Relevant bibliographies by topics / Women's rights – Egypt

Academic literature on the topic 'Women's rights – Egypt'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Women's rights – Egypt"

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Mazid, Nergis. "Western Mimicry or Cultural Hybridity." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 4 (October 1, 2002): 42–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i4.1915.

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Qasim Amin ( 1865-1908) remains one of Egypt's most contro­versial figures in the early modem women's rights movement. His use of Orientalist arguments to support the advancement of women's rights and to reform veiling was inflammatory to Egyptians demanding their rights for self-determination. Yet embracing aspects of the imperial value system did not mean that Amin succumbed to colonialism. Instead, he found compat­ibilities between his interpretations of Orientalism and lslam regarding women's morality and the nation's strength. The fusion and hybridity of indigenous and colonial epistemologies can be found in Amin's demand for reforming women's rights in Egypt ...
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Hatem, Mervat. "THE NINETEENTH CENTURY DISCURSIVE ROOTS OF THE CONTINUING DEBATE ON THE SOCIAL-SEXUAL CONTRACT IN TODAY'S EGYPT." Hawwa 2, no. 1 (2004): 64–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920804322888257.

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AbstractThis paper begins with an examination of the recent debate between active women's groups in Egypt who wanted to change the format of the marriage contract and the state functionaries who had claimed to better serve women's rights in the change of personal status laws. Next, it uses the work of Carole Pateman on the "sexual contract" in the West and its impact on the development of civil society to look back on the important Egyptian debate which took place in the 1890s and defined women's rights in modern society. The paper recovers the contributions made by 'A'isha Taymur and Zaynab Fawwaz to this discussion. It also examines shaykh Abdallah al-Fayumi's polemical response to Taymur and the views of the women's journals on the subject. It also shows how Qasim Amin borrowed heavily from these women in the development of a hegemonic fraternal discourse on women's rights that survives until today.
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Shahin, Magda, and Yasmeen El-Ghazaly. "The Impact of Notions of Nationalism on Women's Rights in Egypt." Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 17, no. 2 (October 2017): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/sena.12250.

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Rizzo, Helen, Anne Price, and Katherine Meyer. "Anti-Sexual Harrassment Campaign in Egypt." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 17, no. 4 (December 1, 2012): 457–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.17.4.q756724v461359m2.

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This article analyzes how, for the decade before the Arab Spring, the Egyptian Center for Women's Rights (ECWR) promoted women's issues and sustained its campaign against widespread sexual harassment in Egypt. The article also reviews ECWR's activities after the mass mobilizations of the January 25th revolution. In authoritarian states, the risks inherent in challenging the regime decrease the probability that challenges will ever emerge or, if they do, continue for any significant duration. ECWR's prolonged campaign against sexual harassment, however, belies this observation. Analysis of the organization's activities provides an opportunity to examine elements that promote contentious claims making in high-risk, neopatriarchal environments. We found that the depth and strength of networks at the local level played a significant role. Also significant were ties with national and international group, which where were partly facilitated because of tourism's importance in Egypt. Through these ties, the ECWR leadership guided the organization toward increasingly promising outcomes in a unresponsive context. This case illuminates how, in the Middle East and elsewhere, civic organizations that focus on women's issues can navigate high-risk environments, whether due to neopatriarchal culture, authoritarian governance, or both.
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Brandt, Michele, and Jeffrey A. Kaplan. "The Tension between Women's Rights and Religious Rights: Reservations to Cedaw by Egypt, Bangladesh and Tunisia." Journal of Law and Religion 12, no. 1 (1995): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1051612.

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Langohr, Vickie. "Women's Rights Movements during Political Transitions: Activism against Public Sexual Violence in Egypt." International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no. 1 (February 2015): 131–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814001482.

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The most famous demand raised by protesters in the “Arab Spring” was “al-shaʿb/yurīd/isqāṭ al-niẓām” (the people/want /the fall of the regime). Three years later, little progress has been made—outside of Tunisia—in permanently replacing authoritarian regimes with the formal institutions of democracy. However, new forms of activism have emerged that increase citizens’ ability to directly combat pervasive social problems and to successfully pressure official institutions to alter policies. The evolution of activism against public sexual violence in post-Mubarak Egypt is a concrete example. Sexual harassment of women on the streets and in public transportation, widespread before the 25 January uprising, has likely since increased.1 Many women have been subjected to vicious sexual assault at political protests over the last three years. But activism against these threats has also expanded in ways unimaginable during the Mubarak era. Groups of male and female activists in their twenties and early thirties exhort bystanders on the streets to intervene when they witness harassment, and intervene themselves. Satellite TV programs have extensively covered public sexual violence, directly challenging officials for their failure to combat it while featuring the work of antiharassment and antiassault groups in a positive light. These new practices facilitated two concrete changes in the summer of 2014: amendments to the penal code on sexual harassment, and Cairo University's adoption of an antiharassment policy which was developed by feminist activists.
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Stilt, Kristen A. "Constitutional Innovation and Animal Protection in Egypt." Law & Social Inquiry 43, no. 04 (2018): 1364–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12312.

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This article examines constitutional innovation through the case study of the emergence of animal protection in Egypt's 2014 Constitution. Egypt's provision, which is a state obligation to provide al-rifq bi-l-hayawan (kindness to animals), was adopted in Article 45 as part of the country's second constitution following the 2011 revolution that ousted President Hosni Mubarak. Three aspects proved crucial to the adoption of the provision: a decision by animal protection activists to influence the constitutional process; the ability of citizens to convey their ideas to the constitutional drafters, albeit in a limited way; and, most importantly, the use of frame bridging. The activists and then the constitutional drafters presented the new cause of constitutional animal protection in terms of well-established areas of social, and constitutional, concern in the country, including Islamic law, women's rights, human rights, and the protection of the environment.
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Idris, Rizky Akbar, Muhammad Pramadiathalla, and Tania Daniela. "Female Genital Mutilation as Violence Against Women: A Narrative of Promoting Abandonment." Indonesian Journal of Law and Society 2, no. 2 (September 30, 2021): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/ijls.v2i2.24565.

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Today, women and girls are less likely to undergo female genital mutilation (FGM) than decades ago. However, the practice is still near-universal in some countries. FGM is still practiced because societies still hold their traditional values and norms. According to UNICEF, at least 200 million women and girls have been subjected to the practice in 30 countries, mainly those in Asia and Africa. This study aimed to analyze FGM as violence against women relating to the communities and their beliefs by addressing the status quo and the legality of FGM practices in Indonesia, Egypt, and Yemen. It accounted for the state's role in preventing, handling, and safeguarding the victims of FGM practices. This study used the socio-legal method by critically analyzing the legislation for further implications for legal subjects. This study showed that FGM was a form of violence against women which have a role in the perpetual violation of women's rights. It identified the difference in practice, prevalence, legality, and the state's role in FGM in Indonesia, Egypt, and Yemen. It suggested to prevent FGM practices through mobilizing political will and funding, strengthening healthcare providers' awareness and knowledge, building a supportive legislative and regulatory environment, and reinforcing monitoring, evaluation, and accountability. KEYWORDS: Women’s Rights, Female Genital Mutilation, Violence Against Women.
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Hoesterey, James B. "Is Indonesia a Model for the Arab Spring? Islam, Democracy, and Diplomacy." Review of Middle East Studies 47, no. 2 (2013): 157–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2151348100058043.

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As protestors filled Tahrir Square in Cairo in January 2011, Western diplomats, academics, and political pundits were searching for the best political analogy for the promise—and problems—for the Arab Uprising. Whereas neoconservative skeptics fretted that Egypt and Tunisia might go the way of post-revolutionary Iran, Hillary Clinton and Madeleine Albright praised Indonesia's democratization as the ideal model for the Arab Spring. During her 2009 visit to Indonesia, Clinton proclaimed: “if you want to know whether Islam, democracy, modernity, and women's rights can coexist, go to Indonesia.” Certainly Indonesia of May 1998 is not Egypt of January 2011, yet some comparisons are instructive. Still reeling from the Asian financial crisis of 1997, middle class Indonesians were fed up with corruption, cronyism, and a military that operated with impunity.
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Barnett, Carolyn. "The Socialization of Female Islamists: Paternal and Educational Influence." Hawwa 7, no. 1 (2009): 57–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920809x449544.

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AbstractMany women have played an important role in Islamic renewal as advocates and activists within Islamist movements and parties. Women's participation is of particular interest, given the reputation of these groups as insufficiently supportive of women's rights. The specific influences and experiences that lead women to approach their own empowerment through Islam and to reform Islamist movements from within have been neglected. This article investigates some of the important influences on two prominent female Islamists: Heba Raouf Ezzat, Professor of Political Science at Cairo University, and Nadia Yassine, founder and head of the women's branch of the Moroccan movement Justice and Spirituality (JSA). First and foremost, it overviews the circumstances in which prominent women in Egypt and Morocco have asserted themselves in the past century, highlighting the consistent importance of paternal influence and the expansion of access to education, as well as the evolving role of religion and religious discourse in arguments for women's rights. This article discusses the role of paternal influence and schooling as agents of political socialization, pointing out that scholars have underestimated the important role that fathers play in strongly patriarchal societies and the ability of schools in former colonies to produce anti colonial and nationalist political sentiments. It then turns to Ezzat and Yassine themselves, presenting in detail the influence their fathers and foreign schools had on their political socialization. Both fathers held progressive views on women's education, but they differed in their specific political views, such as their attitude towards Islamism, and the extent to which they sought to transfer their political views to their daughters. This article ends by discussing the role of foreign education in Ezzat's and Yassine's socialization and identity construction, emphasizing the importance of encounters with racist and condescending attitudes as a contributing factor to women's search for Islamic alternatives.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Women's rights – Egypt"

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Sharafeldin, Marwa. "Personal status law reform in Egypt : women's rights : NGOs navigating between Islamic law and human rights." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9d389f66-f8f6-4c0a-8755-1f7d2186a1ba.

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This thesis explores the ways in which Islamic law and human rights interact within the work of women’s rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that advocate the reform of the Egyptian Personal Status Law (PSL) in the period between 2006 and 2010. The thesis shows the relevance of the human rights framework as well as the flexibility of Islamic legal discourse in the work of the NGOs. Drawing on both Islamic law and human rights enabled NGOs to develop a more gender-sensitive religious discourse, which supported their PSL reform demands. However the interaction between these two frameworks was largely affected by several important factors, which sometimes led NGOs to dilute some of their demands. These factors included the implications of the change in the form of Shari‘a as codified law under the modern nation-state; the Egyptian political context both internally and externally; the common local perception that human rights are a Western production and an extension of Western colonialism; the dominant religious but patriarchal discourse governing the PSL; the implications of activism through the NGO structure; and the personal religiosity of individual activists. The thesis explores NGOs’ PSL reform demands in depth bearing in mind these factors. It investigates NGOs’ discourse and shows its strengths and weaknesses. It shows that the interaction between Islamic law and human rights within NGOs’ work in this particular Egyptian context produced reform demands that were innovative and practically appealing on one hand, but epistemologically problematic in some instances, on another.
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Cooke, Samantha. "Politics, power and matrimony : understanding women's marital rights in Egypt and Iran." Thesis, University of Surrey, 2016. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/810018/.

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This thesis explores how secularism affected women’s marital rights in Egypt and Iran between 1920 and 1939. Situated within the religio-legal jurisdiction of Shari’a, family law in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region has been critically scrutinised by both adherents to Islam and Western observers. There is consensus between both tradition that secularism had no meaningful impact on women’s rights in the private sphere due to the continued influence of Islam on social and cultural practices in the region. The nature of the Egyptian and Iranian states has altered with varying degrees of religiosity being evident. This is partially dependent on individuals in power; however, interactions with foreign actors have also contributed to fluctuations in the secular or religious nature of the state. Despite arguments that increased gender equality arises within more secular environments, the authoritarian implementation of policies in some secular states results in further impediments. Religious interpretations also heavily influence policy development, with debates continuing about the compatibility of women’s rights and Islam as prescribed in the Qur’an. Silences emphasised through contemporary events such as 9/11, 7/7, the Arab Spring and the emergence of ISIS highlight significant gaps in our historic understanding. Occidentalist arguments frequently emerge stating that increasing religious traditions serve to protect the identity and traditions of the state from Western influences. Whilst this perspective is heavily contested, patterns of a similar nature become evident in the early twentieth century following escalations in foreign presences in Egypt and Iran. Whilst twenty-first century family law in many Muslim countries remains firmly embedded in religious law, it is possible to see how the implementation of secularism during the early twentieth century influenced the trajectories of family law, facilitating the legal structures visible today.
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Brown, Katherine E. "Understanding Muslim conceptions of women's rights in Malaysia, Egypt and Great Britain." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.423241.

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El-gousi, Hiam Sa. "Women's rights in Islam and contemporary Ulama : limitations and constraints : Egypt as case study." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2010. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/15221/.

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There is a general notion that Islam, as a religion, looks down upon women and encourages discrimination against them. Thus, the status of Arab and Muslim women has become a controversial issue, drawing significant research attention amongst scholars in different fields such as sociology, social development, theology and feminist studies. This thesis aims to explain and understand both the actual status of Muslim Egyptian women and their rights in Muslim societies and also the influential role played by the ulama. The case of Egypt offers a useful focus for this research since the matter can be studied from multiple angles; political, and cultural. The emphasis given to introducing Muslim women's views, especially at the grassroots level on the subject under examination, are based on their current status and personal experiences. Field research was conducted in two main governorates in Egypt; Cairo and Qena. A total of 233 Informants participated in this study, representing different social, economic, educational, geographical, and cultural backgrounds. The findings of the study suggest that women hold a good level of awareness and knowledge of the rights granted to them by Islam, despite the discrepancy in the percentages obtained in both governorates. There is also a strong link between the content of Television drama and raising awareness about current legislations, given that the Media represent the main source of education for women about their rights in both locations. Finally recommendations are made at both macro and micro levels with the aim of creating sustainable improvement in women's rights in Egypt.
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Fernandez, Sandra. "Remaking selves and remaking public space : combating sexual harassment in Cairo post 2011." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14155.

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This thesis focuses on the work of a social movement based in Cairo that dedicated itself to the addressing and reducing sexual harassment, or taḥarush in the streets. Based on a year and five months of fieldwork, this thesis elaborated upon the genesis of the movement, its ethos, and the methods it deployed to tackle taḥarush. It is argued that the movement deployed methods which encouraged members of Egyptian society to revisit and rework their ethical standpoints with reference to taḥarush, and as such public behaviour. In this way, members of Egyptian society were asked to become more aware of their roles within society itself. Firstly, such methods had to be tested by movement members themselves. The movement became known for two main activities: raising awareness and patrols. Both methods serve as ways by which the movement reshaped both people and the public spaces they occupied. Spaces are defined by the people who pass through them, and by acting on a given space, people can change how it is perceived. The movement designated itself a safe space, encouraging members to ponder ideas from society with the goal of changing society ‘for the better'. What my research revealed was that lack of consensus regarding definitions embedded in movement ethos contributed to conflict between members and discontinuity between ethos and its enactment. Government pressures required changes to the structure and internal functioning of the movement, and in addition to the initial ethical project regarding taḥarush, members found themselves learning to embody and perform roles associated with employed positions. The turmoil experienced both within in and outside of the movement is put back into the context of Egypt post 2011, to tease out the sense of temporality embedded in their struggle to survive the political climate of the time.
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Dallas, Mackenzie. "A Better Future for Egyptian Women." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/879.

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Since 2011, Egypt has been in a state of chaos and instability. During this time women have suffered disproportionality in comparison to their male counterparts. However, the poor state of affairs for women did not begin after 2011; while women have slowly gained more rights during the last decade, Egypt’s commitment to gender equality has always fallen short. This paper investigates the current state of affairs for women’s rights in Egypt, especially in wake of the 2011 Revolution, and asserts that the poor quality of women’s rights is a result of a battle for power between the military and Islamic politicians, specifically the Muslim Brotherhood. It then analyzes the possibility of a better future for Egypt through an examination of Turkey because it is a secular Islamic state, which has recently reduced military power and increased democratic inclusion in politics. Ultimately, the potential for dramatic improvement in women’s rights in Egypt would necessitate a significant cultural shift, as well as greater inclusion in government—both of which are unlikely given the current state of Egyptian culture and politics.
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Chofor, Che Christian-Aime. "Educational opportunities for the girl child in Africa : a necessary revisit of the discrimination factor with reference to Egypt, South Africa and Cameroon." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/985.

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"This paper is therefore inspired to look at education with respect to girl children in Africa. This paper, by drawing inspriation from other settings, is also motivated by the need to find solutions on how best the rights of the girl child can be protected in conjuction with the educational policy of African countries. ... The study is divided into six chapters. Chapter one provides the context in which the study is set, the objectives of the study and its importance. Chapter two examines the importance of the right to education and in education and takes note of the issue of discrimination with respect to girl child education in Africa. In chapter three various international treaties that concern provisions on education and the discrimination factor as to gender are identified. Also in the international milieu, the role of international bodies in the effective and efficient insurance of girl child education is included. Chapter four examines on a regional level, the extent to which the African Commission has effectively monitored the provision of the African Chater. The African Children's Charter and the Draft Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women (the Draft Women's Protocol) in Africa are also discussed in relation to provisions in the African Charter and work done on girl child education by the African Commission. In this chapter, a comparative study is also done of instruments and the implementation mechanisms offered by the Inter-American and European systems to the African human rights system in terms of the girl child education. This is so because in terms of experience, jurisprudence and institutions, these systems are considered to be more advanced than the African human rights sytem. Finally chapter five discusses girl child education on a national level in Africa. This chapter focuses on the experiences of South Africa, Egypt and Cameroon. Educational policy and other national legislative instruments such as the constitutions of these countries are included. In the conclusion, the paper puts forward recommendations to assist new and old African democracies in advancing an administrative and political approach to the issue of discrimination with respect to girl child education." -- Chapter 1.
Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Enid Hill at the Department of Political Sciences, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, The American University in Cairo, Egypt
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
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Hellstrand, Anna. "Feminist Perspectives on the Egyptian Revolution." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-181463.

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The Egyptian Revolution 2011 created a space and opportunity to forward important demands concerning different social and political issues, amongst these matters related to women's status and situations in the society. Feminist and women's rights proponents in Egypt conceptualize the aims of a feminist or women's rights agenda as (women's) human rights and citizen's rights, independence, freedom and choice, though such universal concepts are understood in accordance with particular cultural or individual contexts. Feminist struggles must be seen in the cultural and social environment in which they take place in order to be properly understood. Feminist struggles in Egypt takes place in an overarching religious context. Religion constitutes a source of legitimacy in the Egyptian society and feminist activists appropriate religious language to pose their political demands and to make them comprehensible at a local level. Feminist demands are generally brought forward strategically, in order to achieve acceptance and enhance cultural legitimacy. A patriarchal culture is perceived as the main obstacle to advance women's status and situations. For that reason, addressing and changing that patriarchal culture is seen as the main objective for feminist struggles. Individual agency is highlighted in this respect. The interest and responsibility of securing and forwarding women's rights is mainly perceived to lay in the hands of feminist activists and women's rights groups themselves. The Egyptian Revolution was an outcome of individual and collective agency. In the revolution, women may have enacted more of a public agency than an individual agency to realize their interests. During the revolution women transcended gender roles and exposed some images of women as stereotypes. The Egyptian Revolution broke a barrier of fear in the society and invoked in men and women a sense of dignity and rights. The post-revolutionary public and political discourse constituted a backlash for women's rights, but it may also have produced a renewed interest for feminist struggles and women's rights. After the revolution, the participation in the society may have increased and men and women might not be as easily intimidated as before.
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Ferreira, Andriëtte. "The legal rights of the women of ancient Egypt." Connect to this title online, 2004. http://etd.unisa.ac.za/ETD-db/ETD-desc/describe?urn=etd-03112005-145236.

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Hosseinioun, Mishana. "The globalisation of universal human rights and the Middle East." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8f6bdf79-2512-4f32-840a-3565a096ae8d.

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The goal of this study is to generate a more holistic picture of the diffusion and assimilation of universal human rights norms in diverse cultural and political settings such as the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The overarching question to be investigated in this thesis is the relationship between the evolving international human rights regime and the emerging human rights normative and legal culture in the Middle East. This question will be investigated in detail with reference to regional human rights schemes such as the Arab Charter of Human Rights, as well as local human rights developments in three Middle Eastern states, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Having gauged the take-up of human rights norms on the ground at the local and regional levels, the thesis examines in full the extent of socialisation and internalisation of human rights norms across the Middle East region at large.
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Books on the topic "Women's rights – Egypt"

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Guenena, Nemat. Unfulfilled promises: Women's rights in Egypt. New York: Population Council, 1999.

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Al-Ali, Nadje Sadig. The women's movement in Egypt, with selected references to Turkey. Geneva: United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, 2002.

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Kishor, Sunita. Autonomy and Egyptian women: Findings from the 1988 Egypt Demographic and Health Survey. Calverton, Md: Macro International, Inc., 1995.

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Gender and the making of modern medicine in colonial Egypt. Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2010.

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Gender and class in the Egyptian women's movement, 1925-1939: Changing perspectives. Syracuse, N.Y: Syracuse University Press, 2008.

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The new woman: A document in the early debate on Egyptian feminisim. Cairo, Egypt: American University in Cairo Press, 1995.

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Singh, Jyoti Shankar. Creating a new consensus on population: The politics of reproductive health, reproductive rights, and women's empowerment. Sterling, VA: Earthscan, 2009.

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The liberation of women: And, The new woman : two documents in the history of Egyptian feminism. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2000.

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Taḥrīr al-marʾah. al-Qāhirah: al-Hayʾah al-ʻĀmmah li-Quṣūr al-Thaqāfah, 2007.

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Amīn, Qāsim. The liberation of women: A document in the history of Egyptian feminism. Cairo, Egypt: American University in Cairo Press, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "Women's rights – Egypt"

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Bernardi, Chiara Livia. "HarassMap: The Silent Revolution for Women’s Rights in Egypt." In Arab Women and the Media in Changing Landscapes, 215–27. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62794-6_12.

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Megahed, Nagwa, and Stephen Lack. "Women’s Rights and Gender-Educational Inequality in Egypt and Tunisia." In Education, Dominance and Identity, 201–22. Rotterdam: SensePublishers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6209-125-2_12.

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Mhajne, Anwar. "Political Opportunities for Islamist Women in Morocco and Egypt: Structure or Agency?" In Double-Edged Politics on Women’s Rights in the MENA Region, 179–203. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27735-2_7.

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Megahed, Nagwa, and Stephen Lack. "Colonial legacy, women’s rights and gender-educational inequality in the Arab World with particular reference to Egypt and Tunisia." In Bordering, Re-Bordering and New Possibilities in Education and Society, 397–418. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s978-94-007-4411-0_9.

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Youngkin, Molly. "Acting as “the right hand … of God”: Christianized Egyptian Women and Religious Devotion as Emancipation in Florence Nightingale’s Fictionalized Treatises." In British Women Writers and the Reception of Ancient Egypt, 1840–1910, 35–61. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137566140_2.

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"The Egyptian Constitution and its Influence On Women's Rights." In Women’s Rights in Authoritarian Egypt. I.B.Tauris, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350989856.ch-004.

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Kimball, Gayle. "Women’s Voices in Egypt and Globally." In Women's Journey to Empowerment in the 21st Century, 160–80. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190927097.003.0010.

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This chapter reports on Egyptian feminist activism to make the experiences and thoughts of these feminists heard and empowered. The chapter quotes brave women who spoke up for gender equality from 1919 to 2018, in opposition to the censorship of state feminism, Islamic extremists, and the traditional belief that a woman’s place is in the home subordinate to her father or husband. Following feminist standpoint theory, grassroots feminist organizers were interviewed, including a teenager who participated in the front lines of the revolution of January 2011 that ousted President Hosni Mubarak. Interviewees were pessimistic about freedom under current president General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, whose government jails activists, even for social media posts. However, groups such as Girls Revolution and Young Egyptian Feminists League rely on the relative safety of social media to lobby for equal rights. The internet and cell phones provide women with the ability to organize from the safety of their homes, without scrutiny from police or family—a global phenomenon. With increased access to education and the internet, a “social nonmovement” is occurring, described by Iranian Asef Bayat as lifestyle rebellions that gradually create real change.
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Abu-Lughod, Lila. "Anthropology in the Territory of Rights, Islamic, Human, and Otherwise…" In Proceedings of the British Academy Volume 167, 2009 Lectures. British Academy, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264775.003.0008.

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This chapter presents the text of a lecture on the anthropology in the territory of rights given at the British Academy's 2009 Radcliffe-Brown Lecture in Social Anthropology. This text discusses the transnational initiatives for Muslim women's rights and the everyday lives of some village women in Egypt and argues that anthropologists can provide critical insight into the limits and politics of global discourses on rights. It suggests that anthropologists should intervene into the worlds of power that authorise, shape, and naturalise rights work and the understandings of human social life to which it gives rise.
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"Notes." In Women’s Rights in Authoritarian Egypt. I.B.Tauris, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350989856.0012.

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"Bibliography." In Women’s Rights in Authoritarian Egypt. I.B.Tauris, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350989856.0013.

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Conference papers on the topic "Women's rights – Egypt"

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Guettaoui, Amel, and Ouafi Hadja. "Women’s participation in political life in the Arab states." In Development of legal systems in Russia and foreign countries: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02061-6-93-105.

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The level of political representation of women in different legislative bodies around the world varies greatly. The women in the Arab world, is that as in other areas of the world, have throughout history experienced discrimination and have been subject to restriction of their freedoms and rights. Many of these practices and limitations are based on cultural and emanate from tradition and not from religion as many people supposed, these main constraints that create an obstacle towards women’s rights and liberties are reflected in the participation of women in political life. Although there are differences between the countries, the Arab region in general is noted for the low participation of women in politics. Universal suffrage has become common in most countries, but there are still some Arab women who are denied such rights. There have been many highly respected female leaders in Arab history, such as Shajar al-Durr (13th century) in Egypt, Queen Orpha (d. 1090) in Yemen. In the modern era there have also been examples of female leadership in Arab countries. However, in Arabic-speaking countries no woman has ever been head of state, although many Arabs remarked on the presence of women such as Jehan Al Sadat, the wife of Anwar El Sadat in Egypt, and Wassila Bourguiba, the wife of Habib Bourguiba in Tunisia, who have strongly influenced their husbands in their dealings with matters of state. Many Arab countries allow women to vote in national elections. The first female Member of Parliament in the Arab world was Rawya Ateya, who was elected in Egypt in 1957. Some countries granted the female franchise in their constitutions following independence, while some extended the franchise to women in later constitutional amendments.
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Reports on the topic "Women's rights – Egypt"

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Abdel-Tawab, Nahla. Do public health services in Egypt help women exercise their reproductive rights? Population Council, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/rh3.1010.

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Nazneen, Sohela. Women’s Leadership and Political Agency in Fragile Polities. Institute of Development Studies, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2022.046.

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Recent evidence from Afghanistan shows that even in the most difficult contexts, women will still protest for their rights. This paper draws on evidence from the Action for Empowerment and Accountability (A4EA) research programme to show how women express their political agency and activism and seek accountability in repressive contexts. A4EA research looked at cases of women-led protest in Egypt, Mozambique, Nigeria, and Pakistan, and explored women’s political participation in Nigeria and Pakistan. The research shows that despite some success in claim-making on specific issues, ‘sticky norms’ and male gatekeeping prevail and govern women’s access to public space and mediate their voice in these contexts. The paper concludes by calling on donors to go beyond blueprints in programming, and to work in agile and creative ways to support women’s rights organising.
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Unfulfilled Promises: Women's Rights in Egypt. Population Council, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/pgy1999.1000.

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Egypt: NGOs need to join forces to end FGC. Population Council, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/rh2000.1027.

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Until recently, the practice of female genital cutting (FGC) has been nearly universal in Egypt. However, a 1998 national survey found the first signs of a decline in the practice among adolescents since 1994. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) working in community development, health, and women’s rights have played a leading role in advocating eradication of FGC in Egypt. To document and assess the impact of anti-FGC programs, the Population Council conducted an assessment from August 1999 to February 2000. Researchers telephoned numerous Egyptian NGOs to identify those most actively involved in anti-FGC programs. Then they conducted in-depth interviews with officials of 15 NGOs, as well as staff of the Ministry of Health and Population, UNICEF, and the United Nations Population Fund. As concluded in this brief, 15 Egyptian nongovernmental organizations are actively involved in programs to eradicate the practice of female genital cutting. To make these programs more effective, NGOs should form coalitions, engage in advocacy, train activists in communication skills, and evaluate the impact of their programs.
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Counseling the husbands of postabortion patients in Egypt: Effects on husband involvement, patient recovery and contraceptive use. Population Council, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/rh1997.1017.

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An ANE OR/TA Project qualitative study conducted in 1995 probed into women’s perceptions of abortion in Egypt, and the stress that postabortion patients experience during recovery. That study drew attention to the important role husbands can play in their wives’ recovery and subsequent use of contraception. This study was designed to test the effects of involving husbands in the postabortion medical-care process. Overall, the study indicates that providing counseling to husbands of postabortion patients is feasible, as the majority of husbands either accompanied their wife on admission or at discharge from the hospital. However, administrative changes are needed to enhance the effects of counseling and encourage greater husband involvement. Family planning services should be offered on the postabortion ward. Moreover, the physical setup at the ob/gyn ward may need to be changed to allow for the presence of husbands without causing inconvenience to other women. As this report states, counseling of husbands is acceptable to both postabortion patients and their husbands. With due consideration to procedures that ensure the patient’s right to privacy, counseling husbands of postabortion patients should be considered as an element of other postabortion-care services.
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