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Journal articles on the topic 'Women's rights – Australia – History'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Grimshaw, Patricia. "Comparative Perspectives on White and Indigenous Women's Political Citizenship in Queensland: The 1905 Act to Amend the Elections Acts, 1885 to 1899." Queensland Review 12, no. 2 (November 2005): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600004062.

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The centenary of the passage in early 1905 of the Act to Amend the Elections Acts, 1885 to 1899, which extended the right to vote to white women in Queensland, marks a moment of great importance in the political and social history of Australia. The high ground of the history of women's suffrage in Australia is undoubtedly the passage of the 1902 Commonwealth Franchise Act that gave all white women in Australia political citizenship: the right to vote and to stand for parliamentary office at the federal level. Obviously this attracted the most attention internationally, given that it placed Australia on the short list of communities that had done so to date; most women in the world had to await the aftermath of the First or Second World Wars for similar rights.

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2

GOODALL, HEATHER, and DEVLEENA GHOSH. "Reimagining Asia: Indian and Australian women crossing borders." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 04 (December 7, 2018): 1183–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000920.

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AbstractThe decades from the 1940s to the 1960s were ones of increasing contacts between women of India and Australia. These were not built on a shared British colonial history, but on commitments to visions circulating globally of equality between races, sexes, and classes. Kapila Khandvala from Bombay and Lucy Woodcock from Sydney were two women who met during such campaigns. Interacting roughly on an equal footing, they were aware of each other's activism in the Second World War and the emerging Cold War. Khandvala and Woodcock both made major contributions to the women's movements of their countries, yet have been largely forgotten in recent histories, as have links between their countries. We analyse their interactions, views, and practices on issues to which they devoted their lives: women's rights, progressive education, and peace. Their beliefs and practices on each were shaped by their respective local contexts, although they shared ideologies that were circulating internationally. These kept them in contact over many years, during which Kapila built networks that brought Australians into the sphere of Indian women's awareness, while Lucy, in addition to her continuing contacts with Kapila, travelled to China and consolidated links between Australian and Chinese women in Sydney. Their activist world was centred not in Western Europe, but in a new Asia that linked Australia and India. Our comparative study of the work and interactions of these two activist women offers strategies for working on global histories, where collaborative research and analysis is conducted in both colonizing and colonized countries.

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3

Pini, Barbara, and Sally Shortall. "Gender Equality in Agriculture: Examining State Intervention in Australia and Northern Ireland." Social Policy and Society 5, no. 2 (April 2006): 199–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746405002885.

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This paper is concerned with the extent to which the state offers potential for furthering farm women's status and rights. Using case studies of Australia and Northern Ireland, it examines the extent to which the state has intervened to address gender inequality in the agricultural sector. These two locations provide a particularly rich scope for analysis because while Australia has a long history of state feminism and an extensive legislative framework for pursing gender equity, this is not the case with Northern Ireland. At the same time, the restructuring of the state in Northern Ireland, following on from the Belfast Agreement of 1998 and the Northern Ireland Act of 1998, has generated new opportunities for state intervention regarding gender equality. Moreover, while gender is now for the first time being placed on the state agenda in Northern Ireland, gender reform is being wound back in Australia, as equity discourses are subsumed by the hegemonic discourses of neo-liberalism.

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4

Grayzel, Susan R. "Fighting for Their Rights: A Comparative Perspective on Twentieth-Century Women's Movements in Australia, Great Britian, and the United States." Journal of Women's History 11, no. 1 (1999): 210–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2003.0096.

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5

Milner, Lisa. "“An Unpopular Cause”: The Union of Australian Women’s Support for Aboriginal Rights." Labour History 116, no. 1 (May 1, 2019): 167–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jlh.2019.8.

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The Union of Australian Women (UAW) was a national organisation for left-wing women between World War II and the emergence of the women’s liberation movement. Along with other left-wing activists, UAW members supported Aboriginal rights, through their policies, publications and actions. They also attracted a number of Aboriginal members including Pearl Gibbs, Gladys O’Shane, Dulcie Flower and Faith Bandler. Focusing on NSW activity in the assimilation period, this article argues that the strong support of UAW members for Aboriginal rights drew upon the group’s establishment far-left politics, its relations with other women’s groups and the activism of its Aboriginal members. Non-Aboriginal members of the UAW gave practical and resourceful assistance to their Aboriginal comrades in a number of campaigns through the assimilation era, forming productive and collaborative relationships. Many of their campaigns aligned with approaches of the Communist Party of Australia and left-wing trade unions. In assessing the relationship between the UAW and Aboriginal rights, this article addresses a gap in the scholarship of assimilation era activism.

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6

Hawgood, Barbara J. "Professor Sir William Liley (1929–83): New Zealand Perinatal Physiologist." Journal of Medical Biography 13, no. 2 (May 2005): 82–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096777200501300205.

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William (Bill) Liley received his MB ChB from Otago University, Dunedin (New Zealand), in 1954. Under the guidance of the neurophysiologist Professor J C Eccles (1903–97), he carried out major research on neuromuscular transmission, both as an undergraduate at Otago University and as a postgraduate at the Australian National University at Canberra. In 1957 Bill Liley switched to research in obstetrics at the Women's National Hospital at Auckland in New Zealand. He refined the diagnostic procedure for rhesus haemolytic disease of the newborn and was able to predict its severity. Liley developed the technique of intrauterine transfusion of rhesus-negative blood for severely affected fetuses and led the team that carried out the first successful fetal transfusions in the world. He was a passionate advocate of the medical and societal rights of the unborn child.

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7

Cott, Nancy. "Women's Rights Talk." American Studies in Scandinavia 32, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v32i1.1483.

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8

Popovic-Filipovic, Slavica. "Elsie Inglis (1864-1917) and the Scottish women’s hospitals in Serbia in the Great War. Part 1." Srpski arhiv za celokupno lekarstvo 146, no. 3-4 (2018): 226–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sarh170704167p.

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The news about the great victories of the Gallant Little Serbia in the Great War spread far and wide. Following on the appeals from the Serbian legations and the Serbian Red Cross, assistance was arriving from all over the world. First medical missions and medical and other help arrived from Russia. It was followed by the medical missions from Great Britain, France, Greece, The Netherlands, Denmark, Switzerland, America, etc. Material help and individual volunteers arrived from Poland, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Ireland, Norway, India, Japan, Egypt, South America, and elsewhere. The true friends of Serbia formed various funds under the auspices of the Red Cross Society, and other associations. In September 1914, the Serbian Relief Fund was established in London, while in Scotland the first units of the Scottish Women?s Hospitals for Foreign Service were formed in November of the same year. The aim of this work was to keep the memory of the Scottish Women?s Hospitals in Serbia, and with the Serbs in the Great War. In the history of the Serbian nation during the Great War a special place was held by the Scottish Women?s Hospitals - a unique humanitarian medical mission. It was the initiative of Dr. Elsie Maud Inglis (1864-1917), a physician, surgeon, promoter of equal rights for women, and with the support of the Scottish Federation of Woman?s Suffrage Societies. The SWH Hospitals, which were completely staffed by women, by their participation in the Great War, also contributed to gender and professional equality, especially in medicine. Many of today?s achievements came about thanks to the first generations of women doctors, who fought for equality in choosing to study medicine, and working in the medical field, in time of war and peacetime.

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9

Popovic-Filipovic, Slavica. "Elsie Inglis (1864-1917) and the Scottish women’s hospitals in Serbia in the Great War. Part 2." Srpski arhiv za celokupno lekarstvo 146, no. 5-6 (2018): 345–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sarh170704168p.

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The news about the great victories of the Gallant Little Serbia in the Great War spread far and wide. Following on the appeals from the Serbian legations and the Serbian Red Cross, assistance was arriving from all over the world. First medical missions and medical and other help arrived from Russia. It was followed by the medical missions from Great Britain, France, Greece, the Netherlands, Denmark, Switzerland, America, etc. Material help and individual volunteers arrived from Poland, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Ireland, Norway, India, Japan, Egypt, South America, and elsewhere. The true friends of Serbia formed various funds under the auspices of the Red Cross Society, and other associations. In September 1914, the Serbian Relief Fund was established in London, while in Scotland the first units of the Scottish Women?s Hospitals for Foreign Service were formed in November of the same year. The aim of this work was to keep the memory of the Scottish Women?s Hospitals in Serbia and with the Serbs in the Great War. In the history of the Serbian nation during the Great War, a special place was held by the Scottish Women?s Hospitals ? a unique humanitarian medical mission. It was the initiative of Dr. Elsie Maud Inglis (1864?1917), a physician, surgeon, promoter of equal rights for women, and with the support of the Scottish Federation of Woman?s Suffrage Societies. The Scottish Women?s Hospitals, which were completely staffed by women, by their participation in the Great War, also contributed to gender and professional equality, especially in medicine. Many of today?s achievements came about thanks to the first generations of women doctors, who fought for equality in choosing to study medicine, and working in the medical field, in time of war and peacetime.

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10

Ho, Christina. "Muslim women's new defenders: Women's rights, nationalism and Islamophobia in contemporary Australia." Women's Studies International Forum 30, no. 4 (July 2007): 290–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2007.05.002.

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11

Dazhao, Li. "The Modern Women's Rights Movement." Chinese Studies in History 31, no. 2 (December 1997): 24–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/csh0009-4633310224.

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12

Ara, Aniba Israt, and Arshad Islam. "East India Company Strategies in the Development of Singapore." Social Science, Humanities and Sustainability Research 2, no. 3 (September 6, 2021): p37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sshsr.v2n3p37.

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Singapore in the Malay Peninsula was targeted by the British East India Company (EIC) to be the epicentre of their direct rule in Southeast Asia. Seeking new sources of revenue at the end of the 18th century, after attaining domination in India, the Company sought to extend its reach into China, and Malaya was the natural region to do this, extending outposts to Penang and Singapore. The latter was first identified as a key site by Stamford Raffles. The EIC Governor General Marquess Hastings (r. 1813-1823) planned to facilitate Raffle’s attention on the Malay Peninsula from Sumatra. Raffles’ plan for Singapore was approved by the EIC’s Bengal Government. The modern system of administration came into the Straits Settlements under the EIC’s Bengal Presidency. In 1819 in Singapore, Raffles established an Anglo-Oriental College (AOC) for the study of Eastern languages, literature, history, and science. The AOC was intended firstly to be the centre of local research and secondly to increase inter-cultural knowledge of the East and West. Besides Raffles’ efforts, the EIC developed political and socio-economic systems for Singapore. The most important aspects of the social development of Singapore were proper accommodation for migrants, poverty eradication, health care, a new system of education, and women’s rights. The free trade introduced by Francis Light (and later Stamford Raffles) in Penang and Singapore respectively gave enormous opportunities for approved merchants to expand their commerce from Burma to Australia and from Java to China. Before the termination of the China trade in 1833 Singapore developed tremendously, and cemented the role of the European trading paradigm in the East.

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13

Newman, Louise M., and Ellen Carol DuBois. "Woman Suffrage and Women's Rights." Journal of American History 88, no. 1 (June 2001): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674975.

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14

DuBois, E. C. "Making Women's History: Activist Historians of Women's Rights, 1880-1940." Radical History Review 1991, no. 49 (January 1, 1991): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-1991-49-61.

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15

Footitt, Hilary. "women's Rights and women's Lives in France, 1944-1968." Women's History Review 4, no. 3 (September 1, 1995): 401–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612029500200169.

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16

Andrusiak, I. P. "The gender dimension of the activity of the Ukrainian women's movement in Canada and Australia." Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no. 4 (November 27, 2022): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2022.04.1.

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The article is devoted to the study of the organized women's movement abroad. The Ukrainian women's movement, which arose and began to develop in all the countries where Ukrainians immigrated and lived, became the continuation and development of the Ukrainian women's movement on Ukrainian lands and had the goal of gaining women's rights in access to education and solving all public affairs. The reason for the emigration of Ukrainians was unfavorable political circumstances in the empires, to which at the end of the 19th century included all Ukrainian lands, as well as the economic decline and slow and ineffective development of the economy of both empires. The organized Ukrainian women's movement has always relied on the principles of equality of people regardless of gender. The activity of Ukrainian women's organizations was based on the idea of gender equality. It is obvious that the concept of "gender equality" refers to modern legal terminology, and at the beginning of the formation of the organized Ukrainian women's movement, such a term did not exist. Equality of people, regardless of gender, was outlined by the concept of "women's emancipation". What is interesting in the development of the Ukrainian women's movement in the free world is the difference with the women's movement of Canadians or Australians, which had a feminist component at its core, that is, it was based on the opposition of the sexes. Such antagonism between the sexes arose in those peoples who had their own state and were not subjected to national oppression. The activities of women's organizations were aimed at identifying discriminatory social practices and fighting for women's rights. Since Ukrainians did not have their own state and were oppressed, both men and women, there could be no conflict between the sexes. Therefore, for the Ukrainian women's movement, the basic values were the acquisition of women's rights, the preservation of national identity, traditions, the education of youth, and the preservation of the church. It should be noted that Ukrainian men supported women in their endeavors. Therefore, the activity of the organized Ukrainian women's movement is outlined in the context of gender equality.

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17

Dudden, Faye E. "Women's Rights Advocates and Abortion Laws." Journal of Women's History 31, no. 3 (2019): 102–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2019.0029.

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18

Rose, Sonya O. "Women's Rights, Women's Obligations: Contradictions of Citizenship in World War II Britain." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 7, no. 2 (August 2000): 277–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713666747.

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19

Birtles, Terry B. "Prisoners' Rights in Australia." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 22, no. 4 (December 1989): 202–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000486588902200402.

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20

Burnett, Margaret, Kelcey Winchar, and Adelicia Yu. "A HISTORY OF WOMEN'S REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS IN CANADA." Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology Canada 41, no. 5 (May 2019): 713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jogc.2019.02.170.

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21

Thompson, Lauren Macivor. "“The Reasonable (Wo)man”: Physicians, Freedom of Contract, and Women's Rights, 1870–1930." Law and History Review 36, no. 4 (November 2018): 771–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073824801800041x.

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This article examines how ideals of contract freedom within the women's rights movement challenged medical and medical jurisprudence theories about women between 1870 and 1930. Throughout this period, medicine linked women's intellectual incapacity with problems rooted in their physical bodies. Doctors opined that reproductive diseases and conditions of pregnancy, childbirth, menstruation, and menopause rendered women disabled, irrational, and inherently dependent. Yet at the same moment, the elimination of the legal disability of coverture, and new laws that expanded women's property and earnings rights contributed to changing perceptions of women's public roles. Courts applied far more liberal understandings of sanity and rationality in property and contract cases, even when the legal actors were women. Seizing this opportunity, reformers made powerful arguments against doctors' ideas of women's “natural” mental weakness, pointing out that the growing rights to contract and transact illustrated women's rationalism and competency for full citizenship. Most significantly, these activists insisted that these rights indicated women's right to total bodily freedom—a concept that would become crucially important in the early birth control movement.

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22

Anderson, T. H. "Focus on civil rights; Vietnam; women's liberation." OAH Magazine of History 1, no. 1 (May 1, 1985): 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/1.1.11.

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23

Clement, D. ""I Believe in Human Rights, Not Women's Rights": Women and the Human Rights State, 1969 - 1984." Radical History Review 2008, no. 101 (April 1, 2008): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-2007-040.

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24

Nandi, Raka. "Enslaved Daughters: colonialism, law and women's rights." Women's History Review 10, no. 1 (March 1, 2001): 145–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612020100200551.

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25

Natiq qızı Bağırova, Zeynəb. "Women's rights as part of human rights." ANCIENT LAND 14, no. 8 (August 26, 2022): 52–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2706-6185/14/52-55.

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İnsan hüquqları dedikdə, dinindən, dilindən, irqindən, cinsindən və etnik mənsubiyyətindən asılı olmayaraq, dünyadakı bütün insanların sadəcə insan olduqları üçün istifadə etdikləri hüquq və azadlıqlar başa düşülür. İnsan hüquqlarının bir hissəsi olaraq qadın hüquqları uğrunda mübarizə 1789-cu il Fransa İnqilabından sonra başladı. Tarixdə ilk dəfə olaraq qadınlar 1791-ci ildə öz Qadın və Mülki Hüquqları Bəyannaməsini nəşr etdilər. Oktyabrın 24-də BMT Nizamnaməsinin qəbulu ilə 1945-ci ildə müasir insan hüquqları rəsmiləşdi. Xüsusən də Nizamnamənin preambulasında insan hüquqlarının müdafiəsinin Birləşmiş Millətlər Təşkilatının əsas məqsədlərindən biri olduğu bildirilir və eyni zamanda kişi və qadınların bərabərliyi məsələsinə toxunulur. Dünyanın bir çox yerində qadın hüquqlarının əhəmiyyət kəsb etmədiyi bir vaxtda qadın hüquqlarına bu cür yanaşma çox vacib hesab olunurdu. 1945-ci ildə Birləşmiş Millətlər Təşkilatının yaradılmasından sonra qadın bərabərliyini təmin edən daxili orqanın yaradılması əsas məsələlərdən biri oldu. Buna görə də 1946-cı ildə BMT-nin tərkibində İnsan Hüquqları Komissiyası və Qadının Statusu üzrə Komissiya yaradıldı. Daha sonra 1979-cu ildə o dövr üçün böyük əhəmiyyət kəsb edən və müstəsna olaraq qadın hüquqlarının müdafiəsi ilə bağlı olan Qadınlara qarşı ayrı-seçkiliyin bütün formalarının ləğv edilməsi haqqında Konvensiya (CEDAW) qəbul edildi. CEDAW Konvensiyasını digər beynəlxalq sənədlərdən fərqləndirən əsas xüsusiyyət ondan ibarət idi ki, digər sənədlərdə ümumilikdə bütün insanlara təminat verilən mülki, siyasi, iqtisadi, sosial və mədəni hüquqların hər biri qadınlar üçün nəzərdə tutulmuşdur. Bəyannamənin iştirakçısı olan dövlətlər qadınları bu cür zorakılıq hərəkətlərindən qorumağa və zorakılığa məruz qalmış qadınlara belə zorakılığın qarşısını almaq üçün lazımi şərait yaratmağa borcludurlar. Ailə münasibətləri də daxil olmaqla, zorakılığın bütün formalarından uzaq yaşamaq hər bir qadının və qızın əsas insan hüququdur. Açar sözlər: İnsan hüquqları, Qadın hüquqları, CEDAW bəyannaməsi, Gender bərabərliyi, BMT Zeynab Natig Baghirova Women's rights as part of human rights Abstract Human rights mean the rights and freedoms that all people in the world, regardless of religion, language, race, gender or ethnicity, enjoy simply because they are human. As part of human rights, the struggle for women's rights began after the French Revolution of 1789. For the first time in history, women published their own Declaration of Women's and Civil Rights in 1791. With the adoption of the UN Charter on October 24, 1945, modern human rights became official. In particular, the preamble to the Charter states that the protection of human rights is one of the main goals of the United Nations, and also addresses the issue of equality between men and women. In many parts of the world, this approach to women's rights was considered very important at a time when women's rights were not important. After the establishment of the United Nations in 1945, one of the key issues was the establishment of an internal body to ensure women's equality. Therefore, in 1946, the Commission on Human Rights and the Commission on the Status of Women were established within the UN. Then, in 1979, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was adopted, which was of great importance for that period and dealt exclusively with the protection of women's rights. The main feature that distinguished the CEDAW Convention from other international documents was that in other documents, each of the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights guaranteed to all people in general was intended for women. The States Parties to the Declaration are obliged to protect women from such acts of violence and to provide the necessary conditions for women who have been subjected to such violence to avoid such violence. Living away from all forms of violence, including family relationships, is a fundamental human right of every woman and girl. Keywords: Human rights, Women rights, CEDAW convention, Gender equality, UN

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26

Cherry, Natalya. "Nevertheless: American Methodists and Women's Rights." Wesley and Methodist Studies 14, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 110–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/weslmethstud.14.1.0110.

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27

Spring, Eileen. "Child Custody and the Decline of Women's Rights." Law and History Review 17, no. 2 (1999): 315–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/744014.

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Wright's article has two themes running through it: a discussion of the meaning of De Manneville and a history of custody in England from medieval times onward set against historians' theories of family development. Comment on her article then is best divided into two parts. I begin with her wide-ranging history, for here she makes an indisputable contribution to women's history that needs only notice and emphasis.

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28

Obeidat, Marwan M. "U.S. Foreign Policy and Muslim Women's Human Rights." Journal of American History 105, no. 3 (December 1, 2018): 644–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jay293.

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29

Engel, Barbara Alpern. "Women's Rights á la Russe." Russian Review 58, no. 3 (July 1999): 355–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0036-0341.00078.

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30

Mojdeh, Pouryazdankhah. "WOMEN'S HEALTH RIGHTS IN UKRAINE." Journal of V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University, Series "Law", no. 32 (December 27, 2021): 89–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2075-1834-2021-32-13.

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Introduction: Women’s health, due to their biological characteristics and fertility function, as well as their role, their focus on family and community health care is different from that of men and is of particular importance. According to the World Health Organization, women are at greater risk of poverty, hunger and malnutrition due to their diverse roles in the family and society, which undergo various physiological courses such as puberty, menstruation, pregnancy, childbirth and menopause. And sex discrimination is a high-risk group. Women's health is vulnerable for various reasons, and in addition to biological features, the impact of cultural, social, economic and political factors. The first condition for a healthy and dynamic society and health is stability and strengthening the family, and women guarantee health and strengthening family. The family is the foundation and cornerstone of the social institution, given that the upbringing of the next generation is the responsibility of women. Dynamics is the result of the existence of healthy and knowledgeable women, which shows the importance of women's right to health. Unfortunately, despite international, regional organizations and groups working on women's rights, we still see discrimination and lack of access to women's rights today, and this lack of access seems to be due to ignorance and recognition of women's rights and lack of state support. in practice to facilitate women's access to health. Women's health is very vulnerable in most countries, and this is considered to be one of the features of the development of countries, with the main emphasis on promoting and strengthening the role of women in achieving good health and promoting their position in the system. Women develop education and a culture of health. Women Both recipients and main health care providers are part of the health care system and, in part, make up a large proportion of health care providers in the formal health care sector. This article examines the state of health rights in Ukraine, the history of women's health rights, laws on women's health care since Ukraine's independence, current laws on the advancement of women, and all international and global partnerships to promote health. women.

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31

Koolaee, Elaheh. "Iranian Women from Private Sphere to Public Sphere, With Focus on Parliament." Iran and the Caucasus 13, no. 2 (2009): 401–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338410x12625876281587.

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AbstractWomen in Iran have gained unprecedented experiences in the course of their fight for democracy and human rights. In the Pahlavi era, the modernisation model was based on Western patterns. With the Islamic Revolution, a new generation of Iranian women emerged in social arenas. Ayatollah Khomeini always emphasised women's prominent and important role in social life. His views shed light on potentials for women's rights, but the obstacle of old cultural and historical attitudes have made these ideas difficult to actualise. The weakness of civil organisations, including women's political and non-political organisations, has seriously affected the outcomes. Although a reformist government and the reinforcement of governmental institutions concerned with women's affairs can play a part in improving the situation of women, women's civil society organisations can assume responsibilities at social levels in order to complement the role of the representatives. The author discusses the process of women's entrance in the public sphere and efforts by the 6th parliament to protect their rights.

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Ann Tétreault, Mary. "Women's Rights in Kuwait: Bringing in the Last Bedouins?" Current History 99, no. 633 (January 1, 2000): 27–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2000.99.633.27.

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The defeat [of legislation that would grant women political rights] is a stark measure of the distrust that pervades government–parliament relations, and of the inability of Kuwaiti governing institutions to rise above patterns of conflictthat have poisoned national political life for many years.

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Kamp, Marianne. "The Soviet Legacy and Women's Rights in Central Asia." Current History 115, no. 783 (October 1, 2016): 270–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2016.115.783.270.

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While Soviet efforts to promote gender equality are not openly celebrated, the idea planted in the region during that now-disdained era—that men and women should be equal under the law—is still holding fast.

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34

Molony, Barbara. "Women's Rights, Feminism, and Suffragism in Japan, 1870-1925." Pacific Historical Review 69, no. 4 (November 1, 2000): 639–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3641228.

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GRIFFIN, BEN. "CLASS, GENDER, AND LIBERALISM IN PARLIAMENT, 1868–1882: THE CASE OF THE MARRIED WOMEN'S PROPERTY ACTS." Historical Journal 46, no. 1 (March 2003): 59–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002844.

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The class and gender identities created by male politicians are vital to a proper understanding of how and why parliament increased women's legal rights in the nineteenth century. An examination of the parliamentary debates on the Married Women's Property Acts of 1870 and 1882 reveals that it is misleading to divide men into supporters and opponents of women's rights, because even some of those who supported the most radical reform did so in the belief that the gender hierarchy should be left intact. At the same time, politicians were reluctant to accept that their own homes should be affected by changes to women's rights, both because they feared that these changes would reduce their domestic authority and create discord in their homes, and because they did not think that the critique of male behaviour which justified the reforms should apply to them or their class. Their ability to confine both charges of abuse and the effects of the acts to the poor was essential to the successful passage of the Married Women's Property Acts. Rather than see this as the defeat of a liberal individualist vision, it was in fact the victory of an alternative strand of Victorian liberalism.

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MacGregor, Molly Murphy. "Living the Legacy of the Women's Rights Movement." Public Historian 21, no. 2 (1999): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3379288.

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PREST, W. R. "LAW AND WOMEN'S RIGHTS IN EARLY MODERN ENGLAND." Seventeenth Century 6, no. 2 (September 1991): 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.1991.10555325.

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Ramdas, Kavita. "Feminists and Fundamentalists." Current History 105, no. 689 (March 1, 2006): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2006.105.689.099.

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Reassertions of an idealized past and a restored ‘women's place’ are occurring, from Kabul to Cambridge, at a time when the international community has concurred that women's rights are a global good.

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McCammon, Holly J., Sandra C. Arch, and Erin M. Bergner. "A Radical Demand Effect: Early US Feminists and the Married Women's Property Acts." Social Science History 38, no. 1-2 (2014): 221–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.17.

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Numerous scholars consider the economic origins of the late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century US married women's property acts. Researchers investigate how economic downturns and women's inroads into business spurred lawmakers to reform property laws to give married women the right to own separate property. Such economic explanations, however, are only a partial story. Our investigation reveals the important role of women's collective activism in winning these legal changes. Women mobilized for property rights often as they pressed for voting rights and, in one case, as they campaigned for an equal rights amendment. We examine circumstances leading to passage of married women's property acts in seven states to show that as women mobilized for property rights alongside voting rights or a broader equal rights law, a radical demand effect unfolded. Lawmakers often considered demands for woman suffrage or an equal rights amendment as more far-reaching and thus more radical and threatening. Such feminist demands, then, provided a foil for property-rights activism, and the contrast led lawmakers to view property demands as more moderate. In addition, as they pressed for these combined reforms, women often engaged in hybrid framing that allowed them to moderate their demand for property reforms by linking their property goals to beliefs already widely accepted. The confluence of these circumstances led political leaders to deem property changes as more moderate and acceptable in an effort to steer feminists away from their radical goals. In the end, the radical demand effect created a political opportunity for passage of the married women's property acts.

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Gonzalez, Charity Coker. "Agitating for Their Rights: The Colombian Women's Movement, 1930-1957." Pacific Historical Review 69, no. 4 (November 1, 2000): 689–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3641230.

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Chatfield, Sara. "Married Women's Economic Rights Reform in State Legislatures and Courts, 1839–1920." Studies in American Political Development 32, no. 2 (October 2018): 236–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x18000147.

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Beginning in 1839 and continuing through the early twentieth century, the American states passed laws expanding married women's economic rights, including the right to own property and sign contracts. In almost every state, these significant legal changes took place before women had the right to vote. I argue that married women's economic rights reform is best understood as a piecemeal, iterative process in which multiple state-level institutions interacted over time. This rights expansion often occurred as a by-product of male political actors pursuing issues largely unrelated to gender—such as debt relief and commercial development—combined with paternalistic views of women as needing protection from the state. State courts played a crucial role by making evident the contradictions inherent in vague and inconsistent legal reforms. Ultimately, male political actors liberalized married women's economic rights to the extent that they thought it was necessary to allow for the development of efficient and workable property rights in a commercial economy, leaving women's place in the economy partially but not fully liberalized.

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Kalchenko, A. P., V. G. Abashin, and Y. V. Tsvelev. "On the history of higher medical education for women in Russia." Journal of obstetrics and women's diseases 53, no. 3 (September 15, 2004): 55–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/jowd88177.

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The history of women's medical education and the use of women's labor in the public service in Russia is essentially a history of women's struggle for equality, the opportunity to receive education and access to skilled labor. Education was seen as a guarantee of participation in the expected reform of society, as a form of emancipation and the conquest of civil rights.

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Akhmetova, Elmira. "Women's Rights: The Qur'anic Ideals and Contemporary Realities." ICR Journal 6, no. 1 (January 15, 2015): 58–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v6i1.356.

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This article is a study of the rights of women in Islam in comparison with the status of women in the contemporary Muslim world. Men and women in Islam, regardless of their age, social class and education, are equal as citizens and individuals, but not identical, in their rights and responsibilities. It suggests that, in the early age of Islam, women were given full confidence, trust and high responsibilities in leadership, educational guidance and decision-making. But this Islamic empowerment of women bears little relation to the real condition of women in modern Muslim societies. Women suffer the most in the MENA and other conflict-ridden regions from insecurity, domestic abuse, low access to education and medical care. The absence of good governance also results in gender inequality and violation of the rights of women. Without good governance, the status of women is not likely to improve. Muslim women have a potential to play a fundamental role in curbing corruption, social ills, violence and crime in the Muslim world. Therefore, in order to achieve stability and prosperity, the government must ensure a platform for women to participate in decision-making and benefit from the rights they are accorded in Islam.

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Nguyen Thi, Bich. "History of women: research on the uniqual legal location of American women in modern history (XVI - XIX century)." Journal of Science Social Science 66, no. 2 (May 2021): 169–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18173/2354-1067.2021-0037.

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Today, the values of human rights, civil rights and especially the issue of gender equality (men and women equal rights) have become an urgent and decisive requirement for social progress. However, throughout the centuries, women's legal discrimination has been a historically common phenomenon on a global scale. Even in a country as proud of its democratic traditions as the United States, women are considered “second-class” citizens and their contributions seem to “disappear” in history. It was not until the 1960s - 1970s, under the influence of the Civil Rights Revolution, that the study of American women's history as an independent field attracted the attention of scholars. Within the scope of the article, the author focuses on analyzing two main issues: understanding the “second-class” status of American women in legal terms and trying to explain what causes inequality to exist. world in such a persistent way throughout the modern period (16th - 19th centuries) in the history of this country. From there, it helps readers to systematically and objectively view the efforts of American women in the struggle for their legal citizenship later.

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Moghadam, Valentine M. "How Women Helped Shape Tunisia's Revolution and Democratic Transition." Current History 118, no. 812 (December 1, 2019): 331–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2019.118.812.331.

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Donert, C. "Women's Rights in Cold War Europe: Disentangling Feminist Histories." Past & Present 218, suppl 8 (January 1, 2013): 180–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gts040.

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Baker, Jean H. "Getting Right with Women's Suffrage." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 5, no. 1 (January 2006): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153778140000284x.

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My title is a gloss from Everett Dirksen, the long-time, now-deceased U.S. senator from Illinois who encouraged his party “to get right with Abraham Lincoln.” As Republicans drifted away from acknowledging their partisan connection to the sixteenth president, Dirksen appreciated how Lincoln could serve as an invigorating, unifying theme for Republicans in the post-Civil Rights Era. The analogy, of course, is that suffrage history has been similarly marginalized, submerged even within the limited space given to women's history by attention to Progressive Era associations and service groups such as the General Federation of Women's Clubs, the PTA, women's literary clubs, as well as the settlement house movement and the Women's National Republican Club.

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Novkov, Julie, and Ross Evans Paulson. "Liberty, Equality, and Justice: Civil Rights, Women's Rights, and the Regulation of Business, 1865-1932." American Journal of Legal History 42, no. 3 (July 1998): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/846207.

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MacLean, Nancy, and Ross Evans Paulson. "Liberty, Equality, and Justice: Civil Rights, Women's Rights, and the Regulation of Business, 1865-1932." Journal of American History 85, no. 2 (September 1998): 692. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2567829.

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SUDO, Mizuyo, and Michael G. Hill. "Concepts of Women's Rights in Modern China." Gender & History 18, no. 3 (November 2006): 472–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0424.2006.00452.x.

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