Journal articles on the topic 'Women's rights – Egypt'
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Mazid, Nergis. "Western Mimicry or Cultural Hybridity." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 4 (October 1, 2002): 42–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i4.1915.
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Qasim Amin ( 1865-1908) remains one of Egypt's most controversial figures in the early modem women's rights movement. His use of Orientalist arguments to support the advancement of women's rights and to reform veiling was inflammatory to Egyptians demanding their rights for self-determination. Yet embracing aspects of the imperial value system did not mean that Amin succumbed to colonialism. Instead, he found compatibilities between his interpretations of Orientalism and lslam regarding women's morality and the nation's strength. The fusion and hybridity of indigenous and colonial epistemologies can be found in Amin's demand for reforming women's rights in Egypt ...
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Hatem, Mervat. "THE NINETEENTH CENTURY DISCURSIVE ROOTS OF THE CONTINUING DEBATE ON THE SOCIAL-SEXUAL CONTRACT IN TODAY'S EGYPT." Hawwa 2, no. 1 (2004): 64–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920804322888257.
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AbstractThis paper begins with an examination of the recent debate between active women's groups in Egypt who wanted to change the format of the marriage contract and the state functionaries who had claimed to better serve women's rights in the change of personal status laws. Next, it uses the work of Carole Pateman on the "sexual contract" in the West and its impact on the development of civil society to look back on the important Egyptian debate which took place in the 1890s and defined women's rights in modern society. The paper recovers the contributions made by 'A'isha Taymur and Zaynab Fawwaz to this discussion. It also examines shaykh Abdallah al-Fayumi's polemical response to Taymur and the views of the women's journals on the subject. It also shows how Qasim Amin borrowed heavily from these women in the development of a hegemonic fraternal discourse on women's rights that survives until today.
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Shahin, Magda, and Yasmeen El-Ghazaly. "The Impact of Notions of Nationalism on Women's Rights in Egypt." Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 17, no. 2 (October 2017): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/sena.12250.
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Rizzo, Helen, Anne Price, and Katherine Meyer. "Anti-Sexual Harrassment Campaign in Egypt." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 17, no. 4 (December 1, 2012): 457–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.17.4.q756724v461359m2.
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This article analyzes how, for the decade before the Arab Spring, the Egyptian Center for Women's Rights (ECWR) promoted women's issues and sustained its campaign against widespread sexual harassment in Egypt. The article also reviews ECWR's activities after the mass mobilizations of the January 25th revolution. In authoritarian states, the risks inherent in challenging the regime decrease the probability that challenges will ever emerge or, if they do, continue for any significant duration. ECWR's prolonged campaign against sexual harassment, however, belies this observation. Analysis of the organization's activities provides an opportunity to examine elements that promote contentious claims making in high-risk, neopatriarchal environments. We found that the depth and strength of networks at the local level played a significant role. Also significant were ties with national and international group, which where were partly facilitated because of tourism's importance in Egypt. Through these ties, the ECWR leadership guided the organization toward increasingly promising outcomes in a unresponsive context. This case illuminates how, in the Middle East and elsewhere, civic organizations that focus on women's issues can navigate high-risk environments, whether due to neopatriarchal culture, authoritarian governance, or both.
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Brandt, Michele, and Jeffrey A. Kaplan. "The Tension between Women's Rights and Religious Rights: Reservations to Cedaw by Egypt, Bangladesh and Tunisia." Journal of Law and Religion 12, no. 1 (1995): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1051612.
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Langohr, Vickie. "Women's Rights Movements during Political Transitions: Activism against Public Sexual Violence in Egypt." International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no. 1 (February 2015): 131–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814001482.
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The most famous demand raised by protesters in the “Arab Spring” was “al-shaʿb/yurīd/isqāṭ al-niẓām” (the people/want /the fall of the regime). Three years later, little progress has been made—outside of Tunisia—in permanently replacing authoritarian regimes with the formal institutions of democracy. However, new forms of activism have emerged that increase citizens’ ability to directly combat pervasive social problems and to successfully pressure official institutions to alter policies. The evolution of activism against public sexual violence in post-Mubarak Egypt is a concrete example. Sexual harassment of women on the streets and in public transportation, widespread before the 25 January uprising, has likely since increased.1 Many women have been subjected to vicious sexual assault at political protests over the last three years. But activism against these threats has also expanded in ways unimaginable during the Mubarak era. Groups of male and female activists in their twenties and early thirties exhort bystanders on the streets to intervene when they witness harassment, and intervene themselves. Satellite TV programs have extensively covered public sexual violence, directly challenging officials for their failure to combat it while featuring the work of antiharassment and antiassault groups in a positive light. These new practices facilitated two concrete changes in the summer of 2014: amendments to the penal code on sexual harassment, and Cairo University's adoption of an antiharassment policy which was developed by feminist activists.
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Stilt, Kristen A. "Constitutional Innovation and Animal Protection in Egypt." Law & Social Inquiry 43, no. 04 (2018): 1364–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12312.
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This article examines constitutional innovation through the case study of the emergence of animal protection in Egypt's 2014 Constitution. Egypt's provision, which is a state obligation to provide al-rifq bi-l-hayawan (kindness to animals), was adopted in Article 45 as part of the country's second constitution following the 2011 revolution that ousted President Hosni Mubarak. Three aspects proved crucial to the adoption of the provision: a decision by animal protection activists to influence the constitutional process; the ability of citizens to convey their ideas to the constitutional drafters, albeit in a limited way; and, most importantly, the use of frame bridging. The activists and then the constitutional drafters presented the new cause of constitutional animal protection in terms of well-established areas of social, and constitutional, concern in the country, including Islamic law, women's rights, human rights, and the protection of the environment.
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Idris, Rizky Akbar, Muhammad Pramadiathalla, and Tania Daniela. "Female Genital Mutilation as Violence Against Women: A Narrative of Promoting Abandonment." Indonesian Journal of Law and Society 2, no. 2 (September 30, 2021): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/ijls.v2i2.24565.
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Today, women and girls are less likely to undergo female genital mutilation (FGM) than decades ago. However, the practice is still near-universal in some countries. FGM is still practiced because societies still hold their traditional values and norms. According to UNICEF, at least 200 million women and girls have been subjected to the practice in 30 countries, mainly those in Asia and Africa. This study aimed to analyze FGM as violence against women relating to the communities and their beliefs by addressing the status quo and the legality of FGM practices in Indonesia, Egypt, and Yemen. It accounted for the state's role in preventing, handling, and safeguarding the victims of FGM practices. This study used the socio-legal method by critically analyzing the legislation for further implications for legal subjects. This study showed that FGM was a form of violence against women which have a role in the perpetual violation of women's rights. It identified the difference in practice, prevalence, legality, and the state's role in FGM in Indonesia, Egypt, and Yemen. It suggested to prevent FGM practices through mobilizing political will and funding, strengthening healthcare providers' awareness and knowledge, building a supportive legislative and regulatory environment, and reinforcing monitoring, evaluation, and accountability.
KEYWORDS: Women’s Rights, Female Genital Mutilation, Violence Against Women.
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Hoesterey, James B. "Is Indonesia a Model for the Arab Spring? Islam, Democracy, and Diplomacy." Review of Middle East Studies 47, no. 2 (2013): 157–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2151348100058043.
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As protestors filled Tahrir Square in Cairo in January 2011, Western diplomats, academics, and political pundits were searching for the best political analogy for the promise—and problems—for the Arab Uprising. Whereas neoconservative skeptics fretted that Egypt and Tunisia might go the way of post-revolutionary Iran, Hillary Clinton and Madeleine Albright praised Indonesia's democratization as the ideal model for the Arab Spring. During her 2009 visit to Indonesia, Clinton proclaimed: “if you want to know whether Islam, democracy, modernity, and women's rights can coexist, go to Indonesia.” Certainly Indonesia of May 1998 is not Egypt of January 2011, yet some comparisons are instructive. Still reeling from the Asian financial crisis of 1997, middle class Indonesians were fed up with corruption, cronyism, and a military that operated with impunity.
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Barnett, Carolyn. "The Socialization of Female Islamists: Paternal and Educational Influence." Hawwa 7, no. 1 (2009): 57–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920809x449544.
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AbstractMany women have played an important role in Islamic renewal as advocates and activists within Islamist movements and parties. Women's participation is of particular interest, given the reputation of these groups as insufficiently supportive of women's rights. The specific influences and experiences that lead women to approach their own empowerment through Islam and to reform Islamist movements from within have been neglected. This article investigates some of the important influences on two prominent female Islamists: Heba Raouf Ezzat, Professor of Political Science at Cairo University, and Nadia Yassine, founder and head of the women's branch of the Moroccan movement Justice and Spirituality (JSA). First and foremost, it overviews the circumstances in which prominent women in Egypt and Morocco have asserted themselves in the past century, highlighting the consistent importance of paternal influence and the expansion of access to education, as well as the evolving role of religion and religious discourse in arguments for women's rights. This article discusses the role of paternal influence and schooling as agents of political socialization, pointing out that scholars have underestimated the important role that fathers play in strongly patriarchal societies and the ability of schools in former colonies to produce anti colonial and nationalist political sentiments. It then turns to Ezzat and Yassine themselves, presenting in detail the influence their fathers and foreign schools had on their political socialization. Both fathers held progressive views on women's education, but they differed in their specific political views, such as their attitude towards Islamism, and the extent to which they sought to transfer their political views to their daughters. This article ends by discussing the role of foreign education in Ezzat's and Yassine's socialization and identity construction, emphasizing the importance of encounters with racist and condescending attitudes as a contributing factor to women's search for Islamic alternatives.
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Keshavarzian, Arang. "Beyond 1979 and 2011: When Comparisons Distract." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 1 (January 27, 2012): 159–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811001334.
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In the midst of several research trips to Iran in the 1990s, I spent one year living and conducting exploratory research in Cairo. In Tehran, revolution seemed unfinished if not perpetual, yet in Egypt it was unimaginable. In spite of the entrenched support for the Leader and the political status quo, at this time Iran's reformist movement was robust. The policies of the Islamic Republic and consequences of the eight-year war with Iraq unleashed new social conditions that combined with established forces to push for women's rights, freedom of speech, independent civil associations, and exposing contradictions in the postrevolutionary order.
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Dzera, M. M., R. Y. Pasichnyy, and A. M. Ostapchuk. "Change egypt's foreign policy vector 2011–2017 as a factor of growth of international indices." Scientific Messenger of LNU of Veterinary Medicine and Biotechnologies 20, no. 91 (November 16, 2018): 102–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.32718/nvlvet9121.
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Position and place of Egypt in the international arena is changing the vector, but does not rule out the already conservative nature. Undoubtedly, the country's leaders do not deviate from traditions and religious beliefs in the implementation of both domestic and foreign policy, but President Abdul As-Sisi introduces changes that mitigate the country's legislation. This is evident in the changes in the rights of women and children, corruption, employment rights and marriage. The persistent and prolonged authoritarian regime was the reason for the reluctance to cooperate with the Club of Dictators. The President did not consider cooperation with the Western countries as possible, because in the Arab World the idea was that the West was the source of sin. That is why the spread of the West to the Arab World is not possible. However, the revolutionary actions of the end of 2010 – the beginning of 2011. Since the life of the population did not meet the standards of their leaders, the struggle for democracy, human rights, women's rights, freedom of choice, freedom of speech, unemployment, corruption, and led to a struggle between different political groups and ideological forces in the direction and strategy of transformation and resources, exit to the surface. The purpose of the study is to determine the peculiarities of the transformation of the course of foreign policy of the Arab world. Object: the foreign policy of Egypt, and that is why the subject acts – the transformation of the course of the foreign policy of Egypt. The tasks were as follows: analyze the foreign policy of Egypt in the dynamics; identify the peculiarities of transformation; to outline the role and place of a leader in the implementation of foreign policy. The methodological basis of the work was the systematic structural approach, empirical and systematic methods, comparison, synthesis and constructivism. The systematic-structural approach provides an opportunity to explore the complex structural context, which partially determines the possibilities or obstacles for the implementation of their foreign policy. The structural-functional method, together with the system, allows us to investigate the specifics of the internal structure of political regimes. Among the empirical methods the primary role is played by the analysis of primary sources. Scientific novelty lies in determining the peculiarities of the transformation of the foreign policy of Egypt and determining the key role of the leader in the formation of foreign policy.
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Cuno. "Reorganization of the Sharia Courts of Egypt: How Legal Modernization Set Back Women's Rights in the Nineteenth Century." Journal of the Ottoman and Turkish Studies Association 2, no. 1 (2015): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jottturstuass.2.1.85.
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Carapico, Sheila. "Private Voluntary Organizations in Egypt." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 2 (July 1, 1996): 269–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i2.2321.
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Over the past five years or so, the considerable western interest inthe role played by nongovernmental voluntary associations in Egypt hasbeen reflected in a growing English-language literature on the subject.Researchers tackle the question from a range of perspectives.One approach, relatively state-centered and legalistic, focuses on howCairo manages to control, co-opt, or "corporatize" autonomous organizationsincluding labor and professional syndicates, agricultural and othercooperatives, and private not-for-profit groups. The principle tool for reiningin private voluntary and community associations is the notorious Law32 of 1964. Under Law 32, the Ministry of Social Affairs can interferedirectly in all aspect of associational life-articulation of goals, election ofofficers, pursuit of projects, allocation of funds, and so on. Among the wellknownsecular nonprofit groups with international linkages that have beendenied licenses from the Ministry are the Egyptian Organization of HumanRights and the Arab Women's Solidarity Association. In this legal and policymilieu, many scholars and human rights activists argue that no registeredassociation in Egypt can properly be deemed "nongovernmental."Other analysts, however, accept Cairo's position that the threat of radicalIslam justifies authoritarian restrictions on independent organizations.The second group of studies is inspired partly by these concerns over theradicalization of Islamist associations. Scholars familiar with social, economic, and political circumstances in the Nile Valley usually try to counteracthysterical mass media portraits of "Muslim terrorists" with inquiries intothe structure, function, membership, activities, and ideologies of a range ofIslamist institutions including welfare and charitable associations. The particularstrength of politicized Islam in the 1990s, this research suggests, restson the capacity of Islamist charities to provide a crucial layer of social servicesto a burgeoning, underemployed, increasingly impoverished population.Opinion is divided, however, on the question of whether this circumstancefavors containment and stability or frustration and insurrection.A third set of studies, sometimes overlooked by scholars, comes fromwithin the Cairo-based donor community, the "development practitioners" ...
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Munfarida, Elya. "Tafsir Pendidikan Perempuan Menurut Qasim Amin." MAGHZA: Jurnal Ilmu Al-Qur'an dan Tafsir 5, no. 2 (December 25, 2020): 242–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/maghza.v5i2.4284.
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The encounter between Arab Islam and colonialism and modernity resulted in a revival of Arab Islamic intellectuals with an orientation to reinterpret the Islamic tradition. Qasim Amin as one of the Nahdah figures tries to reinterpret Islamic teachings and traditions, especially those related to women, by accommodating modern ideas and culture. Based on his criticism of the reality of the restriction and subordination of women in the public sphere, Amin tries to reinterpret women's education in Egypt by re-exploring the texts of the Koran and hadiths that talk about women's rights and obligations, the interpretations of the scholars of the two texts, the values and basic principles of Islamic shari'ah that underlie Islamic legislation, as well as sociological theories and liberal feminist thinking. According to Amin, women's education is very significant with three interests, namely society in the form of participation in various fields in the public sphere, the family in the form of the ability to be able to better protect their children, and the state in the form of producing offspring with good intellectual and moral qualities that have an impact on the progress of the country. The realm of education that must be accessed by women includes intellectual, moral, and physical education.
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Ghazaleh, Pascale. "Cash and Kin Go to Court: Legal Families and Chosen Families in Nineteenth-Century Egypt." Hawwa 6, no. 1 (2008): 12–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920808x298903.
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AbstractCourt records have offered historians an unparalleled source of information about the Ottoman period, particularly in the Empire's Arab provinces, where abundant documentation tells us about society's material conditions. As far as family history is concerned, Ottoman courts have yielded much important information regarding women's rights and status, as revealed in marriage contracts recorded before the Ottoman qadi. In the field of economic and social history, estate inventories have offered a glimpse of how people lived, what they might have consumed, and how wealthy they were. To date, however, less work has been done on how the family was structured by material relations, as indicated by financial transfers carried out upon a family member's death. In my paper, I will follow some of these transfers, in the form of pre-mortem gifts as well as post-mortem bequests, in an attempt to understand how individuals expressed their sense of obligation toward different elements in their social universe. I will seek to demonstrate that cash flows indicate individual preferences regarding the beneficiaries of wealth. I will also examine the relative importance of different associations, both kin and non-kin, in an individual's social network.
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Moghadam, Valentine. "Engendering Democracy." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 3 (July 26, 2011): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381100047x.
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The year 2011 will forever be known as the year of mass protests for regime change and democratization in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Opinions on causes and outcomes have focused on the role of young people, the demands of “the Arab street,” and the possible transition to a liberal, Islamist, or coalition type of governance. Middle East specialists have long been aware of the problems of authoritarian regimes, widening inequalities, high rates of youth unemployment, deteriorating infrastructure and public services, and rising prices attenuated only by subsidies. But something has been missing from recent discussions and analyses. Let us pose it in the form of a number of (socialist-feminist) questions. We have seen that “the Arab street” is not exclusively masculine, but what kind of democratic governance can women's rights groups expect? To what extent will Tunisian women shape the democratic transition and the building of new institutions? In Egypt, will an outcome be—to use a phrase coined by East European feminists in the early 1990s—a “male democracy”? How can a democratic transition benefit working women and the poor?
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Thorbjornsrid, Berit. "Quest for Conception." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 2 (July 1, 1998): 115–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i2.2182.
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Infertility is normally thought to be a problem for the rich, Western world,overpopulation the problem of the poor, Third World. But is this dichotomybuilt on empirical facts or on racial prejudices? Available statistics surprisinglyreveal an infertility belt from the Sudan and across Africa, where the problem incertain countries is extremely widespread. This and the AIDS epidemic threaten,according to Marcia lnhom, to depopulate large areas. In Egypt, official statisticsshow the infertility rate lo be 8%, a number Inborn regards as unrealisticallylow, but still it is eight times the number in Korea and Thailand. Despitesuch high figures, the focus in Egypt is only on hypofertility and family planning.Even so, the population is stilJ increasing due, says lnhom, to politicians'and health personnels' ignorance of the dialectic between fertility and infertility.lnhom goes a long way toward exposing the "overpopulation problem" as amyth. She takes as her starting point the U.N. declaration of human rights, whichasserts the right of all individuals to found a family, and transfers the focus tochildless Egyptians, which she claims is a muted group.Quest for Conception is the first comprehensive account of infertility in theThird World and represents a breakthrough in medical anthropology. Becausethis topic is highly gendered, the book also makes an important contribution togender studies. Her 100 childless informants from Alexandria are all poorMuslim women, and Quest for Conception can be read both as a study of povertyand of female Islamic practice.lnhom analyzes the extent of infertility, its causes and existing forms of treatment(both ethno- and biomedical), and potential reforms. Her material is basedon childless women's medical life stories-which often contain an astonishingvariety of treatments. In addition, she has followed them through 15 months ofdesperate search for children (1988-89). In all this time, only one(!) succeededin giving birth. The others presumably are continuing their restless search for thechild they need in order to realize their one and only career-motherhood. Thewomen's own experiences and emotional reactions, their subjective understandingof causes and different methods of treatment, and their strategies are centralto lnhom's very humane ethnography. But this micromaterial is continuously ...
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Nagwa A. Zein ELDin, Taghreed K. Omar, Amal A Fath Allah, and Walaa A Abd El All. "Effect of Nutritional Intervention on Growth of Infants Accompanying Their Mothers in Prison." Pacific International Journal 1, no. 3 (September 30, 2018): 94–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.55014/pij.v1i3.54.
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Infants who accompanied their mothers in prison were vulnerable to the consequence of malnutrition. So, a nutritional intervention program for those infants who deprived of outdoor facilities is a subject of interest. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to assess the effect of nutritional intervention on the growth of infants accompanying their mothers in prison. A quasi-experimental design was used (Pre and post-test). The study was conducted in Qanater Women's Prison in Egypt. A convenience sample of 30 mothers accompanying their infants in the above-mentioned setting was included. Three instruments were used: a structured interview questionnaire, an observational checklist, and anthropometric measurements. The findings of this study revealed that infant growth improved after the implementation of the nutritional intervention. In addition,, there were statistically significant differences regarding mother's knowledge and practices observed on posttest than on pretest. As well as, there were a positive correlation between mother's knowledge, practices, and infant growth. The study concluded that mothers gained more knowledge and had better practices on posttest following the adherence to nutritional intervention. In addition, their infants had better growth after the implementation of nutritional intervention. Therefore, it was recommended that nurse‟s officers should provide mothers in prison with periodical nutritional intervention to sustain their infants' growth. Special provisions must be in place to ensure that the child‟s rights are promoted and protected whilst in prison, Child welfare, rather than prison authorities, should have primary responsibility for making decisions regarding children in prison, and specialists in social work and child development should supervise their care.
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Lundberg, Anna. "Ny avhandling." Socialvetenskaplig tidskrift 29, no. 2 (January 12, 2023): 255–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/svt.2022.29.2.4616.
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Ahmed Zaki, Hind. "Law, Culture, and Mobilization: Legal Pluralism and Women’s Access to Divorce in Egypt." Muslim World Journal of Human Rights 14, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mwjhr-2016-0022.
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AbstractScholarship on personal status law systems in Muslim-majority countries stresses the challenges facing women’s rights activists seeking to reform family laws. Yet, little research is done on how Islamic family law systems, being inherently pluralistic, could enable activists to challenge hegemonic hermeneutical understandings of Islam. This article draws from a qualitative study of a decade and a half long campaign to reform divorce laws in Egypt to argue that dual legal systems, like the Egyptian one, enabled women’s rights activists to push forward novel hybrid rights claims, despite the structural and discursive constraints they faced. Grounding those claims in the context of Egypt’s pluralistic family law system and shrewdly negotiating multiple legal orders, including alternative interpretations of Islamic Shari’a and national codes, women’s rights activists successfully utilized the cultural power of legal pluralism. The success of this campaign demonstrates the ways in which the institutional and discursive dimensions of a pluralistic family law system in Egypt provided a surprising resource for reform. On a theoretical level, the case study presented in this article highlights the complex legacy and consequences of legal pluralism on women’s rights within culturally and politically constrained settings.
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Kazimov, Necva B. "Egypt’s Reservations to the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women and Women’s Rights in Egypt." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 3-4 (October 1, 2003): 1–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i3-4.523.
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This paper addresses the role that the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) can play to improve women’s conditions and secure their rights in Egypt, in light of that country’s religious-based reservations to the UN convention and its recent constitutional amendment making the Shari`ah its principle source of legislation. Specifically, it addresses Egypt’s reservations to Article 16, which concerns the eradication of discrimination against women in cases of divorce, as this area has been the focus of recent legislative reform. The paper is limited to Egypt, because it is the leading Muslim state in providing women’s rights in the area of family law.
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Cooke, Samantha. "Power, secularism and divorce: women’s rights in Egypt and Iran." National Identities 22, no. 5 (October 31, 2019): 479–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2019.1634034.
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Tabassum, Suraiya. "Women’s rights in authoritarian Egypt: negotiating between Islam and politics." Africa Review 10, no. 1 (November 21, 2017): 122–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2017.1402438.
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Johansson-Nogués, Elisabeth. "Gendering the Arab Spring? Rights and (in)security of Tunisian, Egyptian and Libyan women." Security Dialogue 44, no. 5-6 (October 2013): 393–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010613499784.
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During the anti-regime uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, women from all walks of life were as ready as men to take to the streets to protest against the ineptitude and transgressions of their countries’ governments. Their courage was particularly noteworthy given that they suffered not only the violence of the regimes’ attempts to suppress protests by force, as did their male counterparts, but also a systematic targeting by security forces who attempted to break the women’s spirits through attacks on their honour and bodily integrity. The female presence and agency in the Arab Spring encouraged activists in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya to expect an equitable role for women in the political transition processes that followed the fall of the authoritarian regimes in those countries. However, the female input in those political transitions has been scant. Moreover, in all three countries, established women’s rights are increasingly under attack and violence against women is on the rise. This article applies a gendered perspective to explore the upheavals of the Arab Spring and the political transitions in the three countries, and inquires into the insecurities that women have suffered since early 2011.
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Elsadda, Hoda. "Women’s rights activism in post-Jan25 Egypt: Combating the Shadow of the First Lady Syndrome in the Arab world." Middle East Law and Governance 3, no. 1-2 (March 25, 2011): 84–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633711x591440.
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On March 8, 2011, Egyptian women took to the streets to celebrate International Women’s Day, in response to a call that was sent out on Facebook for a million-person women’s march. Since January 25, 2011, Egypt had witnessed a momentous transformation in protest culture and power, wherein millions of people took to the streets to demand their political rights. Surprising to many, though, was the marked hostility and violence that was unleashed against women protesters, as they were harassed and shouted at by groups of men who gathered around them. They were accused of following western agendas, and of going against cultural values. Among the many reasons for this turn of events, this essay argues that one of the key obstacles that women’s rights activists will face in the months and years to come is a prevalent public perception that associates women’s rights activists and their activities with the ex-First Lady, Suzanne Mubarak, and her entourage—that is, with corrupt regime politics in collusion with imperialist agendas.
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Mansour, Dina. "Women’s Rights in Islamic Shari’a: Between Interpretation, Culture and Politics." Muslim World Journal of Human Rights 11, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mwjhr-2012-0006.
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AbstractThis article analyses existing biases – whether due to misinterpretation, culture or politics – in the application of women’s rights under Islamic Shari’a law. The paper argues that though in its inception, one purpose of Islamic law may have aimed at elevating the status of women in pre-Islamic Arabia, biases in interpreting such teachings have failed to free women from discrimination and have even added “divinity” to their persistent subjugation. By examining two case studies – Saudi Arabia and Egypt – the article shows that interpretative biases that differ in application from one country to the other further subject women to the selective application of rights. Dictated by norms, culture and tradition rather than a unified Islamic law, the paper shows how culture and politics have contributed to such biases under the pre-text of Islamic dictate. As such, it proposes a re-examination of “personal status” laws across the region in light of international human rights norms.
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Elsadda, Hoda. "Gendered Citizenship: Discourses on Domesticity in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century." Hawwa 4, no. 1 (2006): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920806777504562.
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AbstractThe first years of the 21st century in Egypt saw a marked movement by women activists and groups in Egypt to lobby for appointing women judges. The debate around the issue included arguments about women's "natural" roles, about their lesser abilities, and about the necessity of maintaining their place in the home to safeguard Arab cultural identity. In general, these debates posited domesticity as a marker of Arab identity and cultural specificity. I argue that domesticity is a modernist ideology that was transfigured into a representation of an essential Arab cultural identity which needed to be guarded and preserved. I also emphasize that discourses on domesticity were not the only existing discourses propagated in the nineteenth century. Zeinab Fawwaz's journey through history in search for women's participation in the public sphere can be interpreted as a clear challenge to the modernist binary opposition between a backward past and a modern, enlightened present. At the same time, it constituted a subversive narrative to the dominant narrative on domesticity. Similarly, Aisha Taymur's project did not dismiss tradition but sought to engage with it on its own premises in an attempt to argue for women's right.
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Verburg, Jelle. "Women’s Property Rights in Egypt and the Law of Levirate Marriage in the LXX." Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 131, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 592–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaw-2019-4005.
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Abstract If, as theorists of reception studies have argued, readers respond to the meanings that a text has accumulated in the past, this begs the question what the translators of the »first« translation of the Torah, the LXX, responded to. This paper presents a case study of the LXX of Deuteronomy 25:5–6, and argues that the translation is best understood if we assume that the translators were not just transferring a text form one language into another, but were also interacting with a tradition of interpretation and the extensive inheritance rights of women in Egypt.
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Huffaker, Shauna. "Gendered Limitations on Women Property Owners: Three Women of Early Modern Cairo." HAWWA 10, no. 3 (2012): 127–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341234.
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AbstractWomen’s rights to be independent property owners in the pre-modern Islamic world can be overemphasized. This article explores the legal frameworks and social and familial customs that limited women’s ability to act as autonomous property owners in late Mamluk and early Ottoman Egypt. Three case studies of early modern women of different socio-economic status demonstrate how these limitations come into focus only when women’s ownership of property is tracked over the long term. These case studies and supporting material are drawn from sales and waqf endowment documents held at the Egyptian National Archives and the Archives of the Ministry of Religious Endowments.
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Abed, Sara. "How do Sex Workers Perceive their Working Identity? Case Studies in Egypt." Kohl: A Journal for Body and Gender Research 2, Winter (December 1, 2016): 245–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.36583/2016020215.
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This study looks at Egypt’s sex workers’ perceptions of their working identity. It examines the different experiences and attitudes of sex workers by exploring the main features and dominant frames in the literature, and how it could be of relevance in the case of Egypt. Through conducting interviews with sex workers and other stakeholders, I argue that sex workers tend to perceive themselves as workers who should enjoy labour rights, except for those who consider religious guilt and shame as a barrier in being visible to the public. The decriminalising of sex work diminishes state control and discrimination over the lives of sex workers in Egypt. My findings demonstrate that there is a relationship between state policies to discipline sex workers and the control of women’s body.
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Khodary, Yasmin, and Nehal Hamdy. "FGM in Egypt between socio-cultural barriers and lack of political will." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 11, no. 4 (October 3, 2019): 252–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-03-2019-0406.
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Purpose This study aims to detect the main factors impeding the anti-female genital mutilation (FGM) efforts in Egypt post the January 25 revolution, with a special focus on the era of president El-Sisi. The purpose of this paper is to explain the reasons behind the continuation of violence against women in Egypt, namely, FGM, in light of the patriarchal structures and the state willingness to address that challenge. Design/methodology/approach The study utilizes a qualitative methodology. The study embarks on in-depth semi-structured interviews with 23 participants who experienced FGM and nine key informants from medical, religious, political and civil society backgrounds, including a professor of pathology, a gynecologist, a diplomatic researcher in Al-Azhar, three members of parliament, a representative of the Ministry of Population, the reporter of the National Council for Women and a representative of Nazra non-governmental organization for feminist studies in Egypt. Findings The findings reveal that FGM remains prevalent not only due to the persisting socio-cultural context that continues to embrace and reproduces gender inequalities, but also because of the insufficient political will to combat FGM and enforce the required laws. Social implications FGM is considered one form of gender inequality perpetuated by social, cultural and economic structures. It is recognized internationally as a crime and a violation against women’s rights as per the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, etc. Although the Egyptian Government passed laws banning the practice of FGM, it continues to form a challenging problem to social workers, women activists, human rights groups and public health officials. Originality/value Little work has been done to investigate FGM post the January 25 revolution in Egypt and identify the main factors impeding the anti-FGM efforts in Egypt. This work fills this gap and concludes with some lessons learnt to fight FGM and improve the anti-FGM efforts.
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Sonneveld, Nadia. "From the Liberation of Women to the Liberation of Men? A Century of Family Law Reform in Egypt." Religion and Gender 7, no. 1 (February 19, 2017): 88–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/rg.10197.
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To what extent have notions of manhood and womanhood as incorporated in Egyptian Muslim family law changed over the course of almost a century of family law reforms, and why? In answering this question, I draw on the works of two Egyptian intellectuals, Qasim Amin and Azza Heikal, because they discussed ideas about manhood and womanhood in relation to Islamic religion and authoritarian rule. My analysis shows that there is a dire need within studies on gender in the Middle East to assess the effectiveness of family law reform on both women’s and men’s agency. After all, when an authoritarian government introduces legislation that enhances women’s legal rights with regard to the family but does not reform men’s legal rights inside that same family, it is not surprising that when political oppression ends, disenfranchised men will try to abolish the laws that expanded their wives’ freedom and curtailed theirs.
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Utvik, Bjørn Olav. "What Role for the Sisters? Islamist Movements between Authenticity and Equality." Religions 13, no. 3 (March 21, 2022): 269. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13030269.
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In mainstream Islamist discourse, there is an awkward coexistence between recognition of women as equal political actors and affirmation of a traditional Muslim view of the man as head of the family. Islamism emerged in countries where patriarchy has remained deeply engrained. Yet their stances have varied. In Morocco, female Islamists have pushed for women’s rights and a guarded opening towards cooperation with feminists. In contrast, the Muslim Brothers in Egypt have remained more conservative and female cadres have prioritised fighting any development seen as threatening the Muslim family. The Arab Spring also stirred matters regarding gender relations, as women took active part in the uprisings. In the years to come, women’s issues will likely demand ever more attention across the Arab world. How the Islamists deal with this will be pivotal in determining the future of the movements. To understand the evolving responses of the movements to this challenge, it is essential to analyse the development of mainstream Islamist discourse and practice relating to gender relations in the period leading up to the ruptures of 2011. This article will investigate the issue in the two cases of Egypt and Morocco, and seeks to understand the relationship between internal and external drivers of ideological change.
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Osmanoğlu, Ahmed Emin, and Cemil Öztürk. "Comparing analysis perception of citizenship in Turkey's and Egypt's social studies textbook." Pegem Eğitim ve Öğretim Dergisi 2, no. 3 (September 1, 2012): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14527/c2s3m5.
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The contents of the textbooks are shaped according to the policies and education programs of the states. Textbooks are important information sources that reveals various perceptions of states. In this context, the objective of this study is comparing citizenship perceptions of Turkeys' and Egypts' according to their social studies textbooks. Content analysis and comparative research methods are used in the research. Defining of category, - scale-, of citizenship is as follows: The legal connections that determine relations between state and individual, relations among individuals who live in the same country. The term refers to obligations and rights among which individuals' against state and states' against to individuals. Rightful citizenhip perception comes into prominence in Turkish social studies textbooks. Mostly, it refers to womens' rights, freedom of thought, rights of education. Obligations are taxing obligation, receiving education and working. In Egypts' social studies textbooks, obligations come into prominence for perception of citizenship. There isn't any information about citizenship rights in textbook. Obligations are about to obey rules, laws and protect environment.
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Allam, Nermin. "Activism Amid Disappointment: Women’s Groups and the Politics of Hope in Egypt." Middle East Law and Governance 10, no. 3 (October 23, 2018): 291–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01003004.
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In this paper, I provide preliminary answers to two main questions, namely: How did the politics of disappointment unfold among female activists after the 2011 Egyptian uprising and specifically under the current regime? And what were the effects of the strong sense of emotional disappointment on women’s activism and collective action? The study is situated within the literature on emotions and contentious politics. Utilizing the rich theoretical tools found in the literature, I argue that disappointment did not mark the end of politics and activism among women’s groups in Egypt. The data for this paper was gathered from semi-structured interviews with female activists, protestors, and leaders of women’s rights groups. The data gathered was analyzed within the prism of critical discourse analysis in an attempt to empirically investigate how activists move both forward and backward as they navigate their own emotions in addition to a crippling political system. It is true that the situation is complicated and activism is restricted in Egypt, however, the essence of this research is ignited by participants’ affirmation that their experience in the uprising has changed them, and that “things cannot go back to the old days,” notwithstanding their disappointment over the turn of events. A focus on hope and disappointment places the experiences of activists squarely in our analysis. It allows researchers to reclaim the voices of female activists in explaining the challenges and opportunities that developed post the uprising and how these developments influenced and shaped their experience, movement, and mobilization.
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Rogowska, Blanka. "Did Egyptian Women Win or Lose by Overthrowing the Regime of Hosni Mubarak?" International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 21, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 113–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.21.08.
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Egypt is a place with a long tradition of female participation in revolutions. After years of Mubarak’s despotism, women joined the revolution once again. As a result, they had to deal with the violation of women’s rights. When Morsi was removed, women were again at the top of political topics. The new constitution was described as the most progressive for women. Sisi has been a president for short time but he is already called the president of women. However women still face problems. They defended themselves from the Muslim Brotherhood’s rules by supporting Sisi, but did they really win by overthrowing the regime of Mubarak?
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Hellwig, Franciele, and Aluisio JD Barros. "Learning from success cases: ecological analysis of pathways to universal access to family planning care in low- and middle-income countries." Gates Open Research 6 (October 13, 2022): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/gatesopenres.13570.2.
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Background Universal access to family planning services is a well-recognized human right and several countries and organizations are committed to this goal. Our objective was to identify countries who improved family planning coverage in the last 40 years and investigate which contexts enabled those advances. Methods Analyses were based on data from publicly available national health surveys carried out since 1986 in Egypt, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Afghanistan, Brazil, and Ecuador, selected based on previous evidence. We estimated demand for family planning satisfied with modern methods (mDFPS) for each country and explored inequalities in terms of wealth, women’s education, and women’s age. We also explored contextual differences in terms of women’s empowerment, percentage of population living in extreme poverty, and share of each type of contraceptive. To better understand political and sociocultural contexts, country case studies were included, based on literature review. Results Patterns of mDFPS increase were distinct in the selected countries. Current level of mDFPS coverage ranged between 94% in Brazil and 38% in Afghanistan. All countries experienced important reduction in both gender inequality and extreme poverty. According to the share of each type of contraceptive, most countries presented higher use of short-acting reversible methods. Exceptions were Ecuador, where the most used method is sterilization, and Egypt, which presented higher use of long-acting reversible methods. In the first years analyzed, all countries presented huge gaps in coverage according to wealth, women’s education and women’s age. All countries managed to increase coverage over recent years, especially among women from the more vulnerable groups. Conclusions Family planning coverage increased along with reductions in poverty and gender inequality, with substantial increases in coverage among the most vulnerable in recent years. Policies involving primary health care services, provision of various methods, and high quality training of health providers are crucial to increase coverage.
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Hellwig, Franciele, and Aluisio JD Barros. "Learning from success cases: ecological analysis of pathways to universal access to reproductive health care in low- and middle-income countries." Gates Open Research 6 (April 29, 2022): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/gatesopenres.13570.1.
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Background Universal access to family planning services is a well-recognized human right and several countries and organizations are committed to this goal. Our objective was to identify countries who improved family planning coverage in the last 40 years and investigate which contexts enabled those advances. Methods Analyses were based on data from publicly available national health surveys carried out since 1986 in Egypt, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Afghanistan, Brazil, and Ecuador, selected based on previous evidence. We estimated demand for family planning satisfied with modern methods (mDFPS) for each country and explored inequalities in terms of wealth, women’s education, and women’s age. We also explored contextual differences in terms of women’s empowerment, percentage of population living in extreme poverty, and share of each type of contraceptive. To better understand political and sociocultural contexts, country case studies were included, based on literature review. Results Patterns of mDFPS increase were distinct in the selected countries. Current level of mDFPS coverage ranged between 94% in Brazil and 38% in Afghanistan. All countries experienced important reduction in both gender inequality and extreme poverty. According to the share of each type of contraceptive, most countries presented higher use of short-acting reversible methods. Exceptions were Ecuador, where the most used method is sterilization, and Egypt, which presented higher use of long-acting reversible methods. In the first years analyzed, all countries presented huge gaps in coverage according to wealth, women’s education and women’s age. All countries managed to increase coverage over recent years, especially among women from the more vulnerable groups. Conclusions Family planning coverage increased along with reductions in poverty and gender inequality, with substantial increases in coverage among the most vulnerable in recent years. Policies involving primary health care services, provision of various methods, and high quality training of health providers are crucial to increase coverage.
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Hellwig, Franciele, and Aluisio JD Barros. "Learning from success cases: ecological analysis of potential pathways to universal access to family planning care in low- and middle-income countries." Gates Open Research 6 (January 20, 2023): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/gatesopenres.13570.3.
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Background Universal access to family planning services is a well-recognized human right and several countries and organizations are committed to this goal. Our objective was to identify countries who improved family planning coverage in the last 40 years and investigate which contexts enabled those advances. Methods Analyses were based on data from publicly available national health surveys carried out since 1986 in Egypt, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Afghanistan, Brazil, and Ecuador, selected based on previous evidence. We estimated demand for family planning satisfied with modern methods (mDFPS) for each country and explored inequalities in terms of wealth, women’s education, and women’s age. We also explored contextual differences in terms of women’s empowerment, percentage of population living in extreme poverty, and share of each type of contraceptive. To better understand political and sociocultural contexts, country case studies were included, based on literature review. Results Patterns of mDFPS increase were distinct in the selected countries. Current level of mDFPS coverage ranged between 94% in Brazil and 38% in Afghanistan. All countries experienced an important reduction in both gender inequality and extreme poverty. According to the share of each type of contraceptive, most countries presented higher use of short-acting reversible methods. Exceptions were Ecuador, where the most used method is sterilization, and Egypt, which presented higher use of long-acting reversible methods. In the first years analyzed, all countries presented huge gaps in coverage according to wealth, women’s education and women’s age. All countries managed to increase coverage over recent years, especially among women from the more disadvantaged groups. Conclusions Family planning coverage increased along with reductions in poverty and gender inequality, with substantial increases in coverage among the most disadvantaged in recent years. Policies involving primary health care services, provision of various methods, and high quality training of health providers are crucial to increase coverage.
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Al-Sharmani, Mulki. "Marriage in Islamic Interpretive Tradition: Revisiting the Legal and the Ethical." Journal of Islamic Ethics 2, no. 1-2 (November 15, 2018): 76–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685542-12340017.
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Abstract This paper tackles the vexed relationship between the ethical and the legal in the patriarchal construction of marriage and spousal rights in Islamic interpretive tradition and its modern manifestations (i.e. contemporary Muslim family laws and conservative religious discourses). I approach the issue from two angles. First, I examine the work of selected Muslim women scholars from different countries, who since the late 1980s and early 1990s have been engaging critically with Islamic interpretive tradition, to unpack and critique patriarchal interpretations and rulings on marriage and divorce rights, and provide alternative egalitarian readings that are grounded in Qurʾānic ethics. Second, I shed light on how this patriarchal construction of marriage and gender rights impacts the lived realities of ordinary Muslim women and men. I focus on two national contexts: Egypt and Finland. I show-through analysis of courtroom practices in family disputes, marriage practices, and ordinary women’s understandings of the sacred text-that the exegetical and juristic construction of spousal roles and rights is increasingly unsustainable in the lived realities of many Muslims as well as becoming a source of tension on an ethico-religious level.
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Roodsaz, Rahil, and An Van Raemdonck. "The Traps of International Scripts: Making a Case for a Critical Anthropology of Gender and Sexuality in Development." Social Inclusion 6, no. 4 (November 22, 2018): 16–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v6i4.1511.
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In this article, we look at colonialities of gender and sexuality as concepts employed in international aid and development. These international arenas reveal not only strong reiterations of modernist linear thinking and colonial continuities but also provide insights into the complexities of the implementation and vernacularisation of gender and sexuality in practices of development. Using a critical anthropological perspective, we discuss case studies based on our own research in Egypt and Bangladesh to illustrate the importance of unpacking exclusionary mechanisms of gender and sexuality scripts in the promotion of women’s rights and sexual and reproductive health and rights in postcolonial development contexts. We provide a conceptual analysis of decolonial feminist attempts at moving beyond the mere critique of development to enable a more inclusive conversation in the field of development. To work towards this goal, we argue, a critical anthropological approach proves promising in allowing a politically-sensitive, ethical, and critical engagement with the Other.
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Megahed, Nagwa, and Stephen Lack. "Colonial legacy, women’s rights and gender-educational inequality in the Arab World with particular reference to Egypt and Tunisia." International Review of Education 57, no. 3-4 (August 2011): 397–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11159-011-9215-y.
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Ayoyo, Damilohun D. "The promise and perils of transnationalization: NGO activism and the socialization of women’s human rights in Egypt and Iran." Social Movement Studies 17, no. 1 (November 9, 2017): 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2017.1401456.
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Elsadda, Hoda. "Travelling Critique." Feminist Dissent, no. 3 (November 27, 2018): 88–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/fd.n3.2018.293.
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The use and abuse of rights-based approaches to furthering gender justice has been the subject of much debate and contestation in feminist scholarship. This paper engages with the feminist anti-imperialist critique of rights discourses, particularly when used as a theoretical lens to understand or evaluate women’s rights movements, or gender related campaigns for justice in non-democratic settings. The paper argues that anti-imperialist critique is caught up in a binary of universalism versus cultural relativism, a form of a meta-narrative that disregards the personal narratives of struggle and the fragments of history that are absolutely necessary for a holistic understanding of historical moments. Secondly, it argues that the anti-imperialist critics disregard insights gained from Edward Said’s important intervention on ‘Traveling Theory’, and how ‘travel’ to another context enables a new process whereby the theory or concept is assimilated and new meanings emerge.
The paper engages with these issues by focusing on the issue of violence against women in Arab and/or Muslim societies, examining the struggle of women rights activists in Egypt to campaign and raise awareness. Ultimately the paper ends with a plea to historicise and stay focused on the global/local variations in power relations, requiring a constant reappraisal of the critical lens and tools for understanding and making sense of the world. By doing this it will help to avoid the pitfalls of interpretive frameworks becoming normative dogma.
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Fox, Ashley M., Sana Abdelkarim Alzwawi, and Dina Refki. "Islamism, Secularism and the Woman Question in the Aftermath of the Arab Spring: Evidence from the Arab Barometer." Politics and Governance 4, no. 4 (December 23, 2016): 40–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i4.767.
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The uprisings that led to regime change during the early period of the Arab Spring were initially inclusive and pluralistic in nature, with men and women from every political and religious orientation engaging actively in political activities on the street and in virtual spaces. While there was an opening of political space for women and the inclusion of demands of marginalized groups in the activists’ agenda, the struggle to reimagine national identities that balance Islamic roots and secular yearnings is still ongoing in many countries in the region. This paper seeks to deepen understanding of the extent to which the pluralistic sentiments and openness to accepting the rights women have persisted following the uprising. We aim to examine changes in attitudes towards women’s equality in countries that underwent regime change through popular uprisings during revolutionary upheavals of the Arab Spring and in countries where regimes have remained unchanged. Using available data from consecutive rounds of the Arab Barometer survey, we examine changes in attitudes in nine countries with two rounds of Arab Barometer during and post Arab Spring (Egypt, Yemen, Tunisia, Algeria, Lebanon, Sudan, Jordan, Iraq, Palestine). We find that support for “Muslim feminism” (an interpretation of gender equality grounded in Islam) has increased over the period and particularly in Arab Spring countries, while support for “secular feminism” has declined. In most countries examined, relatively high degrees of support for gender equality co-exist with a preference for Islamic interpretations of personal status codes pertaining to women. We discuss the implications of these findings for academics and activists concerned with women’s rights in the Middle East North Africa (MENA).
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Hiddleston, Jane. "Imprisonment, freedom, and literary opacity in the work of Nawal El Saadawi and Assia Djebar." Feminist Theory 11, no. 2 (August 2010): 171–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464700110366815.
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In her astute study of contemporary Arab women writers, Anastasia Valassopoulos begins by noting the pitfalls of much existing criticism of writers such as El Saadawi and Djebar in the West. Citing Amal Amireh’s article on the fraught history of the reception of El Saadawi in Egypt and in Europe, Valassopoulos comments that Arab women’s literature tends to be seen as ‘documentary’, and this obscures the ‘core issue of representation’ as it is explored and challenged by women writers. In the face of this omission, the present article explores a selection of works by El Saadawi and Djebar from an aesthetic perspective. El Saadawi and Djebar use literary writing as a means to escape the constraints placed upon them by patriarchy, as well as by colonialism, and uphold creativity and poetry as a possible release from imprisonment. This article also uses Glissant’s and Bhabha’s concepts of literary opacity and the right to narrate as a partial framework for a reading of the relation between writing, freedom and aesthetic form in the works of El Saadawi and Djebar. El Saadawi and Djebar purposefully deploy a form of self-effacement, both in their autobiographical representations and in their portraits of female characters, also akin to Trinh Minh-ha’s strategy in Woman, Native, Other. Minh-ha’s dissemination of the writing voice, and the affirmation of collective solidarity between multiple but internally fragmentary feminist positions, serves, then, as a further theoretical backdrop for El Saadawi’s and Djebar’s use of opacity and the right to narrate as tools in an active feminist resistance to sexist and racist discourses. Both El Saadawi and Djebar use their writing to conceive women’s liberation from various forms of imprisonment, and they figure women’s fractured, convoluted and at times opaque self-expression as a direct form of resistance to both patriarchal and colonial oppression.
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Pepicelli, Renata. "Rethinking Gender in Arab Nationalism: Women and the Politics of Modernity in the Making of Nation-States. Cases from Egypt, Tunisia and Algeria." Oriente Moderno 97, no. 1 (March 30, 2017): 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340145.
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In the latexixcentury and the beginning of thexxcentury, Arab nationalism identified women as the “bearers of the nation”, the symbolic repository of group identity. Nationalists, both modernists and conservatives, shaped the image of the nation around an idealized image of the woman, functional in different political projects. If the latter exalted women’s domestic roles as part of the defense of the Islamic cultural authenticity, the former criticized women’s seclusion and promoted their inclusion in the public sphere as an essential part of the making of the modern nation. The woman unveiled became a symbol of modernity and progress. In nationalist projects, politics of modernity intersected deeply with the gender issue.This article analyzes, from a gender perspective, modernist discourses on the nation and women, and studies the way in which women were involved in such debates. It underlines, on one hand, how women participated in anti-colonial struggles and on the other, their challenge, resistance and renegotiation of men’s nationalist projects. Through poems, tales, novels, short stories, memoirs, essays, journalistic articles, speeches educated women from the upper and middle classes shaped their nationalist and feminist agenda, in continuity and in contrast to the men’s. To combat national forms of patriarchal domination, firstly, under colonial rule, and, subsequently, under the independent state, some of them established feminist organizations. During colonization, women’s struggles were characterized by both nationalist and feminist goals, but having achieved independence, women had to fight to obtain their rights as citizens in the new nation-states. Post-independent governments marginalized women and/or co-opted their claims in what is called “state feminism”. Focusing on three countries, Egypt, Tunisia and Algeria, this essay highlights differences and similarities in nationalist discourses and projects in the Arab world.
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Guerra, Paula, Carles Feixa Pàmpols, Shane Blackman, and Jeanette Ostegaard. "Introduction: Songs that Sing the Crisis: Music, Words, Youth Narratives and Identities in Late Modernity." YOUNG 28, no. 1 (January 14, 2020): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1103308819879825.
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In this special edition on popular music, we seek to explore Simon Frith’s (1978, The sociology of rock, London, UK: Constable, p. 39) argument that: ‘Music’s presence in youth culture is established but not its purpose’. ‘Songs that sing the crisis’ captures contemporary accounts, which build upon popular music’s legacy, courage and sheer determination to offer social and cultural critique of oppressive structures or political injustice as they are being lived by young people today. Young people have consistently delivered songs that have focused on struggles for social rights, civil rights, women’s rights and ethnic and sexual minorities rights through creative anger, emotion and resistance, and we know that music matters because we consciously feel the song (DeNora, 2000, Music in everyday life, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). However, in the aftermath of the post-2008 global economic and cultural crises, young people, in particular, have faced austerity, social hardship and political changes, which have impacted on their future lives (France, 2016, Understanding youth in the global economic crisis, Bristol: Policy Press; Kelly & Pike, 2017, Neo-liberalism and austerity: The moral economies of young people’s health and well-being, London, UK: Palgrave). This special issue assesses the key contestation where popular music is a mechanism to not only challenge but to think through ordinary people’s experience and appeals for social justice. The present introduction starts by presenting the historical and theoretical background of this research field. Then, it introduces the articles about the songs that sing the crisis in Portugal, Spain, Ireland, Finland, Norway, Egypt and Tunisia through the rhythms of rap, hip-hop, fado, electronic pop, indie rock, reggaeton, metal and mahragan.
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Hoesterey, James B. "Is Indonesia a Model for the Arab Spring? Islam, Democracy, and Diplomacy." Review of Middle East Studies 47, no. 1 (2013): 56–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2151348100056330.
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As protestors filled Tahrir Square in Cairo in January 2011, Western diplomats, academics, and political pundits were searching for the best political analogy for the promise—and problems—of the Arab Uprising. Whereas neoconservative skeptics fretted that Egypt and Tunisia might go the way of post-revolutionary Iran, Hillary Clinton and Madeleine Albright praised Indonesia’s democratization as the ideal model for the Arab Spring. During her 2009 visit to Indonesia, Clinton proclaimed: “If you want to know whether Islam, democracy, modernity, and women’s rights can coexist, go to Indonesia.” Certainly Indonesia of May 1998 is not Egypt of January 2011, yet some comparisons are instructive. Still reeling from the Asian financial crisis of 1997, middle class Indonesians were fed up with corruption, cronyism, and a military that operated with impunity. On 21 May 1998 Soeharto resigned after three decades of authoritarian rule. Despite fits of starts and stops, the democratic transition has brought political and economic stability. Whereas academics and pundits have debated the merits of the Indonesia model for democratic transition, in this article I consider how the notion of Indonesia as a model for the Arab Spring has reconfigured transnational Muslim networks and recalibrated claims to authority and authenticity within the global umma.An increasing body of scholarship devoted to global Muslim networks offers important insights into the longue durée of merchant traders and itinerant preachers connecting the Middle East with Southeast Asia. In his critique of Benedict Anderson’s famous explanation of “imagined communities” as the result of print capitalism within national borders, historian Michael Laffan argued that Indonesian nationalism had important roots in global Muslim networks connecting the Dutch East Indies with Cairo’s famous al-Azhar University.