Tunisian society? Perhaps the abuse of power by the dictator neutralised the paradigm of human rights? Social and cultural transformation beginning with Bourguiba and continuing with Ben ʿAlī produced an “Islamic-secular” country also as it relates to gender issues. But, with the victory of the Islamic party al-Nahḍayn the 2011 elections, will there be a radical transformation of women in society? And with Tunisia’s new constitution finally being adopted in January 2014, has it been considered a victory for women? This paper seeks to stimulate debate on the issue in the context of post-colonial studies through a social-historical perspective.
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STRNAD, Grażyna. "Feminizm amerykański trzeciej fali – zmiana i kontynuacja." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 2 (November 2, 2018): 19–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2011.16.2.2.
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The history of American women fighting for equal rights dates back to the 18th century, when in Boston, in 1770, they voiced the demand that the status of women be changed. Abigail Adams, Sarah Grimke, Angelina Grimke and Frances Wright are considered to have pioneered American feminism. An organized suffrage movement is assumed to have originated at the convention Elizabeth Stanton organized in Seneca Falls in 1848. This convention passed a Declaration of Sentiments, which criticized the American Declaration of Independence as it excluded women. The most prominent success achieved in this period was the US Congress passing the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution granting women the right to vote. The 1960s saw the second wave of feminism, resulting from disappointment with the hitherto promotion of equality. The second-wave feminists claimed that the legal reforms did not provide women with the changes they expected. As feminists voiced the need to feminize the world, they struggled for social customs to change and gender stereotypes to be abandoned. They criticized the patriarchal model of American society, blaming this model for reducing the social role of women to that of a mother, wife and housewife. They pointed to patriarchal ideology, rather than nature, as the source of the inequality of sexes. The leading representatives of the second wave of feminism were Betty Friedan (who founded the National Organization for Women), Kate Millet (who wrote Sexual Politics), and Shulamith Firestone (the author of The Dialectic of Sex: The Case for Feminist Revolution). The 1990s came to be called the third wave of feminism, characterized by multiple cultures, ethnic identities, races and religions, thereby becoming a heterogenic movement. The third-wave feminists, Rebecca Walker and Bell Hooks, represented groups of women who had formerly been denied the right to join the movement, for example due to racial discrimination. They believed that there was not one ‘common interest of all women’ but called for leaving no group out in the fight for the equality of women’s rights. They asked that the process of women’s emancipation that began with the first wave embrace and approve of the diversity of the multiethnic American society.
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Rediker, Marcus. "Reflections on History from Below." Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social, no. 20 (July 31, 2022): 296–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.17533/udea.trahs.n20a16.
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History from below is insurgent history, deriving much of its popularity and power from movements from below. The phrase had its modern origin in the 1930s, when Lucien Febvre, Georges Lefebvre, and A.L. Morton used it to discuss the history of working people in France and England. The term exploded into wider international usage in the 1960s and 1970s as various movements arose to demand new histories. In the US and many other parts of the world the civil rights and Black power movements demanded a consideration of the past that took seriously the issues of race and slavery. Anti-war and anti-colonial movements, especially those protesting the Vietnam War, called for rethinking the histories of empire and resistance. The women’s rights movement made perhaps the greatest challenge to conventional histories, insisting that the larger part of humanity be included. All of these movements asked, who is a proper subject of history? Who is in and who is out? History from below, as a politicized type of social history, arose to answer these questions.