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Journal articles on the topic 'Winstanley'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 20 February 2023

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1

Jespersen, Mikkel Birk. "Gerrard Winstanleys ikonoklasme som immanent utopi." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 40, no. 114 (December 20, 2012): 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v40i114.15702.

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GERRARD WINSTANLEY’S ICONOCLASM AS IMMANENT UTOPIA | In this article I analyse the utopian discourse of Gerrard Winstanley as an example of how utopia functions as a social fiction. Winstanley was part of the radical Digger movement in the English Revolution in the mid-17th century, and he has been regarded both as a religious mystic and as a precursor of later communist thinkers. His last published text, The Law of Freedom in a Platform (1652), presents an egalitarian utopian program based on democracy and collective ownership of land. It has been arguedthat this text represents a break from Winstanley’s earlier religious and political writings because of its focus on the institutional framework of the proposed utopian model. I argue, however, that it is generally more productive to focus on the function of utopia and to see utopia as both a figurative and conceptual discourse which combines a deconstruction of ideological contradictions with a production of new sociopolitical representations. This approach allows us to analyse how Winstanley creates a utopian discourse based on a “materialistic” iconoclasm which produces a dynamic, immanent utopia. Rather than being a totalitarian vision, as some have argued, Winstanley’s egalitarian and immanent utopia dismantles the distinction between state and society. Utopia should be seen as a discourse which, through its use of sociopolitical fictions, is able to bring out different sociopolitical dimensionsand potentials of a specific historical conjuncture by articulating the non-realized futures of history.

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2

Sanders, M. D. "John Winstanley." BMJ 338, feb23 1 (February 23, 2009): b723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.b723.

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3

Miller, Kathleen. "William Winstanley’s Pestilential Poesies in The Christians Refuge: Or Heavenly Antidotes Against the Plague in this Time of Generall Contagion to Which is Added the Charitable Physician (1665)." Medical History 55, no. 2 (April 2011): 241–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300005780.

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During the Great Plague of London (1665), William Winstanley veered from his better known roles as arbiter of success and failure in his works of biography or as a comic author under the pseudonym Poor Robin, and instead engaged with his reading audience as a plague writer in the rare book The Christians Refuge: Or Heavenly Antidotes Against the Plague in this Time of Generall Contagion to Which is Added the Charitable Physician (1665). From its extensive paratexts, including a table of mortality statistics and woodcut of king death, to its temporal and providential interpretation of the disease between the covers of a single text, The Christians Refuge is a compendium of contemporary understanding of plague. This article addresses The Christians Refuge as an expression of London’s print marketplace in a moment of transformation precipitated by the epidemic. The author considers the paratextual elements in The Christians Refuge that engage with the presiding norms in plague writing and publishing in 1665 and also explores how Winstanley’s authorship is expressed in the work. Winstanley has long been seen as a biographer or as a humour writer; attributing The Christians Refuge extends and challenges previous perceptions of his work.

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4

Alsop, J. D. "Ethics in the Marketplace: Gerrard Winstanley's London Bankruptcy, 1643." Journal of British Studies 28, no. 2 (April 1989): 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385929.

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One of the casualties of the economic malaise occasioned by the English Civil War was the business career of an obscure thirty-four-year-old junior freeman of the London Merchant Taylors' Company. Had circumstances been otherwise, Gerrard Winstanley would never have gone on to become the eventual leader and spokesman of the Diggers or to develop some of the most innovative and challenging socioeconomic theories of the seventeenth century. Winstanley's bankruptcy of 1643 did not, of course, create by itself one of the foremost radicals of the English Revolution. But scholars are agreed that the failure provoked a significant break in the continuity of Winstanley's life that forced him to change his livelihood and to transport himself from London to Cobham in Surrey, the location of his Digger radicalism. Furthermore, Winstanley never forgot the experience. Throughout his writings of the later 1640s, the bitter contempt and frustration engendered by his financial failings were obvious. They also colored his perceptions of England's current character and its errors. His portrayal of all commerce as dishonest and corrupt is one of the most striking features of his writings:For matter of buying and selling, the earth stinks with such unrighteousnesse, that for my part, though I was bred a tradesmen, yet it is so hard a thing to pick out a poor living, that a man shall sooner be cheated of his bread, then get bread by trading among men, if by plain dealing he put trust in any.And truly the whole earth of trading, is generally become the neat art of thieving and oppressing fellow-creatures, and so laies burdens, upon the Creation, but when the earth becomes a common treasury this burden will be taken off.

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5

Gurney, John. "Gerrard Winstanley and the Digger movement in Walton and Cobham." Historical Journal 37, no. 4 (December 1994): 775–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015090.

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ABSTRACTThere has been disagreement among historians about the nature of the local response to the Diggers in Surrey, and about the relative importance of popular hostility and gentry-led opposition in the defeat of the Digger movement. It is argued here that a distinction must be made between the Diggers' reception in Walton and their treatment in Cobham: popular opposition was much in evidence in Walton, where the Diggers were treated as outsiders, but the response of Cobham's inhabitants was more ambivalent: some of Winstanley's most active fellow Diggers were Cobham inhabitants, and in this parish it was the local gentry who took the lead in the campaign against them. It is argued that the existence of a degree of local support for Winstanley was in part a reflection of Cobham's long tradition of landlord/tenant conflict, of the absence of a settled minister during the 1640s, and of the hardships experienced in the area in the aftermath of civil war.

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6

Matheron, François. "Winstanley et les Diggers." Multitudes 9, no. 2 (2002): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/mult.009.0069.

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7

Hessayon, Ariel. "Gerrard Winstanley in Translation." Notes and Queries 66, no. 4 (September 17, 2019): 544–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gjz127.

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8

ALSOP, J. D. "JOHN WILKINS AND WINSTANLEY." Notes and Queries 36, no. 1 (March 1, 1989): 46–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/36-1-46.

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9

Alsop, J. D. "Gerrard Winstanley: a reply." Historical Journal 38, no. 4 (December 1995): 1013–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020549.

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10

Hessayon, Ariel. "Winstanley and Baptist Thought." Prose Studies 36, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440357.2014.914749.

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11

Taylor, David. "Gerrard Winstanley at Cobham." Prose Studies 22, no. 2 (August 1999): 37–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440359908586670.

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12

Gurney, John. "Gerrard Winstanley and the Left*." Past & Present 235, no. 1 (May 1, 2017): 179–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtx017.

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13

Alsop, J. D. "Gerrard Winstanley: Religion and Respectability." Historical Journal 28, no. 3 (September 1985): 705–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0000337x.

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14

Loewenstein, David. "Afterword: Why Winstanley Still Matters." Prose Studies 36, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 90–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440357.2014.914762.

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15

Hobby, Elaine. "Winstanley, women and the family." Prose Studies 22, no. 2 (August 1999): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440359908586673.

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16

Baxter, Nicola. "Gerrard Winstanley's Experimental Knowledge of God (The Perception of the Spirit and the Acting of Reason)." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 39, no. 2 (April 1988): 184–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900020650.

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This essay is an attempt to find out what Winstanley meant by certain terms, using close textual analysis. Extensive work has already been done in locating Winstanley in political, theological and, as far as possible, intellectual terms. This will receive only cursory treatment here. A scholarly tradition can be traced from Bernstein, through Petergorsky and Margaret James to Christopher Hill, which places Winstanley at the beginning of the development of materialist socialism although, it is suggested, his ideas proved to be a false start and went underground for a century or more. This view derives from his later works, especially The Law of Freedom, with its practical design of tilling the land communally, and sees his mysticism either as a cloak for revolutionary aims or as an undeveloped stage in his thought which he later left behind and which is thus of secondary importance. Work has been done, sometimes by the same scholars, to map out the tenets of his religious beliefs in the context of contemporary radical Puritanism, considering whether he was, for instance, a mortalist, a universalist or a millenarian, and how far he was any of these. For such doctrinal identification one can look to W. S. Hudson, the co-operative study of L. Mulligan, J. K. Graham and J. Richards and to Christopher Hill, for all of these have compared and contrasted his beliefs with those of Seekers, Ranters, Fifth Monarchists and Quakers. Hill himself, however, has pointed out the difficulties of placing Winstanley in a particular group because of the fluidity of the borders between one sect and another; sects sharing certain beliefs while differing in others and changing character internally with changing political circumstances.

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17

Rogers, Michael. "Gerrard Winstanley on Crime and Punishment." Sixteenth Century Journal 27, no. 3 (1996): 735. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544015.

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18

Lamont, W. "Winstanley and the Diggers, 1649-1799." English Historical Review 117, no. 470 (February 1, 2002): 182–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.470.182.

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19

Vallance, T. "The Complete Works of Gerrard Winstanley." English Historical Review CXXV, no. 517 (October 21, 2010): 1528–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceq364.

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20

Bradstock, A. "The Complete Works of Gerrard Winstanley." English 60, no. 231 (August 23, 2011): 340–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/english/efr030.

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21

Rowland, Christopher. "Gerrard Winstanley: Man for all Seasons." Prose Studies 36, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440357.2014.914759.

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22

Dawson, David. "Allegorical Intratextuality in Bunyan and Winstanley." Journal of Religion 70, no. 2 (April 1990): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/488342.

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23

Gurney, John. "Postscript:William king, Gerrard Winstanley and Cobham." Prose Studies 22, no. 2 (August 1999): 42–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440359908586671.

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24

Miceli, Mario Leonardo. "La filosofía política de Gerrard Winstanley y su entrelazamiento con las teorías del Estado moderno." Prismas - Revista de historia intelectual 25, no. 1 (October 29, 2021): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.48160/18520499prismas25.1204.

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Este artículo se propone analizar el proyecto esquematizado por el líder de uno de los movimientos radicales de la Inglaterra de mediados del siglo xvii, Gerrard Winstanley, desde una perspectiva de filosofía política. Se intentará entrever cómo en su planteo de un nuevo régimen político-económico se entremezclan conceptos que posteriormente se asociarán a las características clásicas del Estado moderno y aun llegarán a esbozar un poder ilimitado para la formación de un nuevo tipo de hombre. Estas variantes se estudiarán a la luz de la filosofía y la teología que encuadra todo el pensamiento político de Winstanley, intentando vislumbrar las conexiones que a nivel teórico se daban entre su concepción monista de comunidad política, el pueblo como un todo homogéneo, su milenarismo escatológico y el esquema político-institucional que deriva.

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25

Dalton, R. J. "Gerrard Winstanley: The Experience of Fraud 1641." Historical Journal 34, no. 4 (December 1991): 973–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017398.

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26

Gurney, John. "Gerrard Winstanley and the Context of Place." Prose Studies 36, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440357.2014.914744.

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27

Corns, Thomas N. "Christopher Hill on Milton, Bunyan, and Winstanley." Prose Studies 36, no. 3 (September 2, 2014): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440357.2014.991473.

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28

Smith, Nigel. "Gerrard Winstanley and the literature of revolution." Prose Studies 22, no. 2 (August 1999): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440359908586672.

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29

Shulman, George. "Gerrard Winstanley: The Radicalism of the Good Son." Polity 18, no. 3 (March 1986): 473–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3234771.

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30

Chernaik, Warren. "Civil liberty in Milton, the Levellers and Winstanley." Prose Studies 22, no. 2 (August 1999): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440359908586676.

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31

Kenyon, Timothy. "Winstanley: “The Law of Freedom’ and other writings." History of European Ideas 7, no. 1 (January 1986): 115–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(86)90114-2.

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32

Taylor, Christopher. "The house and garden of Henry Winstanley, Littlebury, Essex." Landscape History 35, no. 2 (July 3, 2014): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01433768.2014.981394.

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33

Benade, Leon. "Philosophy in Schools – By M. Hand & C. Winstanley." Educational Philosophy and Theory 42, no. 7 (January 2010): 808–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-5812.2010.00659.x.

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34

Alsop, James D. "Gerrard Winstanley: What do we know of his life?" Prose Studies 22, no. 2 (August 1999): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440359908586669.

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35

Appelbaum, Robert. "“O power . . .”:Gerrard Winstanley and the limits of communist poetics." Prose Studies 22, no. 1 (April 1999): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440359908586660.

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36

Manning, Brian. "Winstanley and the Diggers, 1649–1999, edited by Andrew Bradstock." Historical Materialism 13, no. 3 (2005): 229–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206054927635.

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37

Kenyon, Timothy. "Labour — Natural, property — Artificial: The radical insights of Gerrard Winstanley." History of European Ideas 6, no. 2 (January 1985): 105–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(85)90016-6.

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38

Murakami, Ineke. "Winstanley's “Righteous Actors”: Performance, Affect, and Extraordinary Politics in the Seventeenth Century." Theatre Survey 62, no. 3 (August 2, 2021): 248–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557421000193.

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On the first day of April 1649, on the predominantly rural manor of Walton, Surrey, the sight of people preparing land for the plow was unremarkable. To see men up at dawn, dressed for the field in broad-brimmed hats, homespun waistcoats, and short breeches, loosening or breaking up clods with their spades, stooping to toss aside root and rock, was typical. What did raise eyebrows, however, was the sight of such busyness on a Sunday, the Sabbath, and on no less remarkable ground than George Hill, with its “very barren,” sandy soil. When questioned, Gerrard Winstanley reframed this performative break with religious, social, and agricultural norms as he did in his soon to be published manifesto, The True Levellers’ Standard Advanced. To work this land was to “declare . . . by action,” as well as by word, that Winstanley, the self-described “prophet” William Everard, and a small number of others had been sent by the Creator to begin their mission of transforming “the Earth [into] a common Treasury for all, both Rich and Poor.” Rural, religious, and resource poor, the Digger collective has not received substantial attention from performance studies scholars. Even some historians of the seventeenth century have questioned the significance of this small, nonviolent agrarian group in the intensely “charged political atmosphere of the 1640s,” but as a collective whose theatrical social performances raised them from obscurity to national visibility, Diggers are in some ways the epitome of this era.

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39

Muñoz Castellanos, José Carlos. "Europa y la utopía: 1516-1667." IHERING. CUADERNOS DE CIENCIAS JURÍDICAS Y SOCIALES, no. 2 (September 3, 2019): 107–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.51743/ihering.21.

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La utopía, como género literario, pero también como principio ético y social, haestado presente en Europa, al menos, desde que Tomas Moro escribió su célebrelibro en 1516. Este es el arranque de este ensayo, que repasa diversas manifestaciones utópicas (Bacon, Campanella, Andreae, Winstanley) hasta finalizar, en 1667, con el Paraíso Perdido de John Milton. Intento en este recorrido relacionar estos pensamientos utópicos con la coyuntura histórica en la que se produjeron, para acabar elaborando una conclusión sobre las ambivalencias inherentes a la utopía asícomo el estado del pensamiento utópico en nuestro más inmediato presente.

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40

Healy, Mary. "Philosophy in Schools. By M. Hand and C. Winstanley, C. (eds)." Journal of Philosophy of Education 45, no. 1 (February 2011): 167–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9752.2011.00788.x.

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41

Huberman, Michael M. "The economic origins of paternalism: Reply to Rose, Taylor and Winstanley." Social History 14, no. 1 (January 1989): 99–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071028908567729.

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42

Tibbetts, John C. "Kevin Brownlow's Historical Films: It Happened Here (1965) and Winstanley (1975)." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 20, no. 2 (June 2000): 227–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713669715.

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43

Apetrei, Sarah. "“The Evill Masculine Powers”: Gender in the Thought of Gerrard Winstanley." Prose Studies 36, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 52–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440357.2014.914755.

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44

Hughes, Ann. "Gerrard Winstanley, News Culture, and Law Reform in the Early 1650s." Prose Studies 36, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440357.2014.914756.

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45

Combs, Richard. "Winstanley, or the new-old law of film-making." Soundtrack 3, no. 1 (July 1, 2010): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/st.3.1.47_1.

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46

Rowland, Christopher. "The common people and the Bible: Winstanley, Blake and liberation theology." Prose Studies 22, no. 2 (August 1999): 149–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440359908586678.

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47

Davis, Andrew. "Book review: Michael Hand and Carrie Winstanley (eds) Philosophy in Schools." Theory and Research in Education 9, no. 3 (November 2011): 299–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477878511419556.

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48

Bronstein, Jamie. "A History of the BIG Idea." Journal of Ethics and Emerging Technologies 24, no. 1 (February 1, 2014): 62–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.55613/jeet.v24i1.13.

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The notion that humans have a right to basic capital or to a basic income guarantee by virtue of their existence can be traced to the Enlightenment. Many of the suggestions inherent in modern proposals for basic income or basic capital originated with four forerunners in the Anglo-American tradition: Gerrard Winstanley, Thomas Paine, Thomas Skidmore, and Edward Bellamy. All four embraced the notion that the equal moral considerability of all humans implied an equal right to the resources needed to survive, and were subjected to withering criticism of their ideals on the grounds that the provision of basic resources conflicted with rather than enhanced freedom.

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49

Stubbs, Brendon, and Lee Hollins. "The safe application of physical interventions in aggressive older adults: considerations from the physiotherapy profession." International Psychogeriatrics 23, no. 4 (November 9, 2010): 672–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1041610210002000.

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In certain older adult subpopulations, e.g. those with dementia or cognitive impairment, aggression would appear to be commonplace, particularly in inpatient settings (Winstanley and Whittington, 2004; Stewart et al., 2008). Healthcare professionals have a spectrum of different techniques they may employ to avoid and manage aggression (National Institute of Clinical Excellence, 2005). Aggression may manifest itself in many forms, but physical assault is particularly troublesome as this may have many deleterious effects on the victim's health. The displays of such behavior increase the likelihood that more intrusive measures, such as physical intervention and/or administration of psychotropic medication, are used by the responding healthcare professionals (NICE, 2005).

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50

Ferguson, Stuart G., Benjamin Schüz, and Joe G. Gitchell. "Use of Smoking Cessation Aids: Role of Perceived Safety and Efficacy." Journal of Smoking Cessation 7, no. 1 (June 2012): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jsc.2012.11.

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The majority of smokers indicate that they would like to quit. It has been estimated that approximately three quarters of Australian smokers have tried to change their behaviour in the last 12 months (Scollo & Winstanley, 2008); similarly, more than half of US smokers report having tried to quit in the last year (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2011). Despite their interest in quitting, the proportion of smokers who successfully quit each year is very low (CDC, 2011). While other factors are also important, poor cessation rates can partly be attributed to the low uptake of efficacious smoking cessation methods, particularly pharmacotherapies (Shiffman, Brockwell, Pillitteri, & Gitchell, 2008).

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