Journal articles on the topic 'Women's rights – Case studies'
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1
Desivilya, Helena Syna, and Dalit Yassour-Borochowitz. "The Case of CheckpointWatch: A Study of Organizational Practices in a Women's Human Rights Organization." Organization Studies 29, no. 6 (June 2008): 887–908. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840608088708.
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The present study aims to discern the ways whereby gender-role perceptions and women's perspectives on political conflict and peace processes inform the organizational development process, reflected in organizational structure and processes. In order to achieve this we studied CheckpointWatch, a women's voluntary organization devoted to monitoring and reporting human rights violations of Palestinians crossing Israeli military checkpoints. The research is a qualitative study. Data gathering was designed to collect information from two sources: (1) interviews with key informants in the organization, and (2) documents transmitted over the organization's internal communications network. The findings illustrate the complexities involved in the organizational development processes of a women's peace and human rights organization, its vacillation between transition into a more formalized NGO and its holding on to the social movement organization, grassroots stage. The study also demonstrates the significance of feminist ideology with its embedded complexity and internal paradoxes, which infiltrates into organizational structure, operational processes and activities. Finally, this research highlights the fundamental role of the cultural and sociopolitical context in women's organizational practices. Overall, the study contributes to organization studies by shedding light on the intricacies of organizational dynamics in women's Peace and conflict resolution organizations.
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Everett, Elizabeth. "Women's rights, the family, and organisational culture: A Lesotho case study." Gender & Development 5, no. 1 (February 1997): 54–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/741922302.
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Rizal, Faisol. "Hak-Hak Kesehatan Reproduksi dalam Islam dan Aborsi." Tafáqquh: Jurnal Penelitian Dan Kajian Keislaman 3, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.52431/tafaqquh.v3i2.46.
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In the system quo, in terms of studies Women have always occupied a low position, limited and threatened. In this context, there is an attempt to empower women through several agencies to re-arrange the order of the spirit of global ethics, which includes the concept of justice and equality in rights and duties. With some contemporary approaches, and taking into account the conservative approach, the issue of women’s reproductive rights can be observed comprehensiveely. Conservative foothold in this case, can be considered as a material consideration in the hope footing and shooting accuracy issues that can unite goodnes solution by one of the male and female. This research resulted in the finding that women's reproductive rights are women's rights, and in its settings, especially family planning should women get the attention of her husband. In connection with the regulation of birth, can be practiced by a majority of scholars of international law and agreements. Instead, under the agreement the majority of scholars, too, the practice of abortion is prohibited. It is also supported by legislation at the practice level.
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Ying, Hu. ""How Can a Daughter Glorify the Family Name?" Filiality and Women's Rights in the Late Qing." NAN NÜ 11, no. 2 (2009): 234–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138768009x12586661923027.
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AbstractThis paper examines married daughters' filiality toward their natal families through three case studies. The protagonists are Qiu Jin (1875?-1907), Wu Zhiying (1868-1934) and Xu Zihua (1873-1935). Using the lens of filiality, we are able to observe the finer nuances of their gendered self-conception within the context of the rapidly changing world at the end of China's imperial era. I argue that the language and sentiment of filiality facilitated a substantial broadening of women's rights: in expanding what a literati daughter can claim as her intellectual inheritance, in providing the basis of a legal argument for a daughter's inheritance rights, and in offering a conduit for the experience of women's participation in political changes.
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Boris, Eileen. "Homework and Women's Rights: The Case of the Vermont Knitters, 1980-1985." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 13, no. 1 (October 1987): 98–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/494388.
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Bektas, Eda, and Esra Issever-Ekinci. "Who Represents Women in Turkey? An Analysis of Gender Difference in Private Bill Sponsorship in the 2011–15 Turkish Parliament." Politics & Gender 15, no. 4 (November 28, 2018): 851–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000363.
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AbstractIn this study, we examine substantive representation of women in the 2011–15 Turkish Parliament by focusing on sponsorship of private members’ bills by members of parliament (MPs) across eight major issue areas. The Turkish case offers new insights into women's representation, not only because this topic is unexplored in the Turkish context but also because it provides an opportunity to examine the tension between gender as a social identity and ideology as a political identity in a legislature characterized by disciplined political parties and low gender parity. Findings indicate that women MPs in Turkey substantively represent women by sponsoring more bills on women's rights and equality issues than their male colleagues, despite their low numbers in parliament and affiliation with highly disciplined parties. Party ideology also shapes women MPs’ issue priorities depending on the emphasis placed by the parties on different issue areas. Whereas left-wing women MPs sponsor more bills on women's rights and equality issues defined with a feminist accent, right-wing women MPs sponsor more bills on issues regarding children and family. Left-wing women also differ significantly from right-wing women in their sponsorship of bills on health and social affairs issues, as left-wing parties prioritize those issues more than right-wing parties.
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Chervanova, D. A. "Universality of human rights as their main property." Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no. 2 (July 24, 2022): 31–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2022.02.5.
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The author considers the issue of protection of universal women's rights. The first thing that draws attention is the concept of human rights and their importance in the world, the essence of universal human rights. The article is devoted to defining the place and role of women's rights in the catalog of human rights. In particular, on the basis of the international legal analysis the acts which have laid the foundation of legal protection of women are allocated; based on international legal acts, periodic systematization of the most important milestones in the formation of women's rights is carried out - formations in the development of gender rights are determined; the analysis of the legal status of women in society is carried out from the standpoint of both legal protection and the real state of affairs, so the problematic issues which face further improvement of the protection of women's rights are highlighted.
International case law on the protection of women's rights is considered. Relevant decisions of the European Court of Human Rights are given. The system of international universal human rights standards is studied, their characteristics are given. The system of legal registration of women's rights institutions in the context of international standards is described, the problematic issues of their implementation, provision and protection through basic mechanisms of human rights protection at different levels are studied, the practice of human rights mechanisms is analyzed.
It is concluded that the main problems in the realization of women's rights, which are pervasive, are the use of domestic violence and discrimination in employment. It is these issues, both at the level of the international community and in national legal systems, including Ukraine, that should be the focus of attention.
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Madhok, Sumi. "On Reading The Logics of Gender Justice." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 26, no. 4 (2019): 503–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxz049.
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Abstract This ambitious and remarkable book provides us with a new, creative, and critical site for feminist scholarship and leads the way in producing historically and contextually specific empirical datasets and analysis of the deeply complex area of global women's rights. As is often the case with important work, the book engenders a supplementary set of hard questions to be asked both of itself and of the wider literature. In particular, the book enables us to raise two sets of further questions: first, about the links between law, policy making, women's rights, and social transformation, and second, to raise methodological and conceptual questions in the wake of empirically operationalizing intersectionality on a global scale.
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Fikri, Fikri. "Fleksibilitas Hak Perempuan dalam Cerai Gugat di Pengadilan Agama Parepare." Al-Maiyyah : Media Transformasi Gender dalam Paradigma Sosial Keagamaan 12, no. 1 (July 26, 2019): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35905/almaiyyah.v12i1.678.
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This study aimed to know about the flexibility of women's rights in divorce at Parepare Religious Court and how the judge resolved divorce case. This study was conducted with qualitative research with a focus on case studies, with a juridical, socio-anthropological, philosophical and psychological approach. The results of this study shows; 1) Judge's decision in Case No.171/Pdt.G/2019/PA.Pare is flexible in deciding divorce case. The case of divorce is a reflection of equality and justice in women's rights to law enforcement in the Religious Courts. Divorced as well as eliminating patriarchal culture by placing women as second class; 2) The judge at Religious Court in Parepare can approve in a divorce case for several reasons as follows; disputes and quarrels occur between husband and wife, the husband persecutes and hurts his wife's body, the husband betrays his wife to another woman.
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Fadlillah, Amin, and Ibanah Suhroardiyah Shiam Mubarokah. "Strengthening Women's Rights among Students: Case Study at The Pondok Pesantren of Tahfidz al-Qur'an Ebqory Jember." An-Nisa': Jurnal Kajian Perempuan dan Keislaman 15, no. 1 (June 21, 2022): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35719/annisa.v15i1.70.
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Accumulatively, the number of female students who stay in Islamic boarding schools in Indonesia is higher than that of male students. However, the reality is that this fact is not directly proportional to the existence of education to strengthen the rights of female students in Islamic boarding schools along with the curriculum and educational materials of Islamic boarding schools that tend to position women as male objects. This can be seen by teaching the Kitab Uqud al-Lujjain which is considered not to reflect gender equality. This article aims to examine the methods used by Pondok Pesantren Tahfidz al-Qur'an Ebqory Jember on the issue of strengthening women's rights among students. This study uses a qualitative research method in which data related to the object of research are obtained through in-depth observation, interviews, and literature review. This data was then analyzed and written descriptively-critically which resulted in a clear conclusion. The results of this study indicate that the strategy of strengthening women's rights in Ebqory is carried out by two methods, namely theoretically and practically. Theoretically, strengthening women's rights is done by studying the Kitab Sittin al-Adliyah, a kitab that discusses 60 authentic hadiths about the position of women in Islam and gender studies training. Practically, students are provided with individual skill training such as training as a host and cooking training.
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Smyth, Lisa. "Narratives of Irishness and the Problem of Abortion: The X Case 1992." Feminist Review 60, no. 1 (September 1998): 61–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/014177898339398.
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This paper considers the ways in which discourses of abortion and discourses of national identity were constructed and reproduced through the events of the X case in the Republic of Ireland in 1992. This case involved a state injunction against a 14-year-old rape victim and her parents, to prevent them from obtaining an abortion in Britain. By examining the controversy the case gave rise to in the national press, I will argue that the terms of abortion politics in Ireland shifted from arguments based on rights to arguments centred on national identity, through the questions the X case raised about women's citizenship status, and women's position in relation to the nation and the state. Discourses of national identity and discourses of abortion shifted away from entrenched traditional positions, towards more liberal articulations.
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Ibrahim, Abd Rauf, Hasnani Hasnani, and Nanning Nanning. "Akomodasi Hak Perempuan pada Implementasi Peraturan Komisi Pemilihan Umum (PKPU) NO. 7 Tahun 2013 di Kota Parepare." Al-Maiyyah : Media Transformasi Gender dalam Paradigma Sosial Keagamaan 12, no. 1 (July 26, 2019): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35905/almaiyyah.v12i1.672.
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This research studied about reviewing women's rights to the implementation of general election regulations (PKPU) No. 7 2013 in Parepare. It also studied about female candidates in fighting to be the list of legislative candidates. This study was conducted with qualitative research with a focus on case studies, using in-depth interview data and supporting data from KPU. The result of the study shows the regulations guarantee women's political rights, but still have hampering on implementations because of both cultural values of society and technical constrains. Thus, the recommendations from the results of this study are (1) political parties must have a commitment in preparing their female cadres to fight on the legislative political stage. (2) An open proportional election system needs to be revised because it has an impact on the powerlessness of the party to carry out its qualified cadres who have no an established fund.
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Englehart, Neil A., and Melissa K. Miller. "Women's Rights in International Law: Critical Actors, Structuration, and the Institutionalization of Norms." Politics & Gender 16, no. 2 (June 6, 2019): 363–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x19000242.
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Widespread adoption of the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) represents a puzzle. It cannot be described as serving the interests of any state as understood in conventional theories of international relations because it commits countries to radical social change. Yet all but six UN member states have ratified it. We argue that the case can only be explained by reference to Waltz’ first image, the individual level. We invoke Giddens' notion of structuration to explain how a small group of like-minded women, many of them diplomats, were able to work within existing structures of international diplomacy to create institutions that embedded their ideals in international law. These women were critical actors, positioned simultaneously in activist organizations and government and diplomatic institutions, giving them leverage to institutionalize new norms. The case shows the importance of analysis at the individual level to explain normative change in the international system.
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Garms, Ulrich. "Promoting Human Rights in the Administration of Justice in Southern Sudan. Mandate and Accountability Dilemmas in the Fiel Work of a DPKO Human Rights Officer." International Organizations Law Review 6, no. 2 (2009): 581–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157237409x477707.
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AbstractThe UNMIS Human Rights Section is called to promote respect for international human rights standards as part of a peacekeeping operation in a post-conflict society. As such, it is exposed to conflicting but equally legitimate demands from different stakeholders. To illustrate some of the dilemmas arising in practice from the tensions between these demands, the paper looks at three case studies taken from the work of the UNMIS Human Rights Section in Southern Sudan. They concern the tension between customary law and the protection of women's rights, the right to counsel in capital cases, and justice for atrocities committed during the civil war. The paper argues that, also because of the inherent fundamental contradictions in what a field presence such as the UNMIS Human Rights Section seeks to achieve, attempts to promote meaningful accountability of the field operation for the results obtained encounter significant limitations.
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Herr, Ranjoo Seodu. "Can Transnational Feminist Solidarity Accommodate Nationalism? Reflections from the Case Study of Korean “Comfort Women”." Hypatia 31, no. 1 (2016): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12213.
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This article aims to refute the “incompatibility thesis” that nationalism is incompatible with transnational feminist solidarity, as it fosters exclusionary practices, xenophobia, and racism among feminists with conflicting nationalist aspirations. I examine the plausibility of the incompatibility thesis by focusing on the controversy regarding just reparation for Second World War “comfort women,” which is still unresolved. The Korean Council at the center of this controversy, which advocates for the rights of Korean former comfort women, has been criticized for its strident nationalism and held responsible for the stalemate. Consequently, the case of comfort women has been thought to exemplify the incompatibility thesis. I argue against this common feminist perception in three ways: first, those who subscribe to the incompatibility thesis have misinterpreted facts surrounding the issue; second, the Korean Council's nationalism is a version of “polycentric nationalism,” which avoids the problems of essentialist nationalism at the center of feminist concerns; and, third, transnational feminist solidarity is predicated on the idea of oppressed/marginalized women's epistemic privilege and enjoins that feminists respect oppressed/marginalized women's epistemic privilege. To the extent that oppressed/marginalized women's voices are expressed in nationalist terms, I argue that feminists committed to transnational feminist solidarity must accommodate their nationalism.
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Mathews, Donald G. "“Spiritual Warfare”: Cultural Fundamentalism and the Equal Rights Amendment." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 3, no. 2 (1993): 129–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1993.3.2.03a00020.
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The Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) to the U.S. Constitution was to have been the next prize for women after winning the vote in 1920. This agenda—first set in 1923—was not accepted by many women or most members of the U.S. Congress until 1972. During the long generation that separated the conception and birth of the ERA, there came also the gestation of modern feminism, which differed from the earlier suffragist ideology in its understanding of gender. Suffragists, for the most part, worked within traditional definitions, insisting that complex and vexing social issues required a woman's touch; women's uniquely gendered experiences should be added to those of men to solve modern problems.
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Zachs, Fruma, and Yuval Ben-Bassat. "WOMEN'S VISIBILITY IN PETITIONS FROM GREATER SYRIA DURING THE LATE OTTOMAN PERIOD." International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no. 4 (October 14, 2015): 765–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815000975.
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AbstractThis article focuses on petitions by Ottoman women from Greater Syria during the late Ottoman era. After offering a general overview of women's petitions in the Ottoman Empire, it explores changes in women's petitions between 1865 and 1919 through several case studies. The article then discusses women's “double-voiced” petitions following the empire's defeat in World War I, particularly those submitted to the King-Crane Commission. The concept of “double-voiced” petitions, or speaking in a voice that reflects both a dominant and a muted discourse, is extended here from the genre of literary fiction to Ottoman women's petitions. We argue that in Greater Syria double-voiced petitions only began to appear with the empire's collapse, when women both participated in national struggles and strove to protect their rights as women in their own societies.
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Steen, Jane. "Women's Ordination in the Church of England: Conscience, Change and Law." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 21, no. 3 (September 2019): 289–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x1900067x.
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Women's ordination raised issues of conscience across church traditions. The Church of England's statutory legal framework prevented these issues being confined to the Church; they were also played out in parliamentary debate. The interface between law and conscience has, however, considerable historical and contemporary resonance, as well as sound theological pedigree. This article therefore considers the place of conscience in legal and philosophical thought before the Enlightenment. It looks at norms of conscience in Roman Catholic and Church of England liturgical use. On a broader canvas, it looks at the interplay between thought, conscience and religion in human rights case law. The article suggests that a consensus of thought which sees the dictates of conscience as founded in, and inseparable from, the teachings of religion begins to break down in the early seventeenth century. Yet human rights courts find themselves deciding cases of conscience or religion where conscience and religion are often intertwined and where the external manifestation of one is governed by the inner promptings of the other. Such difficulties are not limited to the human rights courts but also play out in debates pertaining to ordination. While the North American churches sought to deal with issues of conscience head on, the Church of England very carefully avoided the language of conscience in its early discussions of women's ordination, conscious, it seems, of a lack of consensus around its meaning and source. As the women's ordination debates developed, arguments of conscience were often deployed more by those opposed to the move than those who supported it. Conscience became as much the locus of pain caused by another's action as it was an inner faculty for self-guidance. Its valence shifted from an intellectual to an emotional category.
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Gwiazda, Anna. "The Substantive Representation of Women in Poland." Politics & Gender 15, no. 02 (January 31, 2019): 262–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000909.
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AbstractThis article examines the substantive representation of women in Poland after the 2015 parliamentary elections. By looking at the case of the Black Protests, in which tens of thousands of demonstrators, wearing black, defended women's rights by protesting a proposed total abortion ban, it revisits the existing approaches to substantive representation. Hanna Pitkin's definition is used as a starting point, but then broader questions concerning women's interests, agents, and sites of representation are considered. This article identifies a variety of interests but argues that in Poland, conservative interests dominate in parliament, although feminist interests are voiced too, especially by nonelected agents in extraparliamentary sites. This article makes an important contribution to the research on women's political representation because it deals with unexplored aspects of representation in Central and Eastern Europe.
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Greenswag, Kari. "The Problem with “Caring” Human Rights." Hypatia 32, no. 4 (2017): 801–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12357.
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Although Daniel Engster's “caring” human rights are, on the surface, a compelling way to bring the concept of care into the international political realm, I argue they actually serve to perpetuate some of the same problems of mainstream human‐rights discourses. The problem is twofold. First, Engster's particular care theory relies on an uncritical acceptance of our dependence relations. It can, therefore, not only overlook how local and global institutions, norms, and the marketplace shape our relations of (inter)dependence, but also serve to further naturalize our current dependence relations. Second, Engster's caring human rights are only minimally feminist, which means that they do not pay attention to the way in which women's full and equal political participation is a necessary component to challenging and overcoming the oppression, marginalization, and exploitation of women and their caring labor worldwide. Although I am sympathetic to Engster's goals and some of his proposed policy solutions, I argue that we should not abandon the critical, feminist lens of care ethics in favor of “caring” human rights that cannot overcome the care critique of mainstream human‐rights discourses.
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Bereni, Laure, and Anne Revillard. "Movement Institutions: The Bureaucratic Sources of Feminist Protest." Politics & Gender 14, no. 3 (September 2018): 407–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000399.
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AbstractOver the past several decades, scholarship on women's movements, feminism, and the state has brought renewed attention to the study of protest politics by questioning its frontier with dominant institutions. This article takes this critique a step further by considering the institutional dimension of the state-movement intersection. Drawing on the French case, we argue that institutions that are formally devoted to women's rights inside the state (women's policy agencies) can operate asmovement institutions—that is, as bureaucratic instances routinely engrained with a protest dimension—rather than being only a shelter for a network of insider activists. As such, they can provide a specific, institutional feminist socialization to their members; they can purvey, rather than only relay, feminist protest, and they can deploy institutional repertoires of protest, combining bureaucratic and movement dimensions. We conclude that the definition and boundaries of the women's movement need to be broadened to include bureaucratic sources of feminist protest.
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Cullen, Pauline. "Irish Female Members of the European Parliament: Critical Actors for Women's Interests?" Politics & Gender 14, no. 3 (June 22, 2018): 483–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x1800020x.
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The European Parliament (EP) is credited as an important actor in improving the rights of women in Ireland. Lacking a power base in national political parties, Irish feminists and European Union (EU) officials, including members of the EP (MEPs), have worked to secure progress on gender equality. This research explores whether, in the contemporary context, Irish female MEPs remain critical actors for women's interests at the EU level. Findings show that although Irish female MEPs have a limited record of involvement with the EP's main site for gender equality, the Committee on Women's Rights and Gender Equality, they do act in a variety of ways on women's interests. These include mobilization on gendered occupational roles and traditionally gendered areas such as care work, child poverty, and issues constructed as affecting women outside the EU. Irish female MEPs also facilitate forms of supranational lobbying in their support of EU-level advocacy for domestic gendered civil society and campaign groups. However, ideology and party political discipline, the pull toward local and national interests, and an absence of strong feminist agency work to diminish opportunities for female MEPs to act as critical actors and deliver critical acts on women's interests.
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Oksana Koshulko. "Women’s Empowerment: an Insight into History and the Present Day." SIASAT 6, no. 3 (July 31, 2021): 161–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/siasat.v6i3.101.
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The article presents the results of research concerning the empowerment of women from the 17th to 21st century in various countries, including Mexico, the U.K., the U.S.A., Ukraine and France among others. Fourteen cases of women's empowerment in their areas of activity are explored, using case studies collected from primary and secondary data. Twelve of the cases are described and explored using secondary data and two cases using primary data, collected in 2019 in Kyiv, Ukraine. The cases are encrypted as Case 1 - C_ 1 through to Case 14 - C_ 14. The article is an important insight into women's empowerment through history to the present, showing how at times women have sacrificed themselves to achieve their aims and how these sacrifices are important for women of today. However, despite the achievements throughout the centuries, women must continue their struggle to obtain full rights and freedom for all women around the world.
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Bakan, Birol. "Why Did Latife Cover Her Hair?" Hawwa 7, no. 2 (2009): 144–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920709x12511890014586.
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AbstractThis paper uncovers the Orientalist assumptions dominating studies of Ataturk reforms as to women's rights in Turkey and proposes an alternative approach, which drops messianic approach to Ataturk reforms and calls for situating them within a broader historical strategic context. It argues that Ataturk's clique was one of the many contenders competing for political power in post-WWI Turkey. In an effort to pacify and eliminate its opponents, the political regime pursued a policy of corporatist regime construction, by which no autonomous social institution was left alone. Such a reading of early Republican history suggests that granting women certain rights was part of authoritarian regime consolidation. This essay argues the case further; suggesting that being contained within an authoritarian regime caused the nascent feminist movement to lose its potential to reach to broader women groups in Turkey.
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Putri, Alvela Salsabilah, Puti Jasmine Choirunissa, and Riana Salma. "Global Actors’ Effort towards Gender Equality in Women's Health in East and Southern Africa." Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional 23, no. 1 (July 9, 2021): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/global.v23i1.580.
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According to 2020 UNAIDS data, there are approximately 20,700,000 people infected with HIV, with 12,900,000 infected are women in Eastern & Southern Africa. This condition is caused by the lack of health rights for women which is also based on the limited rights of women to matters such as education, employment and finance. This study aims to examine the role of global government in accommodating global actors to address issues of gender equality in women's health in Eastern and Southern Africa. This research is built on the concept of global governance theory and feminism. The research method used is qualitative research methods using case studies. This paper concludes that global actors (governmental and non-governmental) make important contributions through international cooperation and produce various programmes for women's empowerment and health assistance. These programmes and assistance are producing slow but steady changes to gender equality and the well-being of women in the Eastern and Southern Africa region. Because through these various health programmes and assistance, women in the Eastern and Southern Africa region can optimise their rights as women as well as human beings.
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Daly, Mary. "The Long Road to Gender Equality." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 26, no. 4 (2019): 512–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxz048.
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Abstract This piece reflects upon the significance of The Logics of Gender Justice. I make the case that this is one of the most significant works on the development of women's rights and gender justice. It offers depth of understanding of the policy and politics precipitating or blocking the roll-out of a range of such rights across time and place. Its geographical scope is both global and local. It offers a framework of analysis and a set of empirical insights that will galvanize scholarship, and not just in the field of gender. I am particularly intrigued by the differentiation between class- and status-based gender policies. I can see promise here—especially from a politics perspective—but to my mind this is not a watertight differentiation between policies. The possibility of an intersectional understanding of gender-related rights and policies is also downplayed by the Htun and Weldon's framework on my reading.
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Ghanea, Nazila. "Navigating the Tensions: Women’s Rights, Religion and Freedom of Religion or Belief." Religion & Human Rights 16, no. 2-3 (November 12, 2021): 67–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-bja10019.
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Abstract Despite the normative integration between freedom of religion or belief (FORB) and women’s equality, these synergies are difficult to discern and there is a common misperception that women’s rights to equality and FORB are clashing rights. This is compounded by the extensive religiously phrased reservations by states upon ratification of international treaties that amplify this misperception that FORB serves to restrict women’s rights to equality. The advocacy groups supporting these rights, and also their normative sources in international human rights law instruments, are largely distinct. However, general non-discrimination provisions do address both, and General Comment no. 28 captures both rights holistically. The correctives to these misperceptions lie in reflecting upon the universality, indivisibility, interdependence, and interrelatedness of all human rights norms. They also lie in the realization that FORB is a right like any other. FORB is neither a right of “religion” as such nor an instrument for support of religiously phrased reservations and limitations on women’s rights to equality. This is particularly the case with harmful practices, as elaborated in the joint general recommendation/General Comment no. 31 of the Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and no. 18 of the Committee on the Rights of the Child however, the core principles also extend to other infringements of women’s rights to equality. It is essential to (re)vitalize the synergies between FORB and women’s equality in order to advance each of these rights, to be able to address overlapping rights concerns, and to adequately acknowledge intersectional claims. Furthermore, the relevant advocacy groups and human rights mechanisms need to give further attention to this as a priority matter.
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Droeber, Julia. "Back to Islam? Women's Sexualities and Body-Politics in Muslim Central Asia." Hawwa 4, no. 2-3 (2006): 181–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920806779152264.
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AbstractIn this paper I examine the commonly held assumption that the developments we witnessed in Central Asian societies since the disintegration of the Soviet Union could be interpreted as a "return to pre-Soviet Islamic traditions". I am specifically concerned with reports about the increasing violations of women's sexual rights and mounting control over their bodies, developments that are accompanied by a "conspiracy of silence" about sexual matters.This essay is based on anthropological fieldwork in Kyrgyzstan, various reports from other Central Asian republics, a review of Soviet sex and gender policies, and analysis of Islamic Scriptures on the issue of sexuality. Even though some Muslim practices regarding sexualities can be seen as having a basis in the Qurān, the interpretations and translations into daily practice are to a major extent influenced by political, economic, and socio-cultural forces. I trace these processes in the case of Soviet and post-Soviet Central Asia and argue that the rhetoric of a "return to Islamic traditions" does not take into account the significant impact on other forces on the current practices of policing women's bodies and silencing discourses on sexualities.
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Oppenheim, Janet. "A Mother's Role, a Daughter's Duty: Lady Blanche Balfour, Eleanor Sidgwick, and Feminist Perspectives." Journal of British Studies 34, no. 2 (April 1995): 196–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386074.
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Addressing the Women's Institute in London on November 23, 1897, Eleanor Sidgwick, principal of Newnham College, Cambridge, observed thatThere will always be gaps in domestic life which can best be filled by the unmarried girls and women of the family; help wanted in the care of old people and children and invalids, or in making the work of other members of the family go smoothly, to which a woman may well devote herself at some sacrifice of her own future—a sacrifice she will not regret. This kind of work can best be done by women, not only because they are generally better adapted to it, but because the sacrifice is not so clear nor so great in their case as it would generally be in that of a man. Only let the cost be counted and compared with the gain, and do not let us ask women to give up their chance of filling a more useful place in the world for the sake of employing them in trivial social duties from which they might be spared with little loss to anyone.With these remarks, Mrs. Sidgwick joined the extended debate over the rights and duties of spinster daughters that the Victorian women's movement pursued for decades. For many participants, it was the preeminent issue that women had to confront if they were significantly to improve the condition of their lives.
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Wright, Danaya. "LEGAL RIGHTS AND WOMEN'S AUTONOMY: CAN FAMILY LAW REFORM IN MUSLIM COUNTRIES AVOID THE CONTRADICTIONS OF VICTORIAN DOMESTICITY?" Hawwa 5, no. 1 (2007): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920807781787626.
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AbstractIn early- and mid-nineteenth century England, numerous law reformers targeted the law of coverture. Under this law married women lost custody of children, lost any property they brought, could not make a will or enter into a contract once they married, and they could not seek a divorce if their marriage broke down under the doctrine that husband and wife were a single unit before the law. The discourse of the reform debates, however, presented women as either violent and intemperate, and thus requiring the chains of coverture to keep them from bringing down the pillars of civil society. Or, they were seen as victims in sore need of the law's protection from violent and intemperate men. At no time were they viewed as legal agents, capable of exercising rights responsibly or as rational actors, who could be entrusted with the care and control of raising children single-handedly. But as the law changed to accommodate demands for women's rights, it is clear that women did not destroy civil society, nor have they attained equal power and autonomy with men. Thus, in looking at the reforms, and the forces that inhibited the reforms in Victorian England, we can begin to think more critically about how law reforms occur, how men and women are situated, and how barriers to equality frustrate legal change. With that history, I believe we are better situated to understand the demands for change in family law and women's rights in Muslim countries. Much of the rhetoric is ironically familiar. And I argue that knowledge of the pitfalls that threatened legal change in the Anglo-American west can help us avoid them in law reform arenas across the Muslim world. Of course, it is not simply that by learning our history we can hope not to repeat it. Rather, by understanding the complex interplay of reformist arguments and conservative pressures, we are better able to see beneath the rhetoric to the power structures inhibiting women's autonomy that lurk beneath the surface.
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Majeed, Tariq, and Amna Malik. "Panel Data Analysis of Press Freedom and Women Empowerment." Journal of Quantitative Methods 4, no. 1 (March 2, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.29145/2020/jqm/040106.
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More equal economic, social and political rights for women have long been part of civil and political right movements. It is widely believed that women’s rights are important for greater economic prosperity, good governance and social equality. However, women are still being discriminated in many parts of the world. How women’s rights can be protected? To answer this question, the literature has highlighted the importance of free media in promoting women’s rights. The extant literature on media and women rights, however, is largely limited to descriptive analysis and theoretical arguments. Moreover, the available evidence is confined to few case studies and anecdotal stories, which cannot be generalized globally. This study contributes in the literature by empirically investigating the relationship of press freedom with women empowerment using a large panel of 160 countries from 1996 to 2011. For empirical analysis, the ordered logit method is used. The empirical finding confirms that press freedom is an effective tool to empower women’s economic, political and social rights. Findings of the study are shown to be robust to different specifications, sub-samples, regional controls and different forms of women empowerment.
JEL Classifications Codes: C23, J16, Z10
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Jamal, Amaney, and Irfan Nooruddin. "A Delicate Balancing Act." Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 17, no. 3 (November 1, 2021): 423–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15525864-9306874.
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Abstract Historically Arab regimes have played critical roles in securing women’s rights in their societies. Yet regimes remain concerned about domestic, especially Islamist and traditionalist, reactions to women’s rights. When regimes feel they can overcome this resistance they honor commitments to women’s rights. When they fear more domestic opposition they renege. This article argues that Arab regimes are less likely to resist domestic opposition to women’s rights when US military presence increases in the region. The authors test the argument using cross-national data including an original expert-coder scale of Islamist power, and estimate an instrumental variable model to allay concerns of endogeneity. A case study of Jordan explicates their causal argument. The results are robust to different measures of Islamist strength and to different estimation techniques. Understanding this unintended consequence of US military deployments to the Arab world is important for future analysis of female empowerment in the Arab world.
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Roberts, Dorothy, and Sujatha Jesudason. "MOVEMENT INTERSECTIONALITY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 10, no. 2 (2013): 313–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x13000210.
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AbstractIntersectional analysis need not focus solely on differences within or between identity-based groups. Using intersectionality for cross movement mobilization reveals that, contrary to criticism for being divisive, attention to intersecting identities has the potential to create solidarity and cohesion. In this article, we elaborate this argument with a case study of the intersection of race, gender, and disability in genetic technologies as well as in organizing to promote a social justice approach to the use of these technologies. We show how organizing based on an intersectional analysis can help forge alliances between reproductive justice, racial justice, women's rights, and disability rights activists to develop strategies to address reproductive genetic technologies. We use the work of Generations Ahead to illuminate how intersectionality applied at the movement-building level can identify genuine common ground, create authentic alliances, and more effectively advocate for shared policy priorities.
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Borodina, Elena Vasil'evna, and Yuliya Vladimirovna Kus'kalo. "Women's Movement and attempts to organize the National Women's Council in Russia at the beginning of the XX century." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 5 (May 2022): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.5.38160.
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The subject of this study is the organization of the National Women's Council in Russia at the beginning of the XX century. The study was conducted using a gender approach in history (historical feminology). In addition, the problems under consideration were studied using the methods of source studies, mainly internal criticism of historical sources. The source base of the article was made up of both documentary (legislation and materials of women's congresses and organizations) and narrative sources. First of all, these are the documents of the A.I. Filosofov Foundation: draft charters of women's organizations, letters of petition, responses of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and others. Of considerable interest is also the women's periodical press, which published reports and resolutions of women's congresses, memorable articles about representatives of the women's movement. The scientific novelty of the research lies both in the inclusion of new source complexes into scientific circulation, and in the reconstruction of the process of creating the All-Russian Women's Council, an organization that was seen as the coordinating center of the Russian women's movement. As a result of the analysis of sources and historiography, the authors came to the conclusion that at the beginning of the XX century the women's movement in Russia focused on the struggle for civil and political rights, for which it was necessary to unite the maximum possible number of women who aspired to equality. For this purpose, along with the creation of women's organizations and the publication of regular periodicals, women's congresses are beginning to be held. The First All-Russian Women's Congress for the first time raised the issue of creating a National Women's Council to unite all women's societies and organizations. Attempts to create the organization continued for 20 years, but were crowned with success only in 1917. However, Russian feminism has not been able to create an international organization. Despite the progressive nature of the activities of women's movement activists, the civil war in Russia interrupted the work of the organization.
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Mwaura, Philomena Njeri. "Stigmatization and Discrimination of HIV/AIDS Women in Kenya: A Violation of Human Rights and its Theological Implications." Exchange 37, no. 1 (2008): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254308x251322.
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AbstractDespite spirited efforts by the African governments, the church, faith based organizations, non-governmental organizations, individuals and communities, available statistics confirm that the AIDs epidemic continues to advance. This has been exacerbated by grinding poverty, patriarchal gender power relations that render women powerless, damaging practices supported by both traditional and modern cultures, ineffective health care systems, stigma and discrimination. Women and girl children suffer in greater proportions relative to men. Their human rights have been violated inside and outside the church. There is therefore a need to prioritize women's human rights in order for nation states and individuals to implement successful public health strategies, behaviour change and the restoration and maintenance of human dignity. The church should consistently condemn the sin of stigmatization and discrimination. It should revise its education in this area and develop an ecclesiology that would effectively respond to the HIV/Aids epidemic in a just, loving and gender inclusive manner.
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Katz, Leila, Melania Maria Amorim, Juliana Camargo Giordano, Maria Helena Bastos, and Aline Veras Morais Brilhante. "Who is afraid of obstetric violence?" Revista Brasileira de Saúde Materno Infantil 20, no. 2 (June 2020): 623–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1806-93042020000200017.
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Abstract Despite being a relatively new term, obstetric violence is an old problem. In 2014, the World Health Organization declared: “Many women experience disrespectful and abusive treatment during childbirth in facilities worldwide. Such treatment not only violates the rights of women to respectful care, but can also threaten their rights to life, health, bodily integrity, and freedom from discrimination”. This problem, named as “abuse”, “disrespect” and/or “mistreatment” during childbirth, has been addressed in several studies. However, there has been no consensus on how to properly name this problem, although its typology has been well described. Considering the magnitude of this problem, it is essential to give the correct terminology to this important health and human rights issue. Naming it as obstetric violence and understanding it as gender-based violence will ensure appropriate interventions to avert this violation of women's rights.
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Monahan, Camille. "The Failure of the Bona Fide Occupational Qualification in Cross‐Gender Prison Guard Cases: A Problem beyond Equal Employment Opportunity." Hypatia 28, no. 1 (2013): 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2011.01248.x.
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Knowing the theory of gender that a court is using to understand and assess the issues in a case is vital to ensuring that women are afforded their full rights under the law. Unfortunately, courts often do not explicitly state what understanding of gender is informing their decisions. An exception is found in employment law: specifically, the bona fide occupational qualification (BFOQ) exception to Title VII of the Civil Rights Act, which allows employers to engage in sex‐based discrimination in those instances in which the sex of the employee is a reasonably necessary qualification for the job. In these cases, because the court must analyze how “manness” or “womanness” impacts one's qualification to hold certain kinds of employment, the court must articulate its understanding of gender. This paper examines two BFOQ cases in the cross‐gender prison guard context, those cases in which an individual of one sex seeks to guard inmates of the opposite sex. In these cases the courts created a theory of gender that posits men and women as different in kind. The theory developed in this line of cases is an attack on Title VII protections and a potential barrier to women's equality under the law.
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Morris, Jenny. "Creating a Space for Absent Voices: Disabled Women's Experience of Receiving Assistance with Daily Living Activities." Feminist Review 51, no. 1 (November 1995): 68–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1995.34.
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Feminist research on community care and ‘informal carers’ identified this as a women's issue but failed to address the interests and experiences of older and disabled women – those who received ‘care’ One consequence is that such feminist research has implicitly, and sometimes explicitly, undermined disabled women's rights to a home, children and personal relationships. Using qualitative research, the article highlights the actual experience of women whose physical impairment means that they need help with daily living activities, looking at the different circumstances in which such help is received. The disability movement's concept of ‘independent living’ raises particular issues for disabled women. ‘Independent living’ is about having choice and control over the assistance needed, rather than necessarily doing everything for yourself. However, gender inequalities may also inhibit the choice and control that women have in their lives. Assistance can be given within a personal relationship as an expression of love, but disabled women may also experience abusive, restrictive or exploitative relationships. Public services do not generally provide assistance in a way which enables a woman to have choice and control in her life, or even to carry out child-caring or homemaking tasks. The research on the various ways of receiving personal assistance found that those women who were able to purchase their own help were most likely to be living independently, in the sense of exerting choice and control in their lives. Feminist research can help to create a space for disabled women's absent voices, and add to the pressure for change in the way that personal assistance needs are met. This is a human and civil rights issue which has a key impact on the control that disabled women have over their lives.
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Fallon, Kathleen. "Getting Out The Vote: Women'S Democratic Political Mobilization In Ghana." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 8, no. 3 (October 1, 2003): 273–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.8.3.1h361h315l806060.
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Although the mobilization of women in Latin America prior to and during the transition to democracy has been well-studied, the mobilization of women in sub-Saharan Africa during this transition has received little attention. Yet, the study of women's mobilization within an emerging democratic state of sub-Saharan Africa would provide insight into how women may renegotiate their position in relation to transforming political structures, and how they may work to redefine their own rights. This article analyzes the case of Ghana to examine the mobilization ofwomen in sub-Saharan Africa. Specifically, multivariate analyses of a survey of 621 women and in-depth interviews with thirty-three members of women's organizations are used to explore whether women's organizations are attempting to mobilize women to participate in the formal political process during the transition to democracy, and, if so, whether their efforts are successful. The results indicate that women's organizations view the electoral process as a means to mobilize women, that they have attempted to mobilize women to participate in elections, and that their mobilization efforts influenced the political behavior of women. Implications of these findings for our understanding of women's mobilization in sub-Saharan Africa in comparison to those in Latin America are discussed.
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Brems, Eva. "Hidden under Headscarves? Women and Religion in the Case Law of the European Court of Human Rights." Religion & Human Rights 16, no. 2-3 (November 12, 2021): 173–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-bja10022.
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Abstract The paper offers an analysis of the case law of the European Court of Human Rights at the intersection of women’s rights and religious freedom. It maps different configurations of gender and religious interests across the corpus of case law, and analyses the Court’s intersectionality practice.
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Kiwanuka, Sophia Abela, Asia Parker, and Lihi Ben Shitrit. "Media Representations of Gendered Minority Practices: The Case of Polygamy in Israel." Religions 14, no. 2 (January 28, 2023): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14020162.
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This paper critically examines how the mainstream media in Israel frame the phenomenon of polygamy among the minority Palestinian Bedouin community within the country. We identify four prominent media frames: (1) an “orientalist” frame, which considers Muslim women as in need of saving from their own culture and religion’s oppression by a modernizing state; (2) a “securitization” frame, which links the practice of polygamy to threats to the state’s security and to “Islamic terrorism;” (3) an “existential threat” frame, which reflects the Israeli Jewish majority’s anxieties about a demographic battle between Jews and Muslims in the country; and finally, (4) a “women’s rights” frame, which is the least prevalent, that addresses polygamy from the perspective of women’s equality and equal citizenship, and which is critical of the discriminatory policies of the state. Theoretically, the paper explicates how the media utilizes minority gendered practices to amplify Islamophobic sentiments in relation to a Muslim community, and how alternative framing and the featuring of critical Muslim women’s voices in the media might mitigate such harmful effects.
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Beddoe, Elizabeth, Trish Hayes, and Jessica Steele. "‘Social justice for all!’ The relative silence of social work in abortion rights advocacy." Critical and Radical Social Work 8, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204986019x15717380615737.
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Social work has been largely silent on matters of reproductive rights, particularly in relation to abortion. This may partially be explained by abortion being secured as a part of health care in many countries. However, elsewhere, abortion remains in criminal codes with service access controlled via medico-legal barriers. We make a case for the increased visibility of reproductive justice within education and professional activity, employing case studies from Australia, the Republic of Ireland and New Zealand to illustrate recent social work advocacy on abortion rights. Social work abortion activists report two themes: professional bodies have varied their approach to advocacy for abortion rights due to political sensitivities; and social work involvement in campaigns has reflected individual and grass-roots advocacy. Improved education about reproductive justice for social workers, alongside greater collective professional advocacy, are needed to contribute to campaigns together with women’s and human rights groups, as well as public health champions.
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Abed, Sara. "How do Sex Workers Perceive their Working Identity? Case Studies in Egypt." Kohl: A Journal for Body and Gender Research 2, Winter (December 1, 2016): 245–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.36583/2016020215.
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This study looks at Egypt’s sex workers’ perceptions of their working identity. It examines the different experiences and attitudes of sex workers by exploring the main features and dominant frames in the literature, and how it could be of relevance in the case of Egypt. Through conducting interviews with sex workers and other stakeholders, I argue that sex workers tend to perceive themselves as workers who should enjoy labour rights, except for those who consider religious guilt and shame as a barrier in being visible to the public. The decriminalising of sex work diminishes state control and discrimination over the lives of sex workers in Egypt. My findings demonstrate that there is a relationship between state policies to discipline sex workers and the control of women’s body.
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Khanna, Renu. "A Feminist, Gender and Rights Perspective for Evaluation of Women’s Health Programmes." Indian Journal of Gender Studies 19, no. 2 (June 2012): 259–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152151201900205.
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This article discusses the evaluation practice of a women’s health advocate who learnt lessons about evaluation of health programmes from the experience of being evaluated. In turn, the author lays out the principles that she tries to follow while undertaking evaluations, namely, her concept of women’s health and the values and ethical principles that guide her practice. The article presents and discusses three case studies of recent evaluations and reviews that the author was involved in to illustrate how she reinterpreted the terms of reference from a feminist and gender perspective. The article discusses how a feminist evaluator could negotiate the intricate relationships in an evaluation, how to address the issues of power; and the meaning of knowledge-building within an evaluation context.
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Murray, Kath, and Lucy Hunter Blackburn. "Losing sight of women's rights: the unregulated introduction of gender self-identification as a case study of policy capture in Scotland." Scottish Affairs 28, no. 3 (August 2019): 262–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2019.0284.
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Within the last two years, respective proposals by the Scottish and UK Governments to reform the Gender Recognition Act 2004 (GRA) to allow people to change their legal sex based only on making a legally-registered self-declaration have sparked an intense debate on how sex and gender identity should be defined in law and policy. This paper examines how gender self-identification had in fact become a feature of Scottish policy-making and practice, long before public consultation on GRA reform began. The analysis is structured as two case-studies that examine firstly, policy development on the census in relation to the ‘sex’ question, and second, Scottish Prison Service policy on transgender prisoners. The analysis shows that the unregulated roll-out of gender self-identification in Scotland has taken place with weak or non-existent scrutiny and a lack of due process, and that this relates to a process of policy capture, whereby decision-making on sex and gender identity issues has been directed towards the interests of a specific interest group, without due regard for other affected groups or the wider population. The paper raises questions about the adequacy of institutional safeguards against well-organised and highly purposeful lobbying, particularly where any groups detrimentally affected do not have effective representation.
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Huffaker, Shauna. "Gendered Limitations on Women Property Owners: Three Women of Early Modern Cairo." HAWWA 10, no. 3 (2012): 127–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341234.
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AbstractWomen’s rights to be independent property owners in the pre-modern Islamic world can be overemphasized. This article explores the legal frameworks and social and familial customs that limited women’s ability to act as autonomous property owners in late Mamluk and early Ottoman Egypt. Three case studies of early modern women of different socio-economic status demonstrate how these limitations come into focus only when women’s ownership of property is tracked over the long term. These case studies and supporting material are drawn from sales and waqf endowment documents held at the Egyptian National Archives and the Archives of the Ministry of Religious Endowments.
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Herzog, Hanna. "One Hand Giveth, the Other Taketh Away." Israel Studies Review 36, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2021.360204.
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This article presents a feminist perspective on polity, religion, and gender in the Yishuv. It analyzes how each of these three categories is shaped by its intersection with the others while simultaneously constituting the whole. Two major decisions that were enacted in the 1920s—women’s right to vote and the institutionalization of the Chief Rabbinate—serve as case studies of the formation of these categories, as well as of the creation of social boundaries, the politics of inclusion and exclusion, and the culture of political arrangements in the Jewish state-in-the-making. Women were both the focus of and significant actors in these multi-dimensional conflicts. They won their rights for equal citizenship in terms of suffrage, but lost their personal status rights as a result of the institutionalization of the Chief Rabbinate.
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Fanghanel, Alexandra. "On Being Ugly in Public: The Politics of the Grotesque in Naked Protests." Hypatia 35, no. 2 (2020): 262–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hyp.2020.5.
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AbstractSexualized naked protest using young and attractive women's bodies have long featured in the repertoire of protest tools for interventions in public space. Antirape feminist groups and nonhuman-animal rights activist groups, in particular, have mobilized these bodies to attract attention to their causes. Contemporary debates have suggested that these sorts of protest are objectionable, and that they are entwined with contemporary rape culture. This article complicates these accounts by considering what happens when the naked body is presented as a grotesquery in the service of these apparently emancipatory politics.Analyzing two instances of naked protest as case studies, this article examines what happens to naked protest when the bodies protesting are “ugly” or are rendered so. The analysis suggests that naked protest featuring bodies that are “ugly” harbors the possibility of mobilizing a transgressive politics beyond contemporary rape culture. This article has implications for better understanding how to mobilize protest in a way that is transgressive and bold without further enshrining rape culture as the normative background against which it takes place.
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Abdulmelik, Nebila, and Tsion Belay. "Advancing Women’s Political Rights in Africa: The Promise and Potential of ACDEG." Africa Spectrum 54, no. 2 (August 2019): 147–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002039719881321.
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This paper places women at the centre of analysis, examining the potential and promise of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG) in the advancement of women’s political rights. This is a highly under-researched topic, necessitating a mapping of the current political landscape for women and an understanding of how ACDEG addresses these challenges as well as provides opportunities for advancing women’s political participation. This paper argues that ACDEG provides a good basis and framework to operate from for member states – some of whom already have suitable policies, and more importantly suitable practices, in place that emerge from a range of normative frameworks, including the Maputo Protocol. ACDEG complements these frameworks and makes a further case for women’s full and meaningful participation in public and private life by obligating states to take concrete steps to guarantee women’s political rights. Considering this, the paper identifies prospects for women’s rights activists and organisations to invoke ACDEG and monitor its implementation in the move towards the realisation of African women’s political rights.
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Yujiao, Tong. "Changes of Women's Roles in the Context of Rural Tourism Development: Case of "Beautiful South" in Nanning, China." Scholars Journal of Economics, Business and Management 8, no. 11 (December 7, 2021): 406–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.36347/sjebm.2021.v08i11.001.
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Tourism, as an important part of modern industry, has had a great impact on the changes of women's roles in rural tourism destinations, but it has not been paid enough attention by researchers in previous studies. Taking the "Beautiful South" rural tourism project as an example, the author explores the reasons and circumstances of women's participation in rural tourism from the perspective of gender, and the impact of rural tourism on the changes in the role of local women. This study found that women's participation in rural tourism production activities is more active than men, and the reasons for their participation are diverse. The economic growth brought about by the development of rural tourism is one of the important driving forces for the changes in the role of rural women. The strict gender division in production and labor no longer exists, and the initiative and independence of local women in the economy have been improved. And there has been a trend of women transforming from passive recipients of the original life model to active pursuit of ideal life, from being a victim of the right to self-education under the pressure of family conditions and local traditions to being the leader of the right to self-education. However, it has not completely deviated from the traditional division of labor of "male leading the outside and female leading the inside". There is still a long way to go before true equality between men and women and women's complete autonomy in all aspects.