Journal articles on the topic 'William R. Compton Company'

This study highlights that the British had long experiences in the Malay Peninsula before Francis Light’s acquisition and development of Penang, due to the central role of Malayan ports such as Kedah, Takuapa, Langkasuka, Terengganu, Palembang, Siak, and Malacca in global trade between China and India. Under the influence of Islam, Malacca (and, to a lesser extent, Kedah) became a Muslim Sultanate and reached its peak in this trading network, which attracted European traders (and subsequent colonialism), initially from Portugal and Spain, and later France, the Netherlands, and Britain. After the East India Company attained hegemony in India, it was strongly placed to extend its power from its presidencies in Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras. The EIC’s main focus was Bengal, where the Company founded the Fort William College as its headquarters in Calcutta. As trade with China became more important, the Malay Peninsula commensurately became a more attractive destination for investment due to its closer proximity to the Chinese sea lanes, and closer access to the Indo-Malay hinterlands and their products. In 1784, the EIC sent Kinloch to Aceh but he was unsuccessful in negotiating to establish a factory there. Nevertheless, they succeeded in establishing a foothold in Malaya with Francis Light’s embassy to Riau, Kedah, and Penang. Kedah also became prosperous under the Muslim Sultanates. Many Chinese and Indian merchants were settled there, benefitting from the trade in jungle products like camphor, betelnut, bird nests, situated near the Kedah River, was identified as a strategic location. Sultan Muhammad Jiwa Zainal Abidin Muazzam Shah II of Kedah (r. 1710-1778) at that time was facing many internal as well as external conflicts. His son Sultan Abdullah Mukarram Shah (r. 1778-1797) also suffered the same fate. As a result of internal crisis and dynastic intrigues, he agreed to lease Penang to the EIC in exchange for military assistance in 1785. In July 1786, Francis Light sailed from Calcutta and reached Penang in August, and thus Penang became an EIC stronghold.

Abstract Introduction: Salvage chemotherapy followed by high dose therapy with carmustine, etoposide, cytarabine, and melphalan (BEAM) with ASCT is standard treatment for patients with chemosensitive, relapsed/refractory (r/r) NHL. Patients with inadequate response to salvage chemotherapy portend a worse prognosis. We present a phase I dose-escalation trial of venetoclax combined with BEAM conditioning followed by ASCT for the treatment of r/r or high-risk NHL. An expansion cohort of 10 patients was added at the highest tolerated dose. Venetoclax is an oral BCL-2 inhibitor that has significant single-agent and combination activity in r/r NHL. Preclinical observations showed that venetoclax potentiates the cytotoxicity of chemotherapy, increases synergistic cell kill, and can overcome chemoresistance even in highly aggressive lymphomas. In this trial, we aim to test the safety of the combination of venetoclax plus BEAM followed by ASCT. We hypothesize that venetoclax will help overcome the chemoresistance of these tumors and decrease post-ASCT relapse. Methods: This is an open-label, single-center, phase I trial (NCT03583424) with a dose expansion cohort of venetoclax in combination with BEAM and ASCT for patients with r/r or high-risk NHL. Venetoclax is given for 10 days, starting at D-10 before ASCT, in three dosing cohorts (400, 800, 1200 mg) using a quick ramp-up schedule. There were no dose limiting toxicities; therefore an expansion cohort of 10 additional patients accrued at the 1200 mg dose. Eligible participants include adult, fit patients with B and T-cell NHL refractory after upfront induction therapy, in partial remission or progressed after salvage, requiring ≥ 3 lines of therapy, relapsed within 1 year of induction, or at a high risk of relapse after ASCT (in first complete or partial remission). Patients with small lymphocytic lymphomas, with primary, or uncontrolled secondary, CNS lymphoma patients are excluded. Primary outcome is safety and determination of maximal tolerated dose (MTD). Adverse events (AEs) were recorded using CTCAE v 4.1 between days -10 to -6 then the Bearman scale was used from day -6 until engraftment. Results: Dose-escalation proceeded with no DLT and 19 patients were accrued across three cohorts. Baseline characteristics and safety data for all three cohorts are presented in Table 1. The majority were male (79%) and had stage IV disease (79%). The media age was 61. No unusual toxicities were encountered beyond what is expected with BEAM. No serious AEs were observed between days -10 to -6 that was related to treatment. No tumor lysis syndrome or other toxicities attributable to venetoclax were observed. Engraftment was as expected. Post-transplant, on the Bearman scale, there were no grade 3 toxicities, 5 grade 2, and 8 grade 1 toxicities. In cohort 3, 1 patient died prior to engraftment from fulminant sepsis. At 100 days post-transplant, 63% were in CR and 11% had stable disease. Fourty-seven percent remained in CR at 1 year post transplant (Table 2). After a median follow-up of 654 (range 335-957) days, median progression-free survival (PFS) was 398 days and median overall survival (OS) was not reached (Figure 1). Six patients went on to receive CD19 chimeric antigen receptor T-cell (CAR-T) therapy. Data of response according to BCL2 expression by IHC is presented in Table 3 for the 12 patients who had available data. Median PFS was superior in BCL2 positive group (p=0.04; figure 1C) Discussion: The addition of venetoclax to BEAM appears to be safe and well-tolerated in a typical, elderly population with high-risk disease and produced promising results. While CD19 CAR-T are a consideration, many patients may not have access to these therapies. Venetoclax in combination with BEAM can represent an option for patients with relapsed and refractory NHL. Figure 1 Figure 1. Disclosures Brammer: Celgene: Research Funding; Seattle Genetics: Speakers Bureau; Kymera Therapeutics: Consultancy. Maddocks: Celgene: Divested equity in a private or publicly-traded company in the past 24 months; Karyopharm: Divested equity in a private or publicly-traded company in the past 24 months; Beigene: Divested equity in a private or publicly-traded company in the past 24 months; ADC Therapeutics: Divested equity in a private or publicly-traded company in the past 24 months; Morphosys: Divested equity in a private or publicly-traded company in the past 24 months; KITE: Divested equity in a private or publicly-traded company in the past 24 months; Pharmacyclics: Divested equity in a private or publicly-traded company in the past 24 months; BMS: Divested equity in a private or publicly-traded company in the past 24 months; Merck: Divested equity in a private or publicly-traded company in the past 24 months; Novatis: Divested equity in a private or publicly-traded company in the past 24 months; Janssen: Divested equity in a private or publicly-traded company in the past 24 months; Seattle Genetics: Divested equity in a private or publicly-traded company in the past 24 months. Saad: Kadmon: Research Funding; Amgen: Research Funding; careDx: Consultancy; Incyte Pharmaceuticals: Consultancy; Magenta Therapeutics: Consultancy; OrcaBio: Research Funding. Jaglowski: Novartis: Consultancy, Research Funding; CRISPR Therapeutics: Consultancy; Kite, a Gilead Company: Consultancy, Research Funding; Juno: Consultancy; Takeda: Consultancy. William: Guidepoint Global: Consultancy; Dova Pharmaceuticals: Research Funding; Merck: Research Funding; Kyowa Kirin: Consultancy; Incyte: Research Funding. OffLabel Disclosure: Venetoclax is a BCL2 inhibitor approved for treatment of hematological malignancies (AML and CLL).

ATLAS OF IRELAND. Prepared under the direction of the National Committee for Geography. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 1979. vii + 104 pp. £45.00. Reviewed by: J. H. JohnsonNORTHERN IRELAND: A CENSUS ATLAS, by P. A. Compton. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1978. 169 pp. £15.00. Reviewed by: B. W. LanglandsDISPLACEMENT AND DEVELOPMENT: CLASS, KINSHIP AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN IRISH RURAL COMMUNITIES, by Damian F. Hannan. Dublin: Economic and Social Research Institute Paper No. 96, 1979, 231 pp. £5.00. Reviewed by: Mary E. CawleyIRISH RESOURCES AND LAND USE, edited by D. A. Gillmor. Dublin: Institute of Public Administration, 1979. 295 pp. £11.99. Reviewed by: F. WalshIRELAND'S WETLANDS AND THEIR BIRDS, by Clive Hutchinson. Dublin: Irish Wildbird Conservancy, 1979. 201 pp. £4.95. Reviewed by: Stu DaultreyIRISH FORESTRY POLICY, National Economic and Social Council Report No. 46 (by Frank J. Convery). Dublin: Stationery Office, [1979]. 225 pp. £2.25. Reviewed by: M. B. ThorpURBANISATION AND REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN IRELAND, National Economic and Social Council Report No. 45 (by P. N. O'Farrell). Dublin: Stationery Office, [1979]. 128 pp. £1.65. Reviewed by: F. W. BoalAN ANALYSIS OF NEW INDUSTRY LOCATION: THE IRISH CASE, by P. N. O'Farrell. Oxford: Pergamon Press, Progress in Planning, 9 (3), 1978. 129–229. £4.00. Reviewed by: J. A. WalshI.D.A. INDUSTRIAL PLAN 1978–82. Dublin: Industrial Development Authority, 1979- 77 PP- £2.97. Reviewed by: M. J. BannonTHE IRISH HOUSING SYSTEM: A CRITICAL OVERVIEW, by T. J. Baker and L. M. O'Brien. Dublin: Economic and Social Research Institute Broadsheet No. 17, 1979, 272 pp. £4.50. Reviewed by: Andrew MacLaranTHE GEOGRAPHY OF IRELAND, by Joseph P. Haughton and Desmond A. Gillmor. Dublin: Department of Foreign Affairs, 1979. 59 pp. £2.50; FACTS ABOUT IRELAND. Dublin: Department of Foreign Affairs, 1979. 258 pp. £3.30. Reviewed by: S. WatermanTHE ISLANDS OF IRELAND, by Kenneth McNally. London: Batsford, 1978. 168 pp. £7.95. Reviewed by: F. H. A. AalenTHE TORY ISLANDERS: A PEOPLE OF THE CELTIC FRINGE, by Robin Fox. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978. 210 pp. £3.95. Reviewed by: F. H. A. AalenTHE LANDSCAPE OF SLIEVE BLOOM, A STUDY OF ITS NATURAL AND HUMAN HERITAGE, by John Feehan. Dublin: BlackwatEr Press, 1979. xix+284pp. £10.00. Reviewed by: Colin A. LewisCOBH: ARCHITECTURAL HERITAGE, by William Garner. Dublin: An Foras Forbartha, 1979. 86 pp. £1.50. Reviewed by: Kevin HourihanGEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF IRELAND GUIDE SERIES: I. GEOLOGICAL GUIDE TO THE DINGLE PENINSULA, by Ralph R. Home. First edition 1976, revisions to 1979. £1.00; 2. FIELD GUIDE TO THE CALEDONIAN AND PRECALEDONIANROCKS OF SOUTH-EAST IRELAND, by P. M. Bruck, P. R. R. Gardiner, M. D. Max and C. J. Stillman. 1978. £3.00; 3. A TRAVERSE IN THE NORTH-WEST IRISH CALEDONIDES, by T. B. Anderson, D. H. W. Hutton, W. E. A. Phillips and J. C. Roberts. 1978. £1.50; GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF IRELAND INFORMATION CIRCULAR 79/1: WATER WELLS. 1979. Reviewed by: R. J. N. DevoyTHE QUEEN'S UNIVERSITY OF BELFAST DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY JUBILEE 1928–1978: GEOGRAPHY AT QUEEN'S, AN HISTORICAL SURVEY, by John A. Campbell. Queen's University Department of Geography, Departmental Research Paper No. 2, 1978. 55 pp. Reviewed by: Gordon L. Herries Davies

Background:Axial spondyloarthritis (axSpA) consists of ankylosing spondylitis (AS), also referred to as radiographic axSpA (r-axSpA) and non-radiographic axSpA (nr-axSpA). AxSpA can lead to reduced mobility, pain, fatigue, and impact quality of life. While bDMARDs are available for treatment, the literature lacks studies exploring their real-world effectiveness in clinical registry patients with axSpA.Table 1.Demographic characteristics and clinical response rates of AxSpA patientsTable 2.TNFi drug survival rate results of early and late disease courseObjectives:To describe patient characteristics of bDMARD initiators among the AS and nr-axSpA populations and the effectiveness of bDMARDs at the 6-month (± 3) post-initiation follow-up (FU) visit in the Corrona PsA/SpA Registry.Methods:This study included patients aged ≥ 18 years with AS per modified NY criteria and nr-axSpA per ASAS criteria enrolled between 3/2013 and 9/2019. Concurrently diagnosed patients with PsA were excluded. Baseline characteristics, such as demographic, clinical, disease activity, treatment, and patient-reported outcomes (PRO), were collected for those initiating a bDMARD at enrollment or during FU; response rates and mean change in disease activity and PRO between initiation and 6-month FU were calculated.Results:The AS (n=179) and nr-axSpA (n=32) bDMARD initiators groups were similar at initiation for mean age (AS: 49.1 yrs, nr-axSpA: 48.9 yrs), ASDAS scores (AS: 2.9, nr-axSpA: 2.8) and patient global assessment (AS: 59.6, nr-axSpA: 60.0). The two groups were different for time from disease duration (AS 8.5 yrs, nr-axSpA, 6.6 yrs), current NSAID use (AS: 64.2%, nr-axSpA: 46.9%) and naivete to cDMARDS (AS: 70.4%, nr-axSpA: 40.6%), TNFs (AS: 47.5%, nr-axSpA: 21.9%), non-TNFs (AS: 96.1%, nr-axSpA: 93.8%) and bDMARDs (AS: 46.9%, nr-axSpA: 21.9%). Patients were similarly impacted by their condition for BASDAI (AS: 5.0, nr-axSpA, 5.6), pain (AS: 55.8, nr-axSpA, 60.8) and fatigue (AS: 51.6, nr-axSpA, 59.9), but there was an imbalance in tender joint count (AS: 2.6, nr-axSpA, 13.4).At 6-month FU, both populations experienced minimal or no change in ASDAS scores (AS: -0.3, nr-axSpA: 0.0) remaining in a high state of disease activity (ASDAS, ≥2.2). A small percent of both groups achieved ASAS20 (AS: 20.1%; nr-axSpA: 21.9%) and ASAS40 (AS: 14 %, nr-axSpA: 15.6%). Further, bDMARD initiators had minimal decreases in BASDAI (AS: -0.6, nr-axSpA: -0.8), pain (AS: -8.5, nr-axSpA: -12.2), and fatigue (AS: -5.0, nr-axSpA: -7.9) scores.Conclusion:AS and nr-axSpA bDMARD initiators had a modest improvement in outcomes at six months. Twenty percent or fewer patients achieved ASAS20 or ASAS40, with many having residual impairment based on ASDAS, BASDAI, pain, and fatigue outcomes at six months. While patients are initiating biologic agents, room for improvement exists as many are not achieving optimal treatment response of inactive (ASDAS, <1.3) or low disease activity (ASDAS, <2.1).Disclosure of Interests:Theresa Hunter Shareholder of: Eli Lilly and Company, Employee of: Eli Lilly and Company, Taylor Blachley Employee of: Corrona, LLC, William Malatestinic Shareholder of: Eli Lilly and Company, Employee of: Eli Lilly and Company, Leslie Harrold Shareholder of: Corrona, LLC – shareholder, Grant/research support from: Pfizer – grant/research support, Consultant of: AbbVie, BMS, Roche – consultant, Employee of: Corrona, LLC – employment, Blessing Dube Employee of: Corrona, LLC, Meghan Glynn Shareholder of: Corrona, LLC – shareholder, Grant/research support from: Pfizer – grant/research support, Employee of: Corrona, LLC – employment, Jeffrey Lisse Shareholder of: Eli Lilly and Company, Employee of: Eli Lilly and Company, Rebecca Bolce Shareholder of: Eli Lilly and Company, Employee of: Eli Lilly and Company, Philip J Mease Grant/research support from: Abbott, Amgen, Biogen Idec, BMS, Celgene Corporation, Eli Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer, Sun Pharmaceutical, UCB – grant/research support, Consultant of: Abbott, Amgen, Biogen Idec, BMS, Celgene Corporation, Eli Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer, Sun Pharmaceutical, UCB – consultant, Speakers bureau: Abbott, Amgen, Biogen Idec, BMS, Eli Lilly, Genentech, Janssen, Pfizer, UCB – speakers bureau

Robert William Fogel and G. R. Elton. Which Road to the Past? Two Views of History. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1983. Pp. vii, 136. Cloth, $14.95. Review by Stephen Kneeshaw of The School of the Ozarks. Emmanuel LeRoy Ladurie. The Mind and Method of the Historian. Translated by Sian Reynolds and Ben Reynolds. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981. Pp. v, 310. Paper, $9.95. Review by Richard Harvey of Ohio University. John E. O'Connor, ed. American History/ American Television: Interpreting the Video Past. New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Company, 1983. Pp. 463. Cloth, $17.50; Paper, $8.95. Review by D' Ann Campbell of Indiana University. Foster Rhea Dulles & Melvyn Dubofsky. Labor in America: A History. Arlington Heights, Illinois: Harlan Davidson, Inc., 1984. 4th edition. Pp. ix, 425. Cloth, $25.95. Paper, $15.95. Review by Robert W. Dubay of Bainbridge Junior College. Karen Ordahl Kupperman. Roanoke: The Abandoned Colony. Totowa, New Jersey: Rowman & Allanheld, 1984. Pp. viii, 182. Cloth, $24.95; Paper, $12.50. Review by John T. Reilly of Mount Saint Mary College. Kevin O'Reilly. Critical Thinking in American History: Exploration to Constitution. South Hamilton, Massachusetts: Hamilton-Wenham Regional High School, 1983. Pp. 86. Paper, $2.95. Teacher's Guides: Pp. 180. Paper, $12.95; Kevin O'Reilly. Critical Thinking in American History: New Republic to Civil War. South Hamilton, Massachusetts: Hamilton-Wenham Regional High School, 1984. Pp. 106. Paper, $2.95. Teacher's Guide: Pp. 190. Paper, $12.95. Review by James F. Marran of New Trier Township High School, Winnetka, Illinois. Michael J. Cassity, ed. Chains of Fear: American Race Relations Since Reconstruction. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1984. Pp. xxxv, 253. Cloth, $35.00. Review by Ann W. Ellis of Kennesaw College. L. P. Morris. Eastern Europe Since 1945. London and Exeter, New Hampshire: Heinemann Educational Books, 1984. Pp. 211. Paper, $10.00. Review by Thomas T. Lewis, Mount Senario College. John Marks. Science and the Making of the Modern World. Portsmouth, New Hampshire: Heinemann Educational Books, Inc., 1983. Pp. xii, 507. Paper, $25.00. Review by Howard A. Barnes of Winston-Salem State University. Kenneth G. Alfers, Cecil Larry Pool, William F. Mugleston, eds. American's Second Century: Topical Readings, 1865-Present. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/ Hunt Publishing Co., 1984. Pp. viii, 381. Paper, $8.95. Review by Richard D. Schubart of Phillips Exeter Academy. Sam C. Sarkesian. America's Forgotten Wars: The Counterrevoltuionary Past and Lessons for the Future. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1984. Pp. xiv, 265. Cloth, $29.95. Review by Richard Selcer of Mountain View College. Edward Wagenknecht. Daughters of the Covenant: Portraits of Six Jewish Women. Amherst: University of Massachusetts, 1983. Pp. viii, 192. Cloth, $17.50. Review by Abraham D. Kriegel of Memphis State University. Morton Borden. Jews, Turks, and Infidels. Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1984. Pp. x, 163. Cloth, $17.95. Review by Raymond J. Jirran of Thomas Nelson Community College. Richard Schlatter, ed. Recent Views on British History: Essays on Historical Writing Since 1966. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1984. Pp. xiii, 524. Cloth, $50.00. Review by Fred R. van Hartesveldt of Fort Valley State College. Simon Hornblower. The Greek World, 479-323 B.C. London and New York: Methuen, 1983. Pp. xi, 354. Cloth, $24.00; Paper, $11.95. Review by Dan Levinson of Thayer Academy, Braintree, Massachusetts. H. R. Kedward. Resistance in Vichy France. New York: Oxford University Press, 1978. Paper edition 1983. Pp. ix, 311. Paper, $13.95. Review by Sanford J. Gutman of the State University of New York at Cortland.

The high competition in the business world with many competitors has forced the company to develop its business, one of them by diversification. This study aims to investigate the influence of diversification level, segment numbers, and industrial sector types on firm performance measured by the excess value. The theory underlying this research is agency theory, which describes the relationship between the company owner with the company management, The number of samples of this study are 333 companies from miscellaneous industry sector, and consumer goods sector, and basic industry and chemicals sector listed on the Indonesia Stock Exchange throughout 2017 – 2018. The results showed that data can be pooled for 3 years, all classic assumption tests are fulfilled, and partial regression coefficient test found that variable diversification level and variable number of segments > 0.05, then Ho1 and Ho2 rejected, while type of miscellaneous industry sector and Type of consumer goods sector <0.05, then Ho3 and Ho4 received. The conclusion showed that variable diversification level and variable number of segments has not sufficient evidence of negative effect on excess value, while type of miscellaneous industry sector and Type of consumer goods sector sufficient evidence of negative effect on excess value. Keywords: Firm Performance, Diversification Level, Number of Segments, and Industrial Sector. References: Amyulianthy, R., & Nuraini, Sari. (2013), “Pengaruh Diversifikasi Terhadap Kinerja Perusahaan”, Binus Business Review, Vol.4, no.1, pp.215–230. Berger, P. G., & Eli, O. 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IRELAND IN THE YEAR 2000. Dublin: An Foras Forbanha, 1980. 82 pp. IR£2.50.THE PEATLANDS OF IRELAND: TO ACCOMPANY NEW PEATLAND MAP OF IRELAND, by R. F. Hammond. Dublin: An Foras Taluntais, Soil Survey Bulletin No. 35. 1979. 58 pp. IR£2.50.PROVISIONAL DISTRIBUTION ATLAS OF AMPHIBIANS, REPTILES AND MAMMALS IN IRELAND, edited by Eanna Ni Lamhna. Dublin: An Foras Forbartha, second edition, 1979. 76 pp. IRfl.OO.IRISH NATURE, by Norman Hickin. Dublin: O'Brien Press, 1980. 240 pp. IR£11.50.HORSE BREEDING IN IRELAND, by Colin Lewis. London: J. A. Allen & Co. Ltd., 1980. 232 pp. £12.50 stg.TRANSPORT POLICY, by C. D. Foster, T.J. Powell and D.J, Parish. National Economic and Social Council Report Number 48. Dublin: Stationery Office, 1979. 161 pp. IR£1.80.LE ROYAUME-UNI ET LA RÉPUBLIQUE D'IRLANDE, by Annie Reffay. Paris: Masson. 1979. 264 pp. No price stated.IRELAND FROM MAPS. Dublin: National Library of Ireland. Facsimile Documents (sixteen maps and a 20 pp. booklet). 1980. IR£2.00.MEDIEVAL IRISH SETTLEMENT: A REVIEW, by B. J . Graham. Norwich: Ceo Books. Historical Geography Research Series No 3, 1980. 53 pp. £1.00 stg.IRISH MIDLAND STUDIES: ESSAYS IN COMMEMORATION OF N.W. ENGLISH, edited by Harman Murtagh. Athlone: The Old Alhlone Society, 1980. 255 pp. IR£9.00.FASSADININ: LAND, SETTLEMENT AND SOCIETY IN SOUTH EAST IRELAND 1600–1850, by William Nolan, Dublin: Geography Publications, 1979. 259 pp. IR£9.00.THE SOUTH WEXFORD LANDSCAPE, by Edward Culleton. Published by the author 1980. 56 pp. IR£1.10.SPATIAL VARIATIONS IN INTRA-ORGANISATIONAL RETAIL PRICES, by A. J. Parker. Dublin: Department of Geography, University College, 1980. 77 pp. IR£2.50.DIGGING UP DUBLIN, edited by Nicholas C. Maxwell. Dublin: O'Brien Press, 1980. 64 pp. IR£2.75.A COMMUNITY UNDER SIEGE 1970–77, by R. Common. Belfast: Renewal Design and Print, no date. 66 pp. £1.25 stg.MONEYMORE AND DRAPERSTOWN: THE ARCHITECTURE AND PLANNING OF THE ESTATES OF THE DRAPERS' COMPANY IN ULSTER, by J. T. Curl Belfast: Ulster Architectural Heritage Society. 1979. 72 pp. £4.00 stg.A WALK THROUGH TULLAMORE, by M. Byrne. Tullamore: Esker Press, 1980. 65 pp. IR£1.00.KINSALE: ARCHITECTURAL HERITAGE, by W. Garner. Dublin: An Foras Forbartha. 1980. 90 pp. IR£1.90.IRISH JOURNAL OF ENVIRONMENTAL SCIENCE. Dublin: An Foras Forbartha. Vol. 1, No. 1. 1980. 84 pp. IR£2.00.MAP REVIEWSTHE ARAN ISLANDS, a map and guide, 2.2 inches to the mile. Drawn and published by T. D. Robinson, Kilronan, Aran. 1980. On paper, folded and covered, IR£1.20.GREATER BELFAST STREET MAP, 1:10,000. Belfast: Ordnance Survey of Northern Ireland. 1980. On paper, folded and covered, with index. £1.75 stg.1:50,000 MAP OF NORTHERN IRELAND. Sheets 4 (Coleraine), 8 (Ballymoney), 15 (Belfast). Belfast: Ordnance Survey of Northern Ireland, 1980. On paper, folded with plastic container. £1.20 stg each.

Background:Structural damage was identified as an important outcome domain in the Psoriatic Arthritis (PsA) Core Domain Set and should be assessed at least once in the development of a new therapeutic.Objectives:To conduct a systematic literature review (SLR) to identify studies addressing the measurement properties (MPs) for ROIs and appraise the evidence through the OMERACT Filter 2.1 Framework Instrument Selection Algorithm (OFISA). [1]Methods:An SLR was conducted in EMBASE and MEDLINE to identify full-text English studies developing or assessing MPs of ROIs in PsA. Determination of eligibility, data extraction and methodology asssessment were performed by 2 reviewers. MPs were rated according to the ‘Provisional Standards’ and assigned a Red/Amber/White/Green (RAWG) rating (Figure 1). [1, 2]Results:3621 references were screened, 531 full-text articles reviewed, and 12 were included (Figure 2). Nine instruments assessing peripheral radiographs and six assessing axial radiographs were identified (Table 1). Three of the nine peripheral radiographic instruments had adequate evidence for reliability and some evidence for construct validity: the modified Steinbrocker, Ratingen, and modified Sharp van der Heijde scores. There was scant evidence for reliability, construct validity and responsiveness for the axial ROIs, compounded by the lack of a standardized definition of axial PsA.Conclusion:This SLR summarizes the MPs of ROIs and identifies relevant knowledge gaps that need to be addressed prior to endorsement of an instrument for the PsA Core Domain Set.References:[1]Richards P and De Wit M, editors. The OMERACT Handbook (March 2019)[2]Mokkink LB and D’Agostino MA. Protocol for performing a systematic review on imaging techniques (unpublished)Figure 1.Criteria for the RAWG RatingFigure 2.PRISMA DiagramTable 1.Summary of Measurement PropertiesROIDomain MatchFeasibilityConstruct ValidityDiscriminationReliabilityResponsivenessInter-raterIntra-raterMeasurement ErrorLongitudinal Construct ValidityClinical Trial DiscriminationThresholds of MeaningOriginal Steinbrocker ScoreA[1]A[1]R[1]Modified Steinbrocker Score#G[2]G[2]A[1]A[2]Modified Larsen ScoreA[1]A[1]A[1]*Ratingen Score#A[1]G[3]G[3]A[3]A[1]mTSS-AA[1]A[1]A[1]mTSS-B#A[1]A[1]A[1]A[1]*mSvdHs#A[2]G[2]G[2]A[1]A[1]*ReXPsAR[0]SPARS#A[1]A[1]A[1]Axial PsA Definition 1MSASSS#A[2]R[0]BASRI - Total#A[2]R[0]PASRI#A[2]R[0]Axial PsA Definition 2MSASSS#A[1]R[1]A[1]A[1]BASRI - Spine#R[1]A[1]A[1]PASRI#A[1]A[1]A[1]Modified NYC#R[1]A[1]RASSS#R[1]A[1]A[1]A = Amber, R = Red, G = Green[Total available studies for synthesis following excluding studies with poor methodology]* RCT data available but no published effect sizes# Feasibility data availableDisclosure of Interests:Anna Antony: None declared, Richard Holland: None declared, Wieneke Mokkink: None declared, Maria-Antonietta d’Agostino: None declared, Walter P Maksymowych Grant/research support from: Received research and/or educational grants from Abbvie, Novartis, Pfizer, UCB, Consultant of: WPM is Chief Medical Officer of CARE Arthritis Limited, has received consultant/participated in advisory boards for Abbvie, Boehringer, Celgene, Eli-Lilly, Galapagos, Gilead, Janssen, Novartis, Pfizer, UCB, Speakers bureau: Received speaker fees from Abbvie, Janssen, Novartis, Pfizer, UCB., Heidi Bertheussen: None declared, Lori Schick: None declared, Niti Goel Shareholder of: UCB and Galapagos, Consultant of: VielaBio, Mallinckrodt, and IMMVention, Alexis Ogdie Grant/research support from: Pfizer, Novartis, Consultant of: Abbvie, Amgen, BMS, Celgene, Corrona, Janssen, Lilly, Pfizer, Novartis, Ana-Maria Orbai Grant/research support from: Abbvie, Eli Lilly and Company, Celgene, Novartis, Janssen, Horizon, Consultant of: Eli Lilly; Janssen; Novartis; Pfizer; UCB. Ana-Maria Orbai was a private consultant or advisor for Sun Pharmaceutical Industries, Inc, not in her capacity as a Johns Hopkins faculty member and was not compensated for this service., Pil Hoejgaard: None declared, Laura C Coates: None declared, Vibeke Strand Consultant of: AbbVie, Amgen, Biogen, Celltrion, Consortium of Rheumatology Researchers of North America, Crescendo Bioscience, Eli Lilly, Genentech/Roche, GlaxoSmithKline, Hospira, Janssen, Merck, Novartis, Pfizer, Regeneron Pharmaceuticals, Inc., Sanofi, UCB, Dafna D Gladman Grant/research support from: AbbVie, Amgen Inc., BMS, Celgene Corporation, Janssen, Novartis, Pfizer, UCB – grant/research support, Consultant of: AbbVie, Amgen Inc., BMS, Celgene Corporation, Janssen, Novartis, Pfizer, UCB – consultant, Robin Christensen: None declared, Ying Ying Leung Speakers bureau: Novartis, Janssen, Eli Lilly, Philip J Mease Grant/research support from: Abbott, Amgen, Biogen Idec, BMS, Celgene Corporation, Eli Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer, Sun Pharmaceutical, UCB – grant/research support, Consultant of: Abbott, Amgen, Biogen Idec, BMS, Celgene Corporation, Eli Lilly, Novartis, Pfizer, Sun Pharmaceutical, UCB – consultant, Speakers bureau: Abbott, Amgen, Biogen Idec, BMS, Eli Lilly, Genentech, Janssen, Pfizer, UCB – speakers bureau, William Tillett Grant/research support from: AbbVie, Celgene, Eli Lilly, Janssen, Novartis, Pfizer Inc, UCB, Consultant of: AbbVie, Amgen, Celgene, Lilly, Janssen, Novartis, MSD, Pfizer Inc, UCB, Speakers bureau: AbbVie, Amgen, Celgene, Lilly, Janssen, Novartis, Pfizer Inc, UCB

REVIEWS OF BOOKSTHE IRISH LANDSCAPE, by Frank Mitchell. London: Collins, 1976. 240 pp. £5.50. Reviewed by: T. J. HughesTHE LAND AND PEOPLE OF NINETEENTH CENTURY CORK: THE RURAL ECONOMY AND THE LAND QUESTION, by James S. Donnelly, Jr. London and Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975. 440 pp. £9.95. Reviewed by: William J. SmythIRISH SETTLEMENTS IN EASTERN CANADA: A STUDY OF CULTURAL TRANSFER AND ADAPTATION, by John J. Mannion. University of Toronto Press, 1974. 219 pp. $5.00. Reviewed by: T. J. HughesREGIONAL PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY 1975–95. Department of Housing, Local Government and Planning, Northern Ireland, Discussion Paper. Belfast: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1975. 39 pp. £0.30.; REGIONAL POLICY IN IRELAND: A REVIEW. National Economic and Social Council Report No. 4. Dublin: Stationery Office, 1975. 86 pp. £0.25.Reviewed by: A. A. HornerCARTON, CO. KILDARE: A CASE STUDY OF THE MAKING OF AN IRISH DEMESNE, by Arnold Horner. Dublin: Quarterly Bulletin of the Irish Georgian Society, Vol. 18, Nos. 2 and 3, 1975. 57 pp. £ 1 .Reviewed by: R. A. ButlinTHE CLIMATE OF IRELAND, by P. K. Rohan, Dublin: Stationery Office, 1975–112 pp. £1.50.Reviewed by: J. P. HaughtonDINNSEANCHAS. Baile Atha Cliath: An Cumann Logainmneacha. Vol. 3, No. 4, December 1969 - Vol. 6, No. 2, December 1974. Current price, £1.50 per annum.Reviewed by: Breandán S. Mac AodhaLOGAINMNEACHA AS PAROlSTE NA RINNE CO. PHORT LAlRGE. Baile Atha Cliath: An Cumann Logainmneacha, 1975. 43 pp. Reviewed by: Breandán S. Mac AodhaTHE JEWS OF IRELAND, by Louis Hyman. London: Jewish Historical Society of England; Jerusalem: Israel Universities Press, 1972. xix + 403 pp. Reviewed by: Stanley WatermanTHE CAVES OF FERMANAGH AND CAVAN, by G. L. Jones. Enniskillen: Watergate Press, 1974. 117 pp.Reviewed by: D. P. DrewARCHITECTURAL CONSERVATION - AN IRISH VIEWPOINT. Dublin: the Architectural Association of Ireland, 1975. 95 pp. £3.75.Reviewed by: J. A. K. GrahameHOW TO USE THE RECORD OFFICE: MAPS AND PLANS. NO. 11, CO. ANTRIM, C.1570–C.1830, 31 pp. NO. 12, CO. ARMAGH, c. 1600–c. 1830, 36 pp. NO. 13, CO. DOWN, c. 1600-c. 1830,39 pp. NO. 14, CO. FERMANAGH, C.1590-C.1830, 16pp. NO. 15, CO. LONDONDERRY, c. 1600–c. 1830, 23 pp. NO. 16, CO. TYRONE, C.1580–C.1830, 34 pp. NO. 17, BELFAST, c.1570– c.1860, 19 pp. NO. 18, GENERAL MAPS OF IRELAND AND ULSTER, C.1538–C.1830, 15 pp. Belfast: Public Record Office of Northern Ireland, n.d. £0.05 each.; NORTHERN IRELAND TOWN PLANS, 1828–1966. A CATALOGUE OF LARGE SCALE TOWN PLANS PREPARED BY THE ORDNANCE SURVEY AND DEPOSITED IN P.R.O.N.I. Belfast, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland, n.d. 20 pp. £0.20. Reviewed by: J. H. AndrewsANGLO-IRISH STUDIES. Chalfont St Giles: Alpha Academic Books. Volume i, 1975, 118 pp. £4.Reviewed by: J. H. AndrewsA GEOGRAPHY OF TOWNS AND CITIES, by A. J. Parker. Dublin: the Educational Company, 1976. 117 pp.Reviewed by: James E. KillenMAP REVIEWOILEÁlN ÁRANN. 1:25,344. Kilronan, Aran Islands: T. D. Robinson, 1975.Reviewed by: J. P. Haughton

BackgroundUptake of treat to target strategies for the management of rheumatoid arthritis (RA) is low. System-related barriers to accessing treatment are known, but poor adherence to starting and continuing treatment are prevalent causes of suboptimal care.ObjectivesTo better understand heterogeneity in patients’ conceptualization of RA treatment to inform interventions aimed at improving appropriate utilization of disease modifying antirheumatic drugs (DMARDs).MethodsParticipants (pts) were recruited from the ArthritisPower US online research registry. Pts who met eligibility criteria [physician diagnosed RA currently being treated with DMARD(s)] rated 56 items (coded on 5-point scales) reflecting concepts raised during in-depth patient interviews. To combine similar items for ease of analysis and interpretation, we conducted a principal components analysis using Varimax rotation. We then entered mean scores, weighted by how heavily each item loaded onto each factor, into a k-means cluster analysis. We examined whether demographic characteristics differed across clusters using ANOVA for continuous and chi-square for categorical variables.ResultsPts (N= 621) ranged in age from 22 to 93, with a mean of 57 years (SD= 11.5). Most (89%) were female and reported as non-Hispanic white (89%); 27% reported having a post-graduate degree. A scree plot revealed that a 4-factor solution explaining 36.8% of the variance would provide desirable interpretability, with a discontinuous drop in eigenvalues for additional factors slowly tapering and adding little discriminability between later solutions. The four factors (% variance explained, number of items) were: 1) Access to high quality care and support (12.10%, n= 21); 2) Comfortable adding/switching DMARDs (9.73%, n= 14); 3) Perceived favorable DMARD risk/benefit ratio (8.74%, n= 15); and 4) Confidence that testing reflects disease activity (6.20%, n= 6).A 5-cluster solution showed the most stable convergence of cluster centers after 10 iterations. Figure 1 shows the weighted mean scores for each factor across clusters. The largest group (31.7%) is characterized by mean scores on each of the four factors toward the high end of mean responses for the sample, reflecting positive experiences; we labeled this group “Successfully Engaged in Care” to indicate a positive rheumatologist relationship, feeling well-informed and active participation in care. The next group (24.3%) also had high scores for Factor 1 (access to high quality care/support) and Factor 3 (perceived favorable DMARD risk/benefit ratio), but were less comfortable adding/switching DMARDs (Factor 2) and had less confidence in testing reflecting their disease activity (Factor 4); we labeled this group “Worried About Medication”.The three remaining clusters are smaller. The third cluster (16.4%), labeled “Skeptical of Testing,” had a favorable view of DMARDs (Factor 3) despite lower scores related to access and quality of care (Factor 1) and confidence in testing (Factor 4). The fourth cluster (14.3%) expressed low perceived value of DMARDs as well as reduced scores for DMARD risk/benefit and confidence in testing; we labeled this group “Resistant to DMARDs.” The last cluster (13.2%) scored lowest on their rating of access to high quality care and support, indicating less access to, and satisfaction with, information needed to support decision making. Their perceived risk/benefit ratio for DMARDs was still favorable, so we labeled this group “Dissatisfied with Care.”ConclusionPatients’ conceptualization of RA treatment varies, but discomfort with adding/switching DMARDs appears to be ubiquitous regardless of perceived benefits associated with DMARDs and access to high quality care/support. Interventions outside of the traditional physician-patient relationship are needed to facilitate treatment escalation in patients with RA. Further research is required to understand residual variance not explained by our model.AcknowledgementsThe authors thank the patients for their participation.Disclosure of InterestsBetty Hsiao: None declared, Julie Downs: None declared, Mandy Lanyon: None declared, Jeffrey R. Curtis Consultant of: Gilead, Novartis, and Samsung, Grant/research support from: AbbVie, Amgen, BMS, Corrona, Eli Lilly and Company, Janssen, Myriad, Pfizer, Regeneron, Roche, and UCB, Susan Blalock: None declared, Carole Wiedmeyer: None declared, Shilpa Venkatachalam: None declared, W. Benjamin Nowell Grant/research support from: •William B. Nowell is the Principal Investigator on grants/contracts from AbbVie, Eli Lilly and Company, and PCORI, and an employee of the Global Healthy Living Foundation (GHLF). GHLF receives grants, sponsorships and contracts from pharmaceutical manufacturers and private foundations. A full list of GHLF funders is publicly available here: https://www.ghlf.org/our-partners/., Liana Fraenkel: None declared

Michael B. Katz. Reconstructing American Education. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1987. Pp. viii, 212. Cloth, $22.50; E. D. Hirsch, Jr. Cultural Literacy: What Every American Needs to Know. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1987. Pp. xvii, 251. Cloth, $16.45; Diana Ravitch and Chester E. Finn, Jr. What Do Our 17-Year-Olds Know? A Report on the First National Assessment of History and Literature. New York: Harper & Row, 1987. Pp. ix, 293. Cloth, $15.95. Review by Richard A. Diem of The University of Texas at San Antonio. Henry J. Steffens and Mary Jane Dickerson. Writer's Guide: History. Lexington, Massachusetts, and Toronto: D. C. Heath and Company, 1987. Pp. x, 211. Paper, $6.95. Review by William G. Wraga of Bernards Township Public Schools, Basking Ridge, New Jersey. J. Kelley Sowards, ed. Makers of the Western Tradition: Portraits from History. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1987. Fourth edition. Vol: 1: Pp. ix, 306. Paper, $12.70. Vol. 2: Pp. ix, 325. Paper, $12.70. Review by Robert B. Luehrs of Fort Hays State University. John L. Beatty and Oliver A. Johnson, eds. Heritage of Western Civilization. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1987. Sixth Edition. Volume I: Pp. xi, 465. Paper, $16.00; Volume II: pp. xi, 404. Paper, $16.00. Review by Dav Levinson of Thayer Academy, Braintree, Massachusetts. Lynn H. Nelson, ed. The Human Perspective: Readings in World Civilization. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1987. Vol. I: The Ancient World to the Early Modern Era. Pp. viii, 328. Paper, $10.50. Vol. II: The Modern World Through the Twentieth Century. Pp, x, 386. Paper, 10.50. Review by Gerald H. Davis of Georgia State University. Gerald N. Grob and George Attan Billias, eds. Interpretations of American History: Patterns and Perspectives. New York: The Free Press, 1987. Fifth Edition. Volume I: Pp. xi, 499. Paper, $20.00: Volume II: Pp. ix, 502. Paper, $20.00. Review by Larry Madaras of Howard Community College. Eugene Kuzirian and Larry Madaras, eds. Taking Sides: Clashing Views on Controversial Issues in American History. -- Volume II: Reconstruction to the Present. Guilford, Connecticut: The Dushkin Publishing Groups, Inc., 1987. Pp. xii, 384. Paper, $9.50. Review by James F. Adomanis of Anne Arundel County Public Schools, Annapolis, Maryland. Joann P. Krieg, ed. To Know the Place: Teaching Local History. Hempstead, New York: Hofstra University Long Island Studies Institute, 1986. Pp. 30. Paper, $4.95. Review by Marilyn E. Weigold of Pace University. Roger Lane. Roots of Violence in Black Philadelphia, 1860-1900. Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London: Harvard University Press, 1986. Pp. 213. Cloth, $25.00. Review by Ronald E. Butchart of SUNY College at Cortland. Pete Daniel. Breaking the Land: The Transformation of Cotton, Tobacco, and Rice Cultures since 1880. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1985. Pp. xvi, 352. Paper, $22.50. Review by Thomas S. Isern of Emporia State University. Norman L. Rosenberg and Emily S. Rosenberg. In Our Times: America Since World War II. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1987. Third edition. Pp. xi, 316. Paper, $20.00; William H. Chafe and Harvard Sitkoff, eds. A History of Our Time: Readings on Postwar America. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Second edition. Pp. xiii, 453. Paper, $12.95. Review by Monroe Billington of New Mexico State University. Frank W. Porter III, ed. Strategies for Survival: American Indians in the Eastern United States. New York, Westport, Connecticut, and London: Greenwood Press, 1986. Pp. xvi, 232. Cloth, $35.00. Review by Richard Robertson of St. Charles County Community College. Kevin Sharpe, ed. Faction & Parliament: Essays on Early Stuart History. London and New York: Methuen, 1985. Pp. xvii, 292. Paper, $13.95; Derek Hirst. Authority and Conflict: England, 1603-1658. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986. Pp. viii, 390. Cloth, $35.00. Review by K. Gird Romer of Kennesaw College. N. F. R. Crafts. British Economic Growth During the Industrial Revolution. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985. Pp. 193. Paper, $11.95; Maxine Berg. The Age of Manufactures, 1700-1820. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985. Pp. 378. Paper, $10.95. Review by C. Ashley Ellefson of SUNY College at Cortland. J. M. Thompson. The French Revolution. New York: Basil Blackwell, 1985 reissue. Pp. xvi, 544. Cloth, $45.00; Paper, $12.95. Review by W. Benjamin Kennedy of West Georgia College. J. P. T. Bury. France, 1814-1940. London and New York: Methuen, 1985. Fifth edition. Pp. viii, 288. Paper, $13.95; Roger Magraw. France, 1815-1914: The Bourgeois Century. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985. Pp. 375. Cloth, $24.95; Paper, $9.95; D. M.G. Sutherland. France, 1789-1815: Revolution and Counterrevolution. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986. Pp. 242. Cloth, $32.50; Paper, $12.95. Review by Fred R. van Hartesveldt of Fort Valley State College. Woodford McClellan. Russia: A History of the Soviet Period. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1986. Pp. xi, 387. Paper, $23.95. Review by Pasquale E. Micciche of Fitchburg State College. Ranbir Vohra. China's Path to Modernization: A Historical Review from 1800 to the Present. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1987. Pp. xiii, 302. Paper, $22.95. Reivew by Steven A. Leibo of Russell Sage College. John King Fairbank. China Watch. Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1987. Pp. viii, Cloth, $20.00. Review by Darlene E. Fisher of New Trier Township High School, Winnetka, Illinois. Ronald Takaki, ed. From Different Shores: Perspectives on Race and Ethnicity in America. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987. Pp. 253. Paper, $13.95. Review by Robert C. Sims of Boise State University.

Why do states want to acquire nuclear weapons? In other words, what drives nuclear-aspiring states? This is the basic question that the author seeks to address in this research. To do so, this research will focus on two standout cases: Iran and North Korea. By employing structural realism as a tool of analysis, the author argues that it is the structure of the international system that drives both Iran and North Korea to acquire nuclear weapons of their own. Specifically, it is the highly unequal distribution of power both regionally and globally that encourages both states to go nuclear. At the global level, both Iran and North Korea found themselves in hostilities with a much more powerful state, the United States. The hostilities and the fact that the United States is way more powerful increase the fear of being attacked in both countries. Similarly, at the regional level, both states face neighbors that are relatively more powerful and have alliances with the United States. Thus, this imbalance of power and the fear it created in both Iran and North Korea give them great incentive to go nuclear, as nuclear weapons would act as a deterrent against any possible aggression. This research is qualitative and based on the literature study data collection method. Keywords: Nuclear proliferation; national security; distribution of capabilities; structural realism REFERENCES Abulof, Uriel. 2014. "Revisiting Iran’s nuclear rationales." International Politics 51(3), 404-415. Albright, David, and Andrea Stricker. 2010. "Iran’s Nuclear Program." In The Iran Primer: Power, Politics, and US Policy, edited by Robin Wright, 77-81. Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace Pres. Bowen, W.Q., and J. Brewer. 2011. "Iran’s nuclear challenge: Nine years and counting." International Affairs 87(4): 923–943. Chubin, S. 2007. "Iran: Domestic politics and nuclear choices." In Strategic Asia 2007–08: Domestic Political Change and Grand Strategy, edited by A.J. Tellis, M. Wills and N. Bisley, 301–340. Washington DC: National Bureau of Asian Research. Cronin, Patrick M. 2008. "The Trouble with North Korea." In Double Trouble: Iran and North Korea as Challenges to International Security, edited by Patrick M. Cronin, 79-89. Wesport: Praeger Security International Buszynski, Leszek. 2021. "North Korea's Nuclear Diplomacy." In Routledge Handbook of Contemporary North Korea, edited by Adrian Buzo, -170. Oxon: Routledge. Donnelly, Jack. 2005. "Realism." In Theories of International Relations, edited by Scott Burchill, Andrew Linklater, Richard Devetak, Jack Donnelly, Christian Reus-Smit Matthew Paterson and Jacqui True, 29-54. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Greitens, Sheena Chestnut. 2020. "Proliferation of weapons of mass destruction." In The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations, by John Baylis, Steve Smith and Patricia Owens, 465-480. Oxford: Oxford University. Hobbs, Christopher, and Matthew Moran. 2014. Exploring Regional Responses to a Nuclear Iran. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Ikenberry, G. John, Michael Mastanduno, and William C. Wohlforth. 2011. "Introduction: unipolarity, state, and systemic consequenses." In International relations theory and the consequences of unipolarity, edited by G. John Ikenberry, Michael Mastanduno and William C. Wohlforth, 1-32. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Jackson, Robert, and Georg Sørensen. 2013. Introduction to International Relations: Theories and Approaches. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Jackson, Van. 2018. On the Brink: Trump, Kim, and the Threat of Nuclear War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Jørgensen, Knud Erik. 2018. International Relations Theory: A New Introduction. London: Palgrave. Kaufman, Joyce P. 2021. A Concise History of U.S. Foreign Policy. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield Krauthammer, Charles. 1990. "The Unipolar Moment." Foreign Affairs 70(1), 23-33. Mærli, Morten Bremer, and Sverre Lodgaard. 2007. 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Abstract Background: IL-21 expanded NK cells have high expression of CD16 and have demonstrated antibody-dependent cell-mediated cytotoxicity (ADCC) activity in combination with monoclonal antitumor antibodies (mAb). Mogamulizumab (moga) is a mAb targeting CCR4 that is defucosylated to enhance its binding to CD16, thereby enhancing ADCC of NK cells against targets expressing CCR4. We designed a pilot phase I clinical trial studying this combination in patients with relapsed/refractory (r/r) CTCL and ATLL. The study is soon opening to accrual at the OSU James Cancer Center (NCT04848064). Study is conduced under IND 26888. Preclinical data: Allogeneic NK cells obtained from buffy coat (Red Cross Blood Bank), were expanded for 14 days on CSTX002 feeder cells, cryopreserved, and then thawed and recovered for 48 hours prior to testing. Malignant T-cells were incubated with moga (at 10ng/µl) for 30 minutes prior to co-culture with NK cells and cytotoxicity was determined by the calcein release assay (Somanchi et al, J Vis Exp 2011). Malignant T-cells were obtained from peripheral blood from 3 patients with multiply relapsed CTCL and all have circulating Sezary cells and from CCRF-CEM cell line (T-ALL cell line that expresses CCR4). No significant cytotoxicity was observed with moga alone and significant synergy in cytotoxicity was observed between and moga and NK cells in all 3 patient samples and also CCRF-CEM cell line (figure 1: A and B). Two-fold increase in ADCC was observed with addition of moga to NK cells (p=0.0272; figure 1C) Design: Patients will receive lymphodepleting chemotherapy (Fludarabine/Cyclophosphamide) on days -5 to -3 prior to cell infusion, moga weekly for 4 doses starting on day -7 (prior to the first NK cell infusion) and then every 2 weeks until toxicity or progression. Patients will receive third-party ideal-donor mbIL-21 expanded NK cells once every 2 weeks for 6 total doses (Figure 1D). Donors meeting ideal-donor characteristics from National Marrow Donor Program were identified in collaboration with Be The Match Biotherapies. PBMNC were collected by apheresis, CD3-depleted, expanded for 14 days as previously described, and cryopreserved in ready-to-infuse aliquots. NK cells will be thawed and infused in 2 dosing cohorts; 3x10 7 and 1x10 8 cells/kg in a standard dose-escalation design. Primary endpoint is the maximum tolerated dose of NK cells given in combination with standard-dose moga. Dose-limiting toxicity (DLT) is defined as any steroid refractory graft vs host disease (GVHD), severe NK cell-related toxicities, or other unusual events occurring from D-7 until D+84 post last dose of NK cells. Dose-escalation will proceed in the standard 3+3 fashion. Secondary endpoints include overall response rate (ORR) per ISCL/USCLC/EORTC consensus panel, for CTCL, and international consensus panel, for ATLL and progression-free and overall survival. Correlative endpoints include quality of life impact as captured by Skindex-16 score, serum cytokine levels in blood, persistence of NK cells by chimerism studies, correlation between CCR4 staining of tumor cells in skin and trafficking of NK cells to skin by immunohistochemistry or immunofluorescence in serial skin biopsies and ORR (Figure 1D). Abbreviated eligibility: Eligible patients will be 18 years, or older, with biopsy-proven, measurable, stage IB-IVB relapsed or refractory CTCL or ATLL, progressing on at least one standard chemotherapy. Other eligibility criteria include: ECOG performance status of ≤ 1, no systemic anti-neoplastic therapy within a week or 3 half-lives, adequate laboratory parameters including: absolute neutrophil count ≥1000/mm³, platelet count ≥50,000/mm³, total bilirubin ≤ 2 x upper limit of normal (ULN), AST/ALT ≤ 3 x ULN or ≤ 5 x ULN in patients with documented hepatic involvement by lymphoma, and calculated creatinine clearance ≥ 50 ml/min., disease free of prior malignancies for ≥ 2 years with exception of treated basal cell, squamous cell carcinoma of the skin, or carcinoma in situ of the cervix or breast and life expectancy ≥ 90 days. Patients who were pre-treated with moga, pregnant, HIV positive, with active hepatitis B and C, active CNS involvement, active grade II-IV acute or extensive chronic GVHD or other serious medical comorbid conditions are excluded. Figure 1 Figure 1. Disclosures William: Kyowa Kirin: Consultancy; Incyte: Research Funding; Merck: Research Funding; Dova Pharmaceuticals: Research Funding; Guidepoint Global: Consultancy. de Lima: Miltenyi Biotec: Research Funding; Pfizer: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; BMS: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Incyte: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees. Devine: Be the Match: Current Employment; Johnsonand Johnson: Consultancy, Research Funding; Orca Bio: Consultancy, Research Funding; Sanofi: Consultancy, Research Funding; Magenta Therapeutics: Current Employment, Research Funding; Tmunity: Current Employment, Research Funding; Vor Bio: Research Funding; Kiadis: Consultancy, Research Funding. Vasu: Boehringer Ingelheim: Other: Travel support; Seattle Genetics: Other: travel support; Kiadis, Inc.: Research Funding; Omeros, Inc.: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees. Lee: Courier Therapeutics: Current holder of individual stocks in a privately-held company; Kiadis Pharma: Divested equity in a private or publicly-traded company in the past 24 months, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Patents & Royalties, Research Funding. OffLabel Disclosure: Will discuss combination of mogamulizumab and NK cells in a context of a clinical trial

Financial information is one of the important information in decision making. However, many cases of fraud committed by management so that the information in the financial statements cannot be relied upon in decision making. Therefore, the auditor's job is to ensure that the company's financial statements are represented correctly (faithful representation) so that financial statement information becomes more quality and useful in making decisions. So this study aims to examine the effect of audit fee on audit quality. In addition, this study also examines important determinants of audit costs, namely company size, profitability, audit risk, complexity, and firm size. By using the purposive sampling method, samples of the financial and manufacturing industry in 2010-2017 used are 39 firms per year. This sample is used to examine the effect of audit fee on audit quality and the determinant of audit fee using simple linear regression analysis and multiple linear regression analysis. The result of this research shows that audit fees have a significant positive effect on audit quality. In addition, this study shows that firm size, complexity, and firm size are important determinants that determine audit fee. However, profitability and audit risk have not been proven to explain audit fees. Keywords: Audit Quality, Audit Fee, Firm Size, Profitability, Audit Risk, Complexity, Auditor Size Referencens: Al-Harshani, Meshari O. (2008), The pricing of audit services: Evidence from Kuwait. Managerial Auditing Journal, 23(7), 685–696. Al-Thuneibat, Ali. Abedalqader, Ream Tawfiq Ibrahim Al Issa, & Rana Ahmad Ata Baker, (2011), Do audit tenure and firm size contribute to audit quality? Empirical evidence from Jordan. Managerial Auditing Journal, 26(4), 317–334. Arens, Alvin A., Randal J. Elder,. Mark S. Beasley (2014), Auditing and Assurance Services: An Integrated Approach. United States: Pearson Education, Inc. 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The knowledge of the science of human body parts for early childhood is very important so that children have the ability to recognize and support the cleanliness and health of members of the body, as well as so that they recognize their identity. In addition, introducing environmentally friendly material for early childhood teachers to enrich learning media. This study aims to improve student learning outcomes in science using environmentally friendly media. The topic raised in this search was about recognizing body parts and their benefits and treatments. This type of research is action research. Respondents involved 19 early childhood students. The results showed that there was an increase in subjects' understanding of swallowing extremities and treatment 60% in the pre-cycle phase, 80% in the first cycle and 93% in the second cycle. The findings show that the use of happy body media has a positive effect on limb recognition. 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BackgroundThe COVID-19 pandemic causes concern among patients with autoimmune and rheumatic disease (ARD) due to increased risk of infection and heightened isolation from social distancing.1ObjectivesExamine how mean patient-reported outcome (PRO) scores for mental, social and physical health fluctuated after COVID-19 vaccine availability was widespread in US.MethodsWe conducted and reported on2 an initial analysis of January 2020 – April 2021 where US participants (pts) of the ArthritisPower (AP) registry completed PROMIS measures of physical health (Physical Function, Pain Interference, Fatigue, Sleep Disturbance), mental health (Anger, Anxiety, Depression) and social health (Social Isolation, Emotional Support). Follow-up analysis was conducted May – December 2021. Only pts from initial analysis were included in follow-up. Null hypothesis was no change in monthly average scores across 23-month pandemic period. Analysis of means compared monthly assessment mean scores to overall mean score for each measure during study period. Pts with < 2 assessment time points and osteoarthritis with no ARD were excluded from analysis.ResultsTotal of 49,940 PRO scores were contributed by 2,266 pts during 23-month period, with 8,393 of the scores contributed from May – December 2021. Mean (standard deviation, SD) number of observations per pt was 5.6 (12.5). Pts were 87.6% female, 86.7% white, mean age of 52.1 (12.7) years. Rheumatoid arthritis (n=1,131, 49.9%) was the most common condition. Most commonly reported measures were Pain Interference, Fatigue, Sleep Disturbance and Physical Function, each with >11,000 total results (Table 1).Table 1.Avg assessment scores+ by month, mean (SD)Pain Interf (n= 11536)Fatigue (n= 11591)Sleep Disturb (n= 11257)Physical Func (n= 11202)Depression (n=1489)Anxiety (n= 1066)Social Iso (n=698)Emot Support (n=578)Anger (n=523)Study Period^63.3 (7.8)62.6 (9.5)58.1 (9.0)37.7 (7.6)60.8 (9.2)62.4 (10.5)61.9 (10.2)40.8 (9.8)61.5 (12.8)May 202161.9 (8.2)*60.9 (9.7)*55.2 (8.8)*38.9 (8.5)59.5 (9.2)61.9 (9.8)60.2 (13.3)38.1 (8.3)59.6 (14.5)June61.6 (6.9)*60.9 (9.6)*54.8 (8.9)*38.3 (7.8)59.2 (7.0)60.6 (9.6)61.8 (12.0)39.3 (10.3)60.2 (10.9)July61.8 (7.4)*60.8 (10.2)*56.0 (8.6)*38.1 (7.9)61.0 (7.8)59.9 (12.1)66.8 (8.5)*39.4 (9.7)62.4 (9.7)Aug61.2 (8.5)*60.7 (10.4)*55.8 (9.6)*38.5 (8.5)57.7 (7.9)*58.2 (10.3)*57.2 (11.1)36.9 (12.2)53.3 (19.4)Sep62.4 (8.5)62.3 (10.0)56.2 (8.3)37.3 (7.6)58.7 (8.0)57.7 (11.3)*68.1 (12.8)36.7 (12.1)58.7 (12.0)Oct63.1 (8.4)63.3 (9.9)57.6 (8.6)37.3 (8.0)59.9 (9.9)62.3 (9.0)64.3 (10.3)37.3 (11.4)64.6 (10.2)Nov62.6 (6.8)63.2 (10.0)55.8 (8.6)*36.9 (7.0)59.1 (8.8)61.3 (6.8)61.4 (10.9)38.6 (11.7)60.3 (12.4)Dec62.9 (8.3)64.0 (9.6)56.5 (8.4)37.4 (8.1)60.7 (8.4)63.8 (5.3)65.1 (7.5)38.5 (13.5)68.6 (5.0)*+PROMIS measures scored 0-100; mean 50 for general US population; 1SD = 10 points^Study period: January 2020 – December 2021. *Statistical significance (p<0.05); analysis of means (ANOM)Pts’ mental and social health assessment scores improved then worsened during last 8 months of 2021 (Figure 1). Overall mean scores were: Anxiety 62.4 (12.5), Social Isolation 61.9 (10.5), and Anger 61.5 (12.8). From July – August, Social Isolation decreased by 1 SD. Compared to overall assessment mean, Anger declined by > ½ SD (53.3 [19.4]) in August and Anxiety declined by ½ SD (57.7 [11.3]) in September. By December, Anger rose by > ½ SD (68.6 [5.0]) of assessment mean. Pain Interference (mean: 63.3 [7.8]), Fatigue (62.6 [9.5]), and Sleep Disturbance (58.1 [9.0]) scores were significantly lower in May, June, July and August compared to the assessment mean, though none decreased by > ½ SD.ConclusionARD members of AP had mental, social and physical health scores improve during summer of 2021, corresponding with widespread availability of vaccines. However mental and social health scores worsened by December as US faced new variants of the virus.References[1]George M, et al. Rheumatol. 2021;48:603-7.[2]Gavigan K, et al. Arth Rheumatol. 2021;73(suppl 10).AcknowledgementsThis work was partially supported through a Patient-Centered Outcomes Research Institute (PCORI) award (PPRN-1306-04811). All statements in this poster, including its findings and conclusions, are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of PCORI, its Board of Governors or Methodology Committee.Disclosure of InterestsKelly Gavigan: None declared, Esteban Rivera: None declared, Jeffrey R. Curtis Consultant of: Gilead, Novartis, and Samsung, Grant/research support from: AbbVie, Amgen, BMS, Corrona, Eli Lilly and Company, Janssen, Myriad, Pfizer, Regeneron, Roche, and UCB, Shilpa Venkatachalam: None declared, Laura Stradford: None declared, David Curtis: None declared, W. Benjamin Nowell Grant/research support from: William B. Nowell is the Principal Investigator on grants/contracts from AbbVie, Eli Lilly and Company, and PCORI, and an employee of the Global Healthy Living Foundation (GHLF). GHLF receives grants, sponsorships and contracts from pharmaceutical manufacturers and private foundations. A full list of GHLF funders is publicly available here: https://www.ghlf.org/our-partners/.

Background:Patients (pts) with rheumatoid arthritis (RA) are at an increased risk for the development of venous thromboembolism (VTE, including pulmonary embolism [PE] and deep vein thrombosis [DVT]) vs the general population (~2-fold increase).1Beyond RA, additional risk factors have been described, with prior history of VTE and obesity posing particular risk. VTE events have been observed in pts receiving JAK inhibitors, including upadacitinib (UPA).Objectives:To describe the incidence of VTE in pts with RA receiving UPA relative to active comparators in the phase 3 clinical trial program and to evaluate potential risk factors.Methods:Adjudicated events of treatment-emergent VTE were determined in pts receiving UPA in an integrated analysis (data cut-off, 30 Jun 2019) of five randomized phase 3 trials (SELECT-EARLY, SELECT-MONOTHERAPY, SELECT-NEXT, SELECT-COMPARE, and SELECT-BEYOND), of which 4 evaluated both the UPA 15 mg and 30 mg QD doses and 1 (SELECT-COMPARE) evaluated only UPA 15. Incidence of VTE was also determined in pts receiving adalimumab (ADA) + methotrexate (MTX) in SELECT-COMPARE and MTX monotherapy in SELECT-EARLY. Events are attributed to treatment received at time of event and are summarized per events/100 patient yrs. VTE risk factors were assessed using univariate Cox regression models.Results:A total of 35 VTE events were observed across treatment groups. The exposure-adjusted treatment-emergent event rates (E/100 PYs, 95% CI) of VTE were 0.5 (0.3, 0.7) for UPA 15, 0.3 (0.1, 0.7) for UPA 30, 0.5 (0.1, 1.3) for ADA + MTX, and 0.4 (0.1, 1.6) for MTX, with no pattern to event onset across treatments. Events of PE, DVT, or both PE and DVT were reported across treatment groups (Table). Pts who experienced VTE, across all treatment groups, on average, were older than pts who did not (62/59/58/61 yrs vs 54/55/54/53 yrs for UPA 15, UPA 30, ADA + MTX, and MTX, respectively). The mean body mass index (BMI) of pts with VTE tended to be higher (34–40 for pts with VTE vs 28-29 kg/m2for those without). Across UPA treatment groups, 135/2629 (UPA 15) and 62/1204 (UPA 30) pts had a prior history of VTE; of these pts, 5 (3.7%) and 2 (3.2%) experienced VTE on UPA 15 and UPA 30, respectively. Univariate Cox regression models identified BMI and prior history of VTE as factors associated with VTE in the UPA 15 and 30 mg groups (Figure). Age and NSAID use were shown to be associated with VTE risk among pts in the UPA 15 but not 30 mg group.Table.Events of VTE Observed Across Treatment GroupsUPA 15 mg QDaN=2629(4565.8 PYs)UPA 30 mg QDbN=1204(2309.7 PYs)ADA + MTXcN=579(768.6 PYs)MTX MonotherapydN=314(456.0 PYs)Events, n21842Patients, n20742PE only11131DVT only5210PE + DVT4401aFrom SELECT-EARLY, -MONOTHERAPY, -NEXT, -COMPARE, and -BEYOND.bFrom SELECT-EARLY, -MONOTHERAPY, -NEXT, and -BEYOND.cFrom SELECT-COMPARE.dFrom SELECT-EARLY.VTE, venous thromboembolism; PE, pulmonary embolism; DVT, deep vein thrombosis.Conclusion:VTE event rates appeared balanced across UPA doses and active comparator groups in pts with RA. Risk factors for VTE events identified through univariate analyses in pts who received UPA included prior history of VTE and BMI, two factors previously known to be associated with VTE risk. One limitation is the small sample size, limiting the analysis to univariate. Continued follow-up of pts receiving UPA is ongoing to further contextualize the risk of VTE in the clinical trial program.References:[1]Kim SC, et al.Arthritis Care Res2013;65:1600-7.Disclosure of Interests:Ernest Choy Grant/research support from: Amgen, Bio-Cancer, Chugai Pharma, Ferring Pharmaceuticals, Novimmune, Pfizer, Roche, UCB, Consultant of: AbbVie, Amgen, AstraZeneca, Biogen, Boehringer Ingelheim, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Celgene, Chelsea Therapeutics, Chugai Pharma, Daiichi Sankyo, Eli Lilly, Ferring Pharmaceuticals, GlaxoSmithKline, Hospita, Ionis, Janssen, Jazz Pharmaceuticals, MedImmune, Merck Sharp & Dohme, Merrimack Pharmaceutical, Napp, Novartis, Novimmune, ObsEva, Pfizer, R-Pharm, Regeneron Pharmaceuticals, Inc., Roche, SynAct Pharma, Sanofi Genzyme, Tonix, UCB, Speakers bureau: Amgen, Boehringer Ingelheim, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Chugai Pharma, Eli Lilly, Hospira, Merck Sharp & Dohme, Novartis, Pfizer, Regeneron Pharmaceuticals, Inc., Roche, Sanofi-Aventis, UCB, Iain McInnes Grant/research support from: Bristol-Myers Squibb, Celgene, Eli Lilly and Company, Janssen, and UCB, Consultant of: AbbVie, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Celgene, Eli Lilly and Company, Gilead, Janssen, Novartis, Pfizer, and UCB, John Cush Grant/research support from: AbbVie, Astra Zeneca, Aurinia, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Genentech, Novartis, Pfizer, Consultant of: AbbVie, Amgen, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Boehringer-Ingelheim, Genentech, Gilead, Eli Lilly, Novartis and UCB, Jacob Aelion Grant/research support from: AbbVie, Ardea Biosciences, AstraZeneca, Boehringer Ingelheim, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Celgene, Galapagos, GlaxoSmithKline, Janssen, Eli Lilly, Merck, Mesoblast, Novartis, Novo Nordisk, Pfizer, Roche, Sanofi-Aventis, Takeda, and UCB Pharma, Consultant of: AbbVie, Boehringer Ingelheim, Celgene, and Eli Lilly, William Rigby Grant/research support from: Bristol-Myers Squibb, Consultant of: AbbVie, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Genentech, Pfizer, Yanna Song Shareholder of: AbbVie Inc., Employee of: AbbVie Inc., Sebastian Meerwein Shareholder of: AbbVie Inc., Employee of: AbbVie Inc., Jianzhong Liu Shareholder of: AbbVie Inc., Employee of: AbbVie Inc., Nasser Khan Shareholder of: AbbVie Inc., Employee of: AbbVie Inc., Jessica Suboticki Shareholder of: AbbVie Inc., Employee of: AbbVie Inc., Alexander Cohen Consultant of: AbbVie, Apalgon, Aspen, BMS, Pfizer, Bayer, Daiichi Sankyo, Boehringer Ingelheim, Boston Scientific, Janssen, Portola

ABSTRAK Mengetahui pengaruh 3 komponen Intellectual Capital yang terdiri dari Value Added Capital Employed (VACA), Value Added Human Capital (VAHU), dan Structural Capital Value Added (STVA) dan mengetahui pengaruh Rate of Growth of Intellectual Capital (ROGIC)terhadap proporsi pembiayaan bagi hasil bank umum syariah di Indonesia periode 2015-2020 merupakan tujuan dari penelitian ini. Menggunakan regresi data panel serta data sekunder dengan mengumpulkan laporan tahunan bank umum syariah. Memanfaatkan Sampel 9 bank umum syariah yang terdaftar pada OJK dengan diseleksi menggunakan metode purposive sampling. Variabel Intellectual Capital diukur dengan metode Islamic Banking Value Added Intellectual Coefficient (IB-VAIC). Sedangkan untuk variabel proporsi pembiayaan bagi hasil menggunakan pengukuran profit sharing ratio. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Value Added Capital Employed (VACA), Value Added Human Capital (VAHU), dan Structural Capital Value Added (STVA) dan Rate of Growth of Intellectual Capital (ROGIC) berpengaruh signifikan terhadap proporsi pembiayaan bagi hasil. Secara parsial, Value Added Capital Employed (VACA) berpengaruh signifikan negatif terhadap proporsi pembiayaan bagi hasil. Value Added Human Capital (VAHU) dan Structural Capital Value Added (STVA) memiliki pengaruh signifikan dengan arah positif pada proporsi pembiayaan bagi hasil. Rate of Growth of Intellectual Capital (ROGIC) tidak memiliki pengaruh pada proporsi pembiayaan bagi hasil. Kata Kunci: Intellectual Capital, VACA, VAHU, STVA, ROGIC, Proporsi Pembiayaan Bagi Hasil, Bank Umum Syariah. ABSTRACT Find out the effect of 3 components of Intellectual Capital, consisting of Value Added Capital Employed (VACA), Value Added Human Capital (VAHU), and Structural Capital Value Added (STVA), and find out the effect of the Rate of Growth of Intellectual Capital (ROGIC) on profit-loss sharing financing proportion of Islamic Banks in Indonesia from 2015-2020 is the goal of this research. Using panel data regression and secondary data by collecting the annual reports of Islamic Commercial Banks. Utilizing a sample of 9 Islamic Commercial Banks registered in OJK and selected using a purposive sampling method. The Intellectual Capital was measured by the Islamic Banking Value Added Intellectual Coefficient (IB-VAIC) method. Profit loss sharing financing proportion is measured by the profit sharing ratio. The results of this research showed that Value Added Capital Employed (VACA), Value Added Human Capital (VAHU), Structural Capital Value Added (STVA), and Rate of Growth of Intellectual Capital (ROGIC) had a significant effect on profit-sharing financing proportion. Partially, Value Added Capital Employed (VACA) has a negative significant effect on profit-loss sharing financing proportion. Value Added Human Capital (VAHU) and Structural Capital Value Added (STVA) have a positive significant effect on profit-loss sharing financing proportion. The rate of Growth of Intellectual Capital (ROGIC) does not affect the profit-sharing financing proportion. Keywords: Intellectual Capital, VACA, VAHU, STVA, ROGIC, Profit Loss Sharing Financing Proportion, Islamic Banks. DAFTAR PUSTAKA Aryee, S., Walumbwa, F. O., Seidu, E. Y. M., & Otaye, L. E. (2016). Developing and leveraging human capital resource to promote service quality: Testing a theory of performance. 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Abstract Introduction: The perioperative management of patients who are taking a direct oral anticoagulant (DOAC) for atrial fibrillation (AF) and require an elective surgery/procedure is uncertain. No studies have addressed the timing of perioperative DOAC interruption and resumption, and if perioperative heparin bridging and coagulation function testing are needed. The Perioperative Anticoagulant Use for Surgery Evaluation (PAUSE) Study hypothesized that a simple, standardized perioperative management strategy, based on DOAC-specific interruption and resumption intervals, that foregoes perioperative heparin bridging and coagulation function testing, is safe for patient care, with associated low rates of major bleeding (1%) and arterial thromboembolism (0.5%). We postulated that this management yields a high proportion of patients (>90%) with a minimal to no DOAC level at surgery/procedure. Methods: PAUSE is a prospective study with 3 parallel DOAC cohorts of patients with AF taking apixaban, dabigatran or rivaroxaban and requiring anticoagulant interruption for an elective surgery/procedure. Patients were managed using a standardized protocol based on DOAC pharmacokinetic properties, procedure-associated bleeding risk (Appendix 1) and creatinine clearance (CrCl). DOACs were interrupted for 1 day before and after surgery for a low bleed risk surgery and 2 days before and after a high bleed surgery; longer interruption was done in patients on dabigatran with a CrCl<50 mL/min (Figure 1). A blood sample was obtained just before the procedure to measure residual DOAC levels (Appendix 2). Heparin bridging and preoperative coagulation testing were not used to manage patients. Patient follow-up occurred weekly for 30 days post-procedure for the primary clinical outcomes of major bleeding and arterial thromboembolism (Appendix 3). The incidence (95% confidence interval [CI]) of clinical outcomes was determined for each DOAC cohort using an intention-to-treat (ITT) analysis (interrupted at least 1 DOAC dose) and per-protocol analysis (adhering to DOAC interruption and resumption protocol). Results: We enrolled 3007 patients from 23 sites in Canada, the U.S. and Europe (Appendix 4). The patient characteristics were (Figure 2): mean age 72.5 years; 66.1% male; 33.5% high bleeding risk surgery/procedure, with 1257 patients in the apixaban cohort, 668 in the dabigatran cohort and 1082 in the rivaroxaban cohort (Table 1). DOAC interruption and resumption intervals are shown in Table 2. The 30-day postoperative rate (95% CI) of major bleeding was 1.35% (0-2.00) in the apixaban cohort, 0.90% (0-1.73) in the dabigatran cohort and 1.85% (0-2.65) in the rivaroxaban cohort; the rate (95% CI) of arterial thromboembolism was 0.16% (0-0.48) in the apixaban cohort, 0.6% (0-1.33) in the dabigatran cohort and 0.37% (0-0.82) in the rivaroxaban cohort (Table 3). There were 2541 (84.5%) patients with preoperative DOAC levels measured: a level <50 ng/ml occurred in 90.5% of patients in the apixaban cohort, in 95.1% of the dabigatran cohort and in 96.8% of the rivaroxaban cohort. Of 1007 patients having a high bleeding risk procedure, 832 (82.6%) had DOAC levels measured: 98.8% had a level <50 ng/mL (Table 4). Rates of major bleeding and arterial thromboembolism in the per protocol analysis were comparable to those of the ITT analysis (Table 5). Conclusions: In patients with AF who were taking a DOAC (apixaban, dabigatran, rivaroxaban) and required anticoagulant interruption for an elective surgery/procedure, using a standardized DOAC-specific perioperative management strategy was safe for patient care, with associated low rates of perioperative MB (<2%) and ATE (<1%). Further, a high proportion of patients (>90% overall; 98.8% at high bleeding risk) had a minimal or no residual DOAC level at the time of the surgery/procedure. PAUSE is the largest study, to date, that addresses how to manage the common problem of perioperative DOAC management. It is likely to have a practice-changing impact and will inform future practice guidelines in perioperative care. Study Funding: CIHR (313156) and the H&S Foundation of Canada (G-14-0006136). Aniara-Hyphen Biomed (assays). Acknowledgments: We thank Drs. Walter Ageno, David Garcia, Lehana Thabane, Wendt Lim, Lori Linkins, William Ristevski, and Demetrios J. Sahlas. Also, Kayla Lucier, Grace Wang, Tara McDougall, and HRLMP and CRLB. Supported by CanVector and REDCap. Disclosures Douketis: Bayer: Other: Advisory Board; Janssen: Consultancy; BMS: Other: Advisory Board; Biotie: Other: Advisory Board; Daiichi-Sankyo: Other: Advisory Board; Boehringer-Ingelheim: Consultancy, Other: Advisory Board, Research Funding; The Medicines Company: Other: Advisory Board; Sanofi: Consultancy, Other: Advisory Board; Astra-Zeneca: Other: Advisory Board; Portola: Other: Advisory Board; Pfizer: Other: Advisory Board. Spyropoulos:Janssen Scientific Affairs, LLC: Consultancy. Carrier:Bayer: Honoraria; Leo Pharma: Research Funding; Pfizer: Honoraria; BMS: Honoraria, Research Funding. Vanassche:Bayer: Consultancy; Boehringer Ingelheim: Consultancy; BMS/Pfizer: Consultancy. Verhamme:Bayer: Honoraria, Research Funding; Medtronic: Honoraria; Portola: Honoraria; Boehringer Ingelheim: Honoraria; Leo Pharma: Honoraria, Research Funding; BMS: Honoraria, Research Funding; Daiichi-Sankyo: Honoraria, Research Funding; Pfizer: Honoraria, Research Funding. Shivakumar:Pfizer: Honoraria; Servier: Honoraria; Bayer: Honoraria; LEO Pharma: Honoraria. Gross:Pfizer: Honoraria; Bayer: Honoraria; LEO Pharma: Honoraria; Servier: Honoraria. Lee:Pfizer: Consultancy, Research Funding; BMS: Research Funding; Servier: Honoraria; LEO Pharma: Consultancy, Research Funding; Bayer: Consultancy, Honoraria. Le Templier:BMS-pfizer: Honoraria. Wu:Leo Pharma: Honoraria; Pfizer: Honoraria; BMS-Pfizer: Honoraria. Coppens:Bayer: Honoraria, Other: Non-financial support, Research Funding; CSL Behring: Honoraria, Other: non-financial support, Research Funding; Uniqure BV: Research Funding. Arnold:Bristol Myers Squibb: Research Funding; UCB: Consultancy; Amgen: Consultancy, Research Funding; UCB: Consultancy; Amgen: Consultancy, Research Funding; Novartis: Consultancy, Research Funding; Bristol Myers Squibb: Research Funding; Novartis: Consultancy, Research Funding. Caprini:Alexion Pharmaceuticals: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Recovery Force: Consultancy; BMS: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Pfizor: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Janssen R&D: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees. Summer:Octapharma: Honoraria. Schulman:Daiichi-Sankyo: Honoraria; Bayer: Honoraria; Sanofi: Honoraria; Boehringer-Ingelheim: Honoraria, Research Funding.

Audit delay is the length of time required by the company in completing the audit of the financial statements. This delay can affect the level of decision uncertainty from investors. However, there are still many go-public companies that are late in submitting their audited financial reports. The theories used are agency theory, signal theory and compliance theory. The sampling technique was determined based on the purposive sampling method so as to produce a total sample of 44 companies and obtained a total of 132 observations. The data analysis techniques used in this study were pooling test, descriptive statistical test, classical assumption test, multiple linear regression test, moderated regression test. Analysis, F test, t test, and coefficient of determination test. The t test results show that solvency has a significance value greater than 0.05, profitability, firm size, the interaction between profitability and firm size, and the interaction between solvency and firm size have a significance less than 0.05. The conclusion of this study shows that there is sufficient evidence of profitability, firm size, the interaction between profitability and firm size and the interaction between solvency and firm size has a negative effect on audit delay and there is insufficient evidence that solvency has a positive effect on audit delay. Keywords: Profitability, Solvability, Firm Size, Audit Delay. References: Amani, F. A., & Waluyo, I. 2016. 'Pengaruh Ukuran Perusahaan, Profitabilitas, Opini Audit dan Umur Perusahaan Terhadap Audit Delay (Studi Empiris pada Perusahaan Property dan Real Estate yang Terdaftar di Bursa Efek Indonesia pada Tahun 2012-2014)'. 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'Compliance Theory and Organizational Effectiveness' International Journal of Scholarly Academic Intellectual Diversity, Volume 14, No. 1, pp.1–4, diakses tanggal 8 Mei 2021 Margaretha, C., & Suhartono, S. 2017. ‘Kemampuan Ukuran Perusahaan Memoderasi Determinan Audit Delay’Jurnal Akuntansi Kwik Kian Gie, Volume 5, No. 2, pp. 185-204, diakses tanggal 10 Juni 2021, https://jurnal.kwikkiangie.ac.id/Index.php /JA/article /view/432 Messier, William F., Glover, Steven M. & Prawitt, Douglas F (2014). Auditing & Assurance Services, Edisi 8, Boston : McGraw-Hill Natalia, Desy 2013. 'Pengaruh Profitabilitas dan Kesempatan Investasi terhadap Kebijakan Dividen pada Perusahaan Manufaktur yang terdaftar di BEI' Jurnal Akuntansi Universitas Negeri Padang , Volume 1, No.1, pp.1-20, diakses tanggal 20 Mei 2021, http://ejournal.unp.ac.id/students/index.php/akt/article/view/60 Ohaka, J., & Akani, F. 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Abstract This essay aims to give an account of the untold and unexpected events faced by the crew of the Compton, one of the East India Company's vessels that set out on a routine trade voyage from Deptford to Bombay in April 1723. Under the command of Captain William Mawson, scrupulous compiler of the logbook, the ship proceeded along the known routes indicated by the East India Company (EIC) charts, and through the passages recommended by the navigation manuals. Finding consonance with recent research suggestions on “alternative histories” of the EIC, this article brings to light the narrative potentialities of the logbook, which is therefore considered not only a technical device, but also a tool for reconstructing the actual experience of navigation. This is the approach of the historical geodatabase of European global navigation Global Sea Routes (GSR), which bases its research method on ship's logs and other primary sources produced by the practitioners themselves. In order to provide a richer account of the known history of the EIC's shipping in the early modern age, this essay will analyse Mawson's logbook, highlighting its peculiarities as a container for a wealth of information useful for creating a narrative construction.

On the 14th July at 7 o'clock in the morning I went by boat with Monsr Jaques Thierry and Madame his wife and Mr. Jacobi his son from Amsterdam to Haarlem, and came at 10 o'clock to the pleasant homestead of Mr. Rombouts called Westerhout. Having refreshed ourselves we walked from there with Mr. Rombouts, Mr. Grotius, Monsr Jacob van Rijn, and Monsr R. Block to the Leiden canal, where we found Mr. Rombouts's very elegant pleasure yacht ready, with silken flags flying from mast and stern, and well provided with all kinds of special delicacies and drinks, fruit and other things in plenty. The draught horse was harnessed, and we started off through Leiden, and went with Mr. Rombouts and some of the party to his country house at Zoeterwoude. There we refreshed ourselves and then went by waggon to the canal, where the yacht with the rest of the company awaited us. We sailed on to 's Gravenhage, arrived there at 10 o'clock in the evening, and stayed the night with Mr. van Streijen.

Abstract Establishing the authorship of George a Greene, the Pinner of Wakefield can be seen within the wider context of detecting a collaborative or single-authored canon of early Shakespeare plays which, perhaps, he did not want to see as part of his dramatic work if we are to trust Heminges’ and Condell’s references to ‘surrepetitious copies, maimed, and deformed by the frauds and stealthes of injurious imposters, that expos’d them’ (First Folio preface). The fact that the remaining plays of the First Folio [are] ‘absolute in their numbers as he [Shakespeare] conceived them,’ has in some way a ring of self-amputation. The conclusion of the present study, based on the acknowledged methodological advances in non-traditional stylometric tools, contained in the R Stylo suite, is that George a Greene, the Pinner of Wakefield was originally written by William Shakespeare, even though the play may have been shortened for performances outside London with a reduced company of players during the plague years of 1592 and 1593.

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Postmodernism is supposed to identify the conditions of contemporary cultural production when human affairs in general, and the dissemination of prevailing ideas in particular, have become fully enmeshed in relations of commodity exchange. (Martin 2002, p. 30) The accumulation of capital within industrial economies keyed on the surplus value derived from the production of raw materials into mass manufactured products, and their subsequent exchange in the capitalist marketplace. Within what Poster (1990) described as the contemporary mode of information , surplus capital is generated from the manufacturing of product’s symbolic values, which in turn substantiate their use and ultimately exchange values within the consumer market. This, in essence, is the centrifugal process undermining the brand (Klein 1999), promotional (Wernick 1991), or commodity sign (Goldman and Papson 1996), culture that characterizes contemporary capitalism: Through the creative outpourings of “cultural intermediaries” (Bourdieu 1984) working within the advertising, marketing, public relations, and media industries, commodities—routinely produced within low wage industrializing economies—are symbolically constituted to global consuming publics. This postmodern regime of cultural production is graphically illustrated within the sporting goods industry (Miles 1998) where, in regard to their use value, highly non-differentiated material products such as sport shoes are differentiated in symbolic terms through innovative advertising and marketing initiatives. In this way, oftentimes gaudy concoctions of leather, nylon, and rubber become transformed into prized cultural commodities possessing an inflated economic value within today’s informational-symbolic order (Castells 1996). Arguably, the globally ubiquitous Nike Inc. is the sporting brand that has most aggressively and effectively capitalized upon what Rowe described as the “culturalization of economics” in the latter twentieth century (1999, p. 70). Indeed, as Nike Chairman and CEO Phil Knight enthusiastically declared: For years, we thought of ourselves as a production-oriented company, meaning we put all our emphasis on designing and manufacturing the product. But now we understand that the most important thing we do is market the product. We’ve come around to saying that Nike is a marketing-oriented company, and the product is our most important marketing tool. What I mean is that marketing knits the whole organization together. The design elements and functional characteristics of the product itself are just part of the overall marketing process. (Quoted in (Willigan 1992, p. 92) This commercial culturalization of Nike has certainly sparked considerable academic interest, as evidenced by the voluminous literature pertaining to the various dimensions of its practices of cultural production (Donaghu and Barff 1990; Ind 1993; Korzeniewicz 1994; Cole and Hribar 1995; Boje 1998; Goldman and Papson 1998; Lafrance 1998; Armstrong 1999; Denzin 1999; Penaloza 1999; Sage 1999; Lucas 2000; Stabile 2000). Rather than contribute to this body of work, our aim is to engage a sporting shoe company attempting to establish itself within the brand universe defined and dominated by Nike. For this reason we turn to German-based Puma AG: a dynamic brand-in-process, seeking to differentiate itself within the cluttered sporting landscape, through the assertion of a consciously fractured brand identity designed to address a diverse range of clearly-defined consumer subjectivities. Puma’s history can be traced to post-war Germany when, in 1948, a fraternal dispute compelled Rudolf Dassler to leave Adidas (the company he founded with his brother Adi) and set up a rival sports shoe business on the opposite bank of the Moselle river in Herzogenaurach. Over the next three decades the two companies vied for the leadership in the global sports shoe industry. However, the emergence of Nike and Reebok in the 1980s, and particularly their adoption of aggressive marketing strategies, saw both Adidas and Puma succumbing to what was a new world sneaker order (Strasser and Becklund 1991). Of the two, Puma’s plight was the more chronic, with expenditures regularly exceeding moribund revenues. For instance, in 1993, Puma lost US$32 million on sales of just US$190 million (Saddleton 2002, p. 2). At this time, Puma’s brand presence and identity was negligible quite simply because it failed to operate according to the rhythms and regimes of the commodity sign economy that the sport shoe industry had become (Goldman and Papson 1994; 1996; 1998). Remarkably, from this position of seemingly terminal decline, in recent years, Puma has “successfully turned its image around” (Saddleton 2002, p. 2) through the adoption of a branding strategy perhaps even more radical than that of Nike’s. Led by the company’s global director of brand management, Antonio Bertone, Puma positioned itself as “the brand that mixes the influence of sport, lifestyle and fashion” (quoted in (Davis 2002, p. 41). Hence, Puma eschewed the sport performance mantra which defined the company (and indeed its rivals) for so long, in favour of a strategy centered on the aestheticization of the sport shoe as an important component of the commodity based lifestyle assemblages, through which individuals are encouraged to constitute their very being (Featherstone 1991; Lury 1996). According to Bertone, Puma is now “targeting the sneaker enthusiast, not the guy who buys shoes for running” (quoted in (Davis 2002, p. 41). While its efforts to “blur the lines between sport and lifestyle” (Anon 2002, p. 30) may explain part of Puma’s recent success, at the core of the company’s turnaround was its move to diversify the brand into a plethora of lifestyle and fashion options. Puma has essentially splintered into a range of seemingly disparate sub-brands each directed at a very definite target consumer (or perceptions thereof). Amongst other options, Puma can presently be consumed in, and through: the upscale pseudo-Prada Platinum range; collections by fashion designers such as Jil Sander and Yasuhiro Mihara; Pumaville, a range clearly directed at the “alternative sport” market, and endorsed by athletes such as motocross rider Travis Pastrana; and, the H Street range designed to capture “the carefree spirit of athletics” (http://www.puma.com). However, Puma’s attempts to interpellate (Althusser 1971) a diverse array of sporting subjectivies is perhaps best illustrated in the “Nuala” collection, a yoga-inspired “lifestyle” collection resulting from a collaboration with supermodel Christy Turlington, the inspiration for which is expressed in suitably flowery terms: What is Nuala? NUALA is an acronym representing: Natural-Universal-Altruistic-Limitless-Authentic. Often defined as "meditation in motion", Nuala is the product of an organic partnership that reflects Christy Turlington's passion for the ancient discipline of Yoga and PUMA's commitment to create a superior mix of sport and lifestyle products. Having studied comparative religion and philosophy at New York University, model turned entrepreneur Christy Turlington sought to merge her interest in eastern practices with her real-life experience in the fashion industry and create an elegant, concise, fashion collection to complement her busy work, travel, and exercise schedule. The goal of Nuala is to create a symbiosis between the outer and inner being, the individual and collective experience, using yoga as a metaphor to make this balance possible. At Nuala, we believe that everything in life should serve more than one purpose. Nuala is more than a line of yoga-inspired activewear; it is a building block for limitless living aimed at providing fashion-conscious, independant women comfort for everyday life. The line allows flexibility and transition, from technical yoga pieces to fashionable apparel one can live in. Celebrating women for their intuition, intelligence, and individuality, Nuala bridges the spacious gap between one's public and private life. Thus, Puma seeks to hail the female subject of consumption (Andrews 1998), through design and marketing rhetorics (couched in a spurious Eastern mysticism) which contemporary manifestations of what are traditionally feminine experiences and sensibilities. In seeking to engage, at one at the same time, a variety of class, ethnic, and gender based constituencies through the symbolic advancement of a range of lifestyle niches (hi-fashion, sports, casual, organic, retro etc.) Puma evokes Toffler’s prophetic vision regarding the rise of a “de-massified society” and “a profusion of life-styles and more highly individualized personalities” (Toffler 1980, pp. 231, 255-256). In this manner, Puma identified how the nurturing of an ever-expanding array of consumer subjectivities has become perhaps the most pertinent feature of present-day market relations. Such an approach to sub-branding is, of course, hardly anything new (Gartman 1998). Indeed, even the sports shoe giants have long-since diversified into a range of product lines. Yet it is our contention that even in the process of sub-branding, companies such as Nike nonetheless retain a tangible sense of a core brand identity. So, for instance, Nike imbues a sentiment of performative authenticity, cultural irreverence and personal empowerment throughout all its sub-brands, from its running shoes to its outdoor wear (arguably, Nike commercials have a distinctive “look” or “feel”) (Cole and Hribar 1995). By contrast, Puma’s sub-branding suggests a greater polyvalence: the brand engages divergent consumer subjectivities in much more definite and explicit ways. As Davis (2002, p. 41) emphasis added) suggested, Puma “has done a good job of effectively meeting the demands of disparate groups of consumers.” Perhaps more accurately, it could be asserted that Puma has been effective in constituting the market as an aggregate of disparate consumer groups (Solomon and Englis 1997). Goldman and Papson have suggested the decline of Reebok in the early 1990s owed much to the “inconsistency in the image they projected” (1996, p. 38). Following the logic of this assertion, the Puma brand’s lack of coherence or consistency would seem to foretell and impending decline. Yet, recent evidence suggests such a prediction as being wholly erroneous: Puma is a company, and (sub)brand system, on the rise. Recent market performance would certainly suggest so. For instance, in the first quarter of 2003 (a period in which many of its competitors experienced meager growth rates), Puma’s consolidated sales increased 47% resulting in a share price jump from ?1.43 to ?3.08 (Puma.com 2003). Moreover, as one trade magazine suggested: “Puma is one brand that has successfully turned its image around in recent years…and if analysts predictions are accurate, Puma’s sales will almost double by 2005” (Saddleton 2002, p. 2). So, within a postmodern cultural economy characterized by fragmentation and instability (Jameson 1991; Firat and Venkatesh 1995; Gartman 1998), brand flexibility and eclecticism has proven to be an effective stratagem for, however temporally, engaging the consciousness of decentered consuming subjects. Perhaps it’s a Puma culture, as opposed to a Nike one (Goldman and Papson 1998) that best characterizes the contemporary condition after all? Works Cited Althusser, L. (1971). Lenin and philosophy and other essays. London: New Left Books. Andrews, D. L. (1998). Feminizing Olympic reality: Preliminary dispatches from Baudrillard's Atlanta. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 33(1), 5-18. Anon. (2002, December 9). The Midas touch. Business and Industry, 30. Armstrong, K. L. (1999). Nike's communication with black audiences: A sociological analysis of advertising effectiveness via symbolic interactionism. Journal of Sport & Social Issues, 23(3), 266-286. Boje, D. M. (1998). 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In the 16th century Philippines, the marriage of the Church and the State was the dominant set-up by virtue of Spain’s quest for colonization and evangelization. Civil administrators and church missionaries were called to cooperate the will of the king. Inmost cases, their point of contact was also the area of friction because of their opposing intentions. The early Spanish missionaries in the 16th century Philippines were influenced by the teachings of Bartolome de Las Casas and Vitoria that ignited them to confront their civil counterparts who were after getting the wealth and resources of the natives at the expense of their dignity and rights. Since the King showed interest in protecting the rights of the Indians, Churchmen used legal procedures, reports and personaltestimonies in the Royal Court to create changes in the systems employed in the islands. The relationship between the Spaniards and the natives cannot be reduced to a monolithic relationship between the two races. The power dynamics should be viewed within the plethora of groups who were engaged in the discourse including the bishop of Manila, governor-general, encomenderos, adelantados, soldiers, religious orders, native leaders and even the common indios. Given the canvas of conflicting motives, the proponents of conquests and missionary undertakings grappled to persuade the Spanish Royal Court to take their respective stand on the disputed human rights and justice issues on the legitimacy of the conquest, tributes, slavery and forced labor. References Primary Documentary Sources Anales Ecclesiasticos de Philipinas: 1574-1682. Volume 1. Manila: Archdioceseof Manila Archives, 1994. Arancel. Quezon City: Archivo de la Provincia del Santo Rosario (APSR), MSTomo 3, Doc.3. Blair, Emma Helen and Robertson Alexander, eds. at annots. The Philippine Islands,1493-1898: Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions ofthe Islands and Their Peoples, their History and Records of the CatholicMissions, as related in Contemporaneous Books and ManuscriptsShowing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditionsof Those Islands from Their Earliest Conditions with European Nationsto the Close of the Nineteenth Century. 55 Volumes. Cleveland: ArthurH Clark, 1903-1909. Hereinafter referred to as B and R. The followingprimary documents were used in this dissertation: Colin-Pastells. LaborEvangelica I. Historical Conservation Society. The Christianizationof the Philippines. Manila: Historical Conservation Society, 1965. Keen, Benjamin, Editor. Latin American Civilization: History and Society, 1492to the Present. London: Westview Press, 1986. Las Casas, Bartolome. Historia de las Indias. Mexico, 1951. __________________. The Spanish Colonie. University Microfilms Inc., 1996.Licuanan, Virginia Benitez and Mira Jose Llavador, eds and annots. PhilippinesUnder Spain. 6 Volumes. Manila: National Trust for Historical and Cultural Preservation of the Philippines, 1996. Munoz Text of Alcina’s History of the Bisayan Islands (1668). Translated byPaul S. Lietz. Chicago: Philippine Studies Program, 1960. National Historical Commission, Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos de Ultramar,Madrid, 1887. Navarette, Martin Fernandez D. Colleccion de los Viajes y descubrimientos queHicieron por mar los espanoles desde fines del siglo XV. Madrid: 1825-1837. Pastells, Pablo. Historia General de Filipinas in Catalogo de los DocumentosRelativos a las Islas Filipinas. Barcelona, 1925. Recopilacion de Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias. Tomo I. Madrid, 1943.San Agustin, Gaspar de. Conquistas de las Islas Filipinas: 1565-1615. Translatedby Luis Antonio Maneru. Bilingual Edition. Manila: San Agustin Museum, 1998. Zaide, Gregorio, eds. at annots. Documentary Sources of Philippine History. 14Volumes. Manila: National Bookstore, 1990. Secondary Sources Books Chan, Manuel T. The Audiencia and the Legal System in the Philippines (1583-1900). Manila: Progressive Printing Palace, Inc., 1998. Cunningham, Charles Henry. The Audiencia in the Spanish Colonies: AsIllustrated by the Audiencia of Manila 1583-1800. Berkeley: Universityof California Press, 1919. Cushner, Nicolas P. The Isles of the West: Early Spanish Voyages to thePhilippines, 1521-1564. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press, 1966. _________________. Spain in the Philippines: From Conquest to the Revolution. Aberdeen:Cathay Press Ltd., 1971. De la Costa, Horacio. Jesuits in the Philippines. Cambridge: Harvard UniversityPress, 1961. De la Rosa, Rolando V. Beginnings of the Filipino Dominicans. Manila: USTPress, 1990. Fernandez, Pablo. History of the Church in the Philippines. Manila: NationalBookstore, 1979. Gutierrez, Lucio, O.P. Domingo Salazar, OP First Bishop of the Philippines: 1512-1594. Manila: University of Santo Tomas Press, 2001. Haring, C.H. The Spanish Empire in America. New York: Harcourt, Brace andWorld Inc., 1963. Keen, Banjamin. A History of Latin America, 5th Edition. Vol.1. Boston: HoughtonMifflin Company, 1996. Keller, Albert Galloway. Colonization. Boston: 1908. Luengo, Josemaria. A History of Manila-Acapulco Slave Trade (1565-1815). Bohol:Mater Dei Publications, 1996. Munoz, Honorio. Vitoria and the Conquest of America: A Study on the FirstReading on the Indians. Manila: UST Press, 1938. _____________. Vitoria and War: A Study on the Second Reading on the Indians oron the Right of War. Manila: UST Press, 1937. Noone, Martin. The Islands Saw It.1521-1581. Ireland: Helicon Press, 1982. Pitrie, Sir Charles. Philip II of Spain. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1963. Porras, Jose Luis. The Synod of Manila of 1582. Translated by Barranco, Carballo,Echevarra, Felix, Powell and Syquia. Manila: Historical Conservation Society, 1990. Rafael. Vicente. Contracting Colonialism. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press, 1998. Santiago, Luciano P.R. To Love and To Suffer: The Development of theReligious Congregations for Women in the Spanish Philippines, 1565-1898. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila Press, 2005. Scott, J.B. Francisco de Vitoria and His Law of Nations. Oxford, 1934.Scott, William Henry. Slavery in the Spanish Philippines. Manila: De la Salle UniversityPress, 1991. Shumway, David. Michel Foucault. Virginia: G. K. Hall and Co., 1989. Simpson, Lesley Byrd. The Encomienda in New Spain: The Beginning ofSpanish Mexico. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966. Sitoy, Valentino Jr. The Initial Encounter: a History of Christianity in the Philippines,Vol. 1. Quezon City: New Day Publishers, 1985. Zafra, Nicolas. Readings in Philippine History. Manila. University of the Philippines, 1947. Zaide, Gregorio F. The Pageant of Philippine History Vol. 1. Manila: 1979. Articles Arcilla, Jose S. S.J., The Spanish Conquest. Kasaysayan: The Story of theFilipino People Vol. 3. Hongkong: C & C Offset Printing Co., Ltd, 1998. Bernal, Rafael. “Introduction.” The Colonization and Conquest of the Philippinesby Spain: Some Contemporary Source Documents. Manila: FilipinianaBook Guild, 1965. Burkholder, Mark A. “Sepulveda, Juan Gines de.” Encyclopedia of Latin AmericanHistory and Culture Vol.5. Edited by Barbara A. Tenenbaum. NewYork: Macmillan Library Reference, 1996. Burkholder, Susanne Hiles. “Vitoria, Francisco de.” Encyclopedia of Latin AmericanHistory and Culture Vol.5 Edited by Barbara A. Tenenbaum.New York: Macmillan Library Reference, 1996. De Jesus, Edilberto. “Christianity and Conquest: The Basis of Spanish SovereigntyOver the Philippines.” The Beginnings of Christianity in the Philippines.Manila: Philippine Historical Institute, 1965. Donovan, William. “Las Casas, Bartolome.” Encyclopedia of Latin American Historyand Culture Vol.3. Edited by Barbara A. Tenenbaum. New York:Macmillan Library Reference, 1996. Gutierrez, Lucio. “Domingo de Salazar’s Struggle for Justice and Humanizationin the Conquest of the Philippines.” Philippiniana Sacra 14, 1975. ____________. “Domingo de Salazar, OP, First Bishop of the Philippines (1512-1594): Defender of the Rights of the Filipinos at the Spanish Contact”Philippiniana Sacra XX, 1979. ____________. “Domingo de Salazar’s Memorial of 1582 on the Status of the Philippines:A Manifesto for Freedom and Humanization.” Philippiniana SacraVol. 21, No. 63, 1986. ___________. “Opinion of Fr. Domingo de Salazar, O.P. First Bishop of the Philippinesand the Major Religious Superiors Regarding Slaves.” PhilippinianaSacra Vol. 22, No. 64, 1986. ___________. “The Synod of Manila: 1581-1586.” Philippiniana Sacra Vol. XXV, No.74, 1990. Keith, Robert G. “Encomienda,Hacienda and Corregimiento in Spanish America:A Structural Analysis.” Hispanic American Historical Review 51:pp.110-116. Kirkpatrick, F. A. “Repartimiento-Encomienda.” Hispanic American HistoricalReview XIX: pp.373-379. Pastrana, Apolinar. “The Franciscans and the Evangelization of the Philippines(1578-1900).” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas, 29, Jan-Feb 1965:pp.83-85. Quirk, Robert E. “Some Notes on a Controversial Controversy: Juan Gines deSepulveda and Natural Servitude.” Hispanic American Historical ReviewVol.XXXIV No.3 August 1954: 358. Ramirez, Susan S. “Encomienda.” Encyclopedia of Latin American History andCulture, Vol.2 Edited by Barbara A. Tenenbaum. New York: MacmillanLibrary Reference, 1996. Schwaller, John F. “Patronato Real”. Encyclopedia in Latin American History andCulture, Vol.4. Edited by Barbara a. Tenenbaum. New York: MacmillanLibrary Reference, 1996. Scott. William Henry. “Why did Tupas betray Dagami?” Philippine Quarterly ofCulture and Society 14 (1986): p.24. Villaroel, Fidel. “The Church and the Philippine Referendum of 1599.” PhilippinianaSacra Vol.XXXV 2000: pp.89-128. Internet Source Hyperdictionary. http://www. hyperdictionary.com/dictionary/politics, accessedon 18 December 2004. Human Rights Watch World Report for Philippines, 2017 https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2017/country-chapters/philippines. General References Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture, Volume 1-5. Edited byBarbara A. Tenebaum. New York: Macmillan Library Reference, 1996. Kasaysayan: The Story of the Filipino People ,Vol. 3 The Spanish Conquest.Hongkong: Asia Publishing Company Limited, 1998. Unpublished Materials Cabezon, Antonio. An Introduction to Church and State Relations According toFrancisco Vitoria. Unpublished Thesis: University of Sto. Tomas, 1964. De la Costa, Horacio. Jurisdictional Conflicts in the Philippines During the XVIand the XVII Centuries. Harvard: Unpublished Dissertation, 1951.

A harmonious state of things is often perceived idyllic. It is devoid of cacophony, hostility, and dissension. It denotes peace, accord, and a relationship characterized by a lack of conflict. True harmony goes much deeper than absence of conflict or condemnation for the lack of peace. This paper presents the challenges to harmony using the theory of care ethics. It will unveil the possibilities of care, even if it was initially lodged at home and family. Using an expansive view, this paper claims that harmony is not farfetched if nations bring to the table the ethics of care. Hinged on care ethics are the principles of collective praxis, peace, and solidarity which enrich human potentials and makes interconnections, and solidarity possible. Thus, the paper will employ philosophical and theological analysis that addresses the following: 1) Care ethics as an ethical concept with myriad variants, yet praxis-driven; 2) Pope Francis’ Laudato Si’ as an appeal to foster care for all; 3) A theological reinterpretation of “rada”, and 4) Care ethics as an injunction to revalue care as a social good. Incorporating Pope Francis’ message in Laudato Si’, this paper hopes to underscore promoting a culture of caring through collective dialogue. References Anderlik, Mary R. The Ethics of Managed Care: A Pragmatic Approach. Bloomingdale: Indiana University Press. 2001. Blair-Loy, Mary. Competing Devotions: Career and Family among Women Executives. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. 2003. Frank Parsons, Susan, ed. The Cambridge Companion to Feminist Theology. Cambridge: Margaret Beaufort Institute of Theology, 2002. Frank Parsons, Susan. Feminism and Christian Ethics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Gardner, E. Clinton. Justice and Christian Ethics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Gensler, Harry J., Earl W.Spurgin, and James C.Swindal, eds. Ethics: Contemporary Readings. New York: Routledge, 2004. Greene-Mccreight, Kathryn. Feminist Reconstructions of Christian Doctrine: Narrative Analysis and Appraisal. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Grimshaw, Jean. Philosophy and Feminist Thinking. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986. Groenhout, Ruth E. “I Can’t Say No: Self-Sacrifice and an Ethics of Care,” in Ruth E. Groenhout and Marya Bower, eds. Philosophy, Feminism, and Faith, pp. 152-174. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003. Groenhout, Ruth E. and Marya Bower, eds. Philosophy, Feminism, and Faith. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003. Hampton, Jean. “Feminist Contractarianism,” in in Louise Antony and Charlotte Witt, eds. A Mind of One’s Own, pp. 227–255. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1993. Held, Virginia. ‘The Ethics of Care’ in David Copp, ed. The Oxford Handbook of Ethical Theory. New York: Oxford University Press, 2006. Held, Virginia. The Ethics of Care: Personal, Political, and Global. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. Hilkert Andolsen, Barbara. “Agape in Feminist Ethics,” The Journal of Religious Ethics 9 (1981): 69–83. Hoagland, Sarah Lucia. “Some Thoughts on ‘Caring,’” in Claudia Card, ed. Feminist Ethics, pp. 246–63. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1991. Hoffman, Martin L. Empathy and Moral Development: Implications for Caring and Justice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000 Homiak, Marcia. “Feminism and Aristotle’s Rational Ideal,” in Louise Antony and Charlotte Witt, eds. A Mind of One’s Own, pp.1–18. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1993. Hoose, Bernard. Christian Ethics: An Introduction. London: Continuum, 1998. Isherwood, Lisa and Kathleen McPhillips, eds. Post-Christian Feminisms: A Critical Approach. Hampshire. England: Ashgate, 2008. Jardine, Alice and Paul Smith, eds. Men in Feminism. New York: Routledge, 1987. Kieran Cronin. Rights and Christian Ethics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. Macrae, Janet A. Nursing as a Spiritual Practice: A Contemporary Application of Florence Nightingale's Views. New York: Springer Publishing Company. 2001. Michael Slote, Morals from Motives. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001. Murphy, Peter F. Feminism and Masculinities: Oxford Readings in Feminism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. Murray, Mary. The Law of the Father? Patriarchy in the Transition from Feudalism to Capitalism London: Routledge, 1995. Outka, Gene. “Universal Love and Impartiality.” In Edmund Santurri and William Werpehowski, eds. The Love Commandments: Essays in Christian Ethics and Moral Philosophy. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 1992. Parks, Jennifer A. No Place Like Home? Feminist Ethics and Home Health Care. Bloomingdale: Indiana University Press. 2003. Post, Stephen. A Theory of Agape: On the Meaning of Christian Love. Lewisburg, Pa.: Bucknell University Press, 1990. Ramsey, Paul. Basic Christian Ethics. Louisville: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1993.

Untuk mewujudkan visi yang ingin dicapai oleh Sekretariat Daerah Kabupaten Melawi dibutuhkan upaya penanganan dan pencegahan terhadap perilaku kerja kontaproduktif yang dapat merugikan organisasi dan stakeholderlainnya terhadap seluruh Pegawai Negeri Sipil yang ada di lingkungan Sekretariat Daerah Kabupaten Melawi.Tujuan penelitian adalah untuk menguji dan menganalisa pengaruh keadilan organisasi dan kepemimpinan terhadap kepuasan kerja dan perilaku kerja kontraproduktif Pegawai Negeri Sipil pada Sekretariat Daerah Kabupaten Melawi. Bentuk penelitian ini adalah deskriptif dengan pendekatan kausal komparatif. Pengumpulan data menggunakan data primer berupa kuisioner dan data sekunder berupa data yang bersumber dari Sekretariat Daerah Kabupaten Melawi. Pengambilan sampel penelitian dilakukan dengan menggunakan sampling sensus. Sampel dalam penelitian ini berjumlah 95 orang yang merupakan Pegawai Negeri Sipil di Sekretariat Daerah Kabupaten Melawi. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah yang pertama keadilan organisasidan kepemimpinan berpengaruh positif dan signifikan terhadap variabel kepuasa kerja dan yang kedua keadilan organisasi, kepemimpinan, dan kepuasa kerja berpengaruh negatif dan signifikan terhadap perilaku kerja kontraproduktif. Kata Kunci : Keadilan Organisasi, Kepemimpinan, Kepuasan Kerja, Perilaku Kerja KontraproduktifDAFTAR PUSTAKA Arfah.(2015). Pengaruh Kepuasan Kerja Terhadap Perilaku Menyimpang Dan Organizational Citizenshipbehavior (Studi Pada Baitul Maal Wat Tamwi (Bmt) Di Provinsi Jawa Timur). Jurnal Aplikasi Administrasi Vol.18 Mei 2015. Chernyak-Hai, Lily & Aharon Tziner. (2014). Relationships Between Counterproductive Work Behavior, Perceived Justice And Climate, Occupational Status, And Leader-Member Exchange. Journal of Work and Organizational Psychology 30 (2014) 1-12. Downloaded from www. Elsevier.es/rpto. Fadilah, Muhammar Arif. (2015). Psikologi Industri Perilaku Tidak Produktif. Diakses dari mynewblogaidil.blogspot.com/2015/07/psikologi-industri-perilaku-tidak.html. Ferdinand, Augusty. (2007). Metode Penelitian Manajemen Pedoman Penelitian Untuk Penulisan Skripsi, Tesis, Dan Disertasi Ilmu Manajemen. Semarang : Badan Penerbit Universitas Diponegoro. Griffin, Ricky W. (2009). Manajemen. Jakarta: Erlangga. Ivancevich, John M., Robert Konopaske, & Michael T. Matteson. (2011). Perilaku dan Manajemen Organisasi. Jakarta: Erlangga. Ivancevich, John M., Robert Konopaske, & Michael T. Matteson. (2012). Perilaku dan Manajemen Organisasi. Jakarta: Erlangga. Kaswan. (2017). Psikologi Industri & Organisasi. Jakarta : Alfabeta Kreitner, Robert & Angelo Kinicki. (2010). Organizational Behavior Ninth Edition. USA:McGraw-Hill Irwin Kuncoro, Mudrajad. (2014). Metode Riset untuk Bisnis & Ekonomi. Bagaimana Meneliti & Menulis Tesis? Edisi 3. Jakarta:Erlangga Lestari, Milna Ayu. (2016).Hubungan Budaya Organisasi Dengan Perilaku Kontraproduktif Pada Pegawai Badan Pertanahan Nasional Tingkat II Samarinda. PSIKOBORNEO, 2016, 4 (2) : 286 - 291 ISSN 2477-2674, ejournal.psikologi.fisip-unmul.ac.id © Copyright 2016.Luthans, Fred. (2006). Perilaku Organisasi Edisi Sepuluh. Yogyakarta : PT Andi Mangkunegara, Anwar Prabu. (2009). Manajemen Sumber Daya Manusia Perusahaan. Bandung : PT. Remaja Rosdakarya. Naway, Fory Armin. (2014). Pengaruh Pengembangan Karir, Persepsi Tentang Keadilan Organisasi, Dan Kepuasan Kerja Terhadap Organizational Citizenship Behavior. Jurnal Manajemen/Volume XVIII, No. 03, Oktober 2014: 407-425. Nelson, Debra L. & James Campbell Quick. (1997). Organizational Behavior Foundations, Realities, and Challenges Second Edition. St. Paul, MN : West Publishing Company. Nurfianti, Agustin & Seger Handoyo. (2013). Hubungan Antara Keadilan Distributif dan Perilaku Kerja Kontraproduktif dengan Mengontrol Leader Member Exchange (LMX). Jurnal Psikologi Industri dan Organisasi Vol. 02, No. 03, Desember 2013.Puni,Albert, Collins B. Agyemang & Dr. Emmanuel Selase Asamoah. (2016).Leadership Styles, Employee Turnover Intentions and Counterproductive Work Behaviours. International Journal Of Innovative Research & Development January, 2016 Vol 5 Issue 1. Putra, I Gede Edi Sastrawan Mahadi & Ayu Desi Indrawati. (2018). Pengaruh Keadilan Organisasi Terhadap Kepuasan Kerja Dan Komitmen Organisasional Di Hotel Rama Phala Ubud. E-Jurnal Manajemen Unud, Vol. 7, No. 4, 2018: 2010-2040 ISSN : 2302-8912 DOI: https://doi.org/10.24843/EJMUNUD.2018.v7.i04.p11. Robbins, Stephen P. & Mary Coulter. (2005). Manajemen. Jakarta : PT. Indeks. Robbins, Stephen P. & Timothy A. Judge. (2018). Perilaku Organisasi/Organizational Behavior Edisi 16. Jakarta : Salemba Empat. Schermerhorn, John R. JR. (2002:391). Management Seventh Edition. USA:John Wiley & Sons, Inc.Shkoler, Or & Aharon Tziner. (2017).The Mediating And Moderating Role of Burnout and Emotional Intelligence in the Relationship Between Organizational Justice and Work Wisbehavior. Journal of Work and Organizational Psychology 33 (2017) 157–164www.elsevier.es/rpto.Sinambela, Lijan Poltak. (2018). Manajemen Sumber Daya Manusia. Jakarta : PT. Bumi Aksara. Suprapta, Made, Desak Ketut Sintaasih & I Gede Riana. (2015). Pengaruh Kepemimpinan Terhadap Kepuasan Kerja Dan Kinerja Karyawan (Studi Pada Wake Bali Art Market Kuta-Bali). E-Jurnal Ekonomi dan Bisnis Universitas Udayana 4.06 (2015) : 430-442 ISSN : 2337-3067. Sutrisno, H. Edy. (2017). Manajemen Sumber Daya Manusia. Jakarta : Kencana. Wibowo. (2017). Manajemen Kinerja Edisi Kelima. Depok : Rajawali Pers. Widiani, Ni Komang Ayu & Agoes Ganesha Rahyuda. (2017). Pengaruh Kompensasi Terhadap Kepuasan Kerja Dan Counterproductive Work Behaviour: Studi Pada Organisasi Publik Di Bali. Forum Manajemen Indonesia (FMI 9), November 2017 ISBN: 978-602-8557-31-3. Wiratama, Dewa Gede & I Wayan Suana. (2015). Pengaruh Keadilan Organisasi Terhadap Kepuasan Kerja Dan Turnover Intention Pada Karyawan The Jayakarta Bali. E-Jurnal Manajemen Unud, Vol. 4 , No.11, 2015: 3675 - 3702 ISSN : 2302-8912. Wiratama, William Jefferson, I Gede Riana, & Agoes Ganesha Rahyuda. (2017).Keadilan Organisasional Sebagai Pemediasi Pengaruh Kepemimpinan Etis Terhadap Counterproductive Work Behaviour Pada Hotel Discovery Kartika Plaza Kuta. E-Jurnal Ekonomi dan Bisnis Universitas Udayana 6.5 (2017): 2133-2160 ISSN : 2337-3067. Wiwiek & Oliandes Sondakh. (2015). Pengaruh Keadilan Organisasional Pada Motivasi Karyawan Dan Komitmen Organisasional. Jurnal Siasat Bisnis Vol. 19 No. 1, Januari 2015 69-77. Wiyono, Gendro. (2011). Merancang Penelitian Bisnis Dengan Alat Analisis SPSS 17.0 & SmartPLS 2.0. Yogyakarta: Unit Penerbit dan Percetakan STIM YKPN Yogyakarta.

This article investigates the possibilities for understanding waste as a resource, with a particular focus on understanding food waste as a food resource. It considers the popular yeast spread Vegemite within this frame. The spread’s origins in waste product, and how it has achieved and sustained its status as a popular symbol of Australia despite half a century of Australian gastro-multiculturalism and a marked public resistance to other recycling and reuse of food products, have not yet been a focus of study. The process of producing Vegemite from waste would seem to align with contemporary moves towards recycling food waste, and ensuring environmental sustainability and food security, yet even during times of austerity and environmental concern this has not provided the company with a viable marketing strategy. Instead, advertising copywriting and a recurrent cycle of product memorialisation have created a superbrand through focusing on Vegemite’s nutrient and nostalgic value.John Scanlan notes that producing waste is a core feature of modern life, and what we dispose of as surplus to our requirements—whether this comprises material objects or more abstract products such as knowledge—reveals much about our society. In observing this, Scanlan asks us to consider the quite radical idea that waste is central to everything of significance to us: the “possibility that the surprising core of all we value results from (and creates even more) garbage (both the material and the metaphorical)” (9). Others have noted the ambivalent relationship we have with the waste we produce. C. T. Anderson notes that we are both creator and agent of its disposal. It is our ambivalence towards waste, coupled with its ubiquity, that allows waste materials to be described so variously: negatively as garbage, trash and rubbish, or more positively as by-products, leftovers, offcuts, trimmings, and recycled.This ambivalence is also crucial to understanding the affectionate relationship the Australian public have with Vegemite, a relationship that appears to exist in spite of the product’s unpalatable origins in waste. A study of Vegemite reveals that consumers can be comfortable with waste, even to the point of eating recycled waste, as long as that fact remains hidden and unmentioned. In Vegemite’s case not only has the product’s connection to waste been rendered invisible, it has been largely kept out of sight despite considerable media and other attention focusing on the product. Recycling Food Waste into Food ProductRecent work such as Elizabeth Royte’s Garbage Land and Tristram Stuart’s Waste make waste uncomfortably visible, outlining how much waste, and food waste in particular, the Western world generates and how profligately this is disposed of. Their aim is clear: a call to less extravagant and more sustainable practices. The relatively recent interest in reducing our food waste has, of course, introduced more complexity into a simple linear movement from the creation of a food product, to its acquisition or purchase, and then to its consumption and/or its disposal. Moreover, the recycling, reuse and repurposing of what has previously been discarded as waste is reconfiguring the whole idea of what waste is, as well as what value it has. The initiatives that seem to offer the most promise are those that reconfigure the way waste is understood. However, it is not only the process of transforming waste from an abject nuisance into a valued product that is central here. It is also necessary to reconfigure people’s acculturated perceptions of, and reactions to waste. Food waste is generated during all stages of the food cycle: while the raw materials are being grown; while these are being processed; when the resulting food products are being sold; when they are prepared in the home or other kitchen; and when they are only partly consumed. Until recently, the food industry in the West almost universally produced large volumes of solid and liquid waste that not only posed problems of disposal and pollution for the companies involved, but also represented a reckless squandering of total food resources in terms of both nutrient content and valuable biomass for society at large. While this is currently changing, albeit slowly, the by-products of food processing were, and often are, dumped (Stuart). In best-case scenarios, various gardening, farming and industrial processes gather household and commercial food waste for use as animal feed or as components in fertilisers (Delgado et al; Wang et al). This might, on the surface, appear a responsible application of waste, yet the reality is that such food waste often includes perfectly good fruit and vegetables that are not quite the required size, shape or colour, meat trimmings and products (such as offal) that are completely edible but extraneous to processing need, and other high grade product that does not meet certain specifications—such as the mountains of bread crusts sandwich producers discard (Hickman), or food that is still edible but past its ‘sell by date.’ In the last few years, however, mounting public awareness over the issues of world hunger, resource conservation, and the environmental and economic costs associated with food waste has accelerated efforts to make sustainable use of available food supplies and to more efficiently recycle, recover and utilise such needlessly wasted food product. This has fed into and led to multiple new policies, instances of research into, and resultant methods for waste handling and treatment (Laufenberg et al). Most straightforwardly, this involves the use or sale of offcuts, trimmings and unwanted ingredients that are “often of prime quality and are only rejected from the production line as a result of standardisation requirements or retailer specification” from one process for use in another, in such processed foods as soups, baby food or fast food products (Henningsson et al. 505). At a higher level, such recycling seeks to reclaim any reusable substances of significant food value from what could otherwise be thought of as a non-usable waste product. Enacting this is largely dependent on two elements: an available technology and being able to obtain a price or other value for the resultant product that makes the process worthwhile for the recycler to engage in it (Laufenberg et al). An example of the latter is the use of dehydrated restaurant food waste as a feedstuff for finishing pigs, a reuse process with added value for all involved as this process produces both a nutritious food substance as well as a viable way of disposing of restaurant waste (Myer et al). In Japan, laws regarding food waste recycling, which are separate from those governing other organic waste, are ensuring that at least some of food waste is being converted into animal feed, especially for the pigs who are destined for human tables (Stuart). Other recycling/reuse is more complex and involves more lateral thinking, with the by-products from some food processing able to be utilised, for instance, in the production of dyes, toiletries and cosmetics (Henningsson et al), although many argue for the privileging of food production in the recycling of foodstuffs.Brewing is one such process that has been in the reuse spotlight recently as large companies seek to minimise their waste product so as to be able to market their processes as sustainable. In 2009, for example, the giant Foster’s Group (with over 150 brands of beer, wine, spirits and ciders) proudly claimed that it recycled or reused some 91.23% of 171,000 tonnes of operational waste, with only 8.77% of this going to landfill (Foster’s Group). The treatment and recycling of the massive amounts of water used for brewing, rinsing and cooling purposes (Braeken et al.; Fillaudeaua et al.) is of significant interest, and is leading to research into areas as diverse as the development microbial fuel cells—where added bacteria consume the water-soluble brewing wastes, thereby cleaning the water as well as releasing chemical energy that is then converted into electricity (Lagan)—to using nutrient-rich wastewater as the carbon source for creating bioplastics (Yu et al.).In order for the waste-recycling-reuse loop to be closed in the best way for securing food supplies, any new product salvaged and created from food waste has to be both usable, and used, as food (Stuart)—and preferably as a food source for people to consume. There is, however, considerable consumer resistance to such reuse. Resistance to reusing recycled water in Australia has been documented by the CSIRO, which identified negative consumer perception as one of the two primary impediments to water reuse, the other being the fundamental economics of the process (MacDonald & Dyack). This consumer aversion operates even in times of severe water shortages, and despite proof of the cleanliness and safety of the resulting treated water. There was higher consumer acceptance levels for using stormwater rather than recycled water, despite the treated stormwater being shown to have higher concentrations of contaminants (MacDonald & Dyack). This reveals the extent of public resistance to the potential consumption of recycled waste product when it is labelled as such, even when this consumption appears to benefit that public. Vegemite: From Waste Product to Australian IconIn this context, the savoury yeast spread Vegemite provides an example of how food processing waste can be repurposed into a new food product that can gain a high level of consumer acceptability. It has been able to retain this status despite half a century of Australian gastronomic multiculturalism and the wide embrace of a much broader range of foodstuffs. Indeed, Vegemite is so ubiquitous in Australian foodways that it is recognised as an international superbrand, a standing it has been able to maintain despite most consumers from outside Australasia finding it unpalatable (Rozin & Siegal). However, Vegemite’s long product history is one in which its origin as recycled waste has been omitted, or at the very least, consistently marginalised.Vegemite’s history as a consumer product is narrated in a number of accounts, including one on the Kraft website, where the apocryphal and actual blend. What all these narratives agree on is that in the early 1920s Fred Walker—of Fred Walker and Company, Melbourne, canners of meat for export and Australian manufacturers of Bonox branded beef stock beverage—asked his company chemist to emulate Marmite yeast extract (Farrer). The imitation product was based, as was Marmite, on the residue from spent brewer’s yeast. This waste was initially sourced from Melbourne-based Carlton & United Breweries, and flavoured with vegetables, spices and salt (Creswell & Trenoweth). Today, the yeast left after Foster Group’s Australian commercial beer making processes is collected, put through a sieve to remove hop resins, washed to remove any bitterness, then mixed with warm water. The yeast dies from the lack of nutrients in this environment, and enzymes then break down the yeast proteins with the effect that vitamins and minerals are released into the resulting solution. Using centrifugal force, the yeast cell walls are removed, leaving behind a nutrient-rich brown liquid, which is then concentrated into a dark, thick paste using a vacuum process. This is seasoned with significant amounts of salt—although less today than before—and flavoured with vegetable extracts (Richardson).Given its popularity—Vegemite was found in 2009 to be the third most popular brand in Australia (Brand Asset Consulting)—it is unsurprising to find that the product has a significant history as an object of study in popular culture (Fiske et al; White), as a marker of national identity (Ivory; Renne; Rozin & Siegal; Richardson; Harper & White) and as an iconic Australian food, brand and product (Cozzolino; Luck; Khamis; Symons). Jars, packaging and product advertising are collected by Australian institutions such as Sydney’s Powerhouse Museum and the National Museum of Australia in Canberra, and are regularly included in permanent and travelling exhibitions profiling Australian brands and investigating how a sense of national identity is expressed through identification with these brands. All of this significant study largely focuses on how, when and by whom the product has been taken up, and how it has been consumed, rather than its links to waste, and what this circumstance could add to current thinking about recycling of food waste into other food products.It is worth noting that Vegemite was not an initial success in the Australian marketplace, but this does not seem due to an adverse public perception to waste. Indeed, when it was first produced it was in imitation of an already popular product well-known to be made from brewery by-products, hence this origin was not an issue. It was also introduced during a time when consumer relationships to waste were quite unlike today, and thrifty re-use of was a common feature of household behaviour. Despite a national competition mounted to name the product (Richardson), Marmite continued to attract more purchasers after Vegemite’s launch in 1923, so much so that in 1928, in an attempt to differentiate itself from Marmite, Vegemite was renamed “Parwill—the all Australian product” (punning on the idea that “Ma-might” but “Pa-will”) (White 16). When this campaign was unsuccessful, the original, consumer-suggested name was reinstated, but sales still lagged behind its UK-owned prototype. It was only after remaining in production for more than a decade, and after two successful marketing campaigns in the second half of the 1930s that the Vegemite brand gained some market traction. The first of these was in 1935 and 1936, when a free jar of Vegemite was offered with every sale of an item from the relatively extensive Kraft-Walker product list (after Walker’s company merged with Kraft) (White). The second was an attention-grabbing contest held in 1937, which invited consumers to compose Vegemite-inspired limericks. However, it was not the nature of the product itself or even the task set by the competition which captured mass attention, but the prize of a desirable, exotic and valuable imported Pontiac car (Richardson 61; Superbrands).Since that time, multinational media company, J Walter Thompson (now rebranded as JWT) has continued to manage Vegemite’s marketing. JWT’s marketing has never looked to Vegemite’s status as a thrifty recycler of waste as a viable marketing strategy, even in periods of austerity (such as the Depression years and the Second World War) or in more recent times of environmental concern. Instead, advertising copywriting and a recurrent cycle of cultural/media memorialisation have created a superbrand by focusing on two factors: its nutrient value and, as the brand became more established, its status as national icon. Throughout the regular noting and celebration of anniversaries of its initial invention and launch, with various commemorative events and products marking each of these product ‘birthdays,’ Vegemite’s status as recycled waste product has never been more than mentioned. Even when its 60th anniversary was marked in 1983 with the laying of a permanent plaque in Kerferd Road, South Melbourne, opposite Walker’s original factory, there was only the most passing reference to how, and from what, the product manufactured at the site was made. This remained the case when the site itself was prioritised for heritage listing almost twenty years later in 2001 (City of Port Phillip).Shying away from the reality of this successful example of recycling food waste into food was still the case in 1990, when Kraft Foods held a nationwide public campaign to recover past styles of Vegemite containers and packaging, and then donated their collection to Powerhouse Museum. The Powerhouse then held an exhibition of the receptacles and the historical promotional material in 1991, tracing the development of the product’s presentation (Powerhouse Museum), an occasion that dovetailed with other nostalgic commemorative activities around the product’s 70th birthday. Although the production process was noted in the exhibition, it is noteworthy that the possibilities for recycling a number of the styles of jars, as either containers with reusable lids or as drinking glasses, were given considerably more notice than the product’s origins as a recycled product. By this time, it seems, Vegemite had become so incorporated into Australian popular memory as a product in its own right, and with such a rich nostalgic history, that its origins were no longer of any significant interest or relevance.This disregard continued in the commemorative volume, The Vegemite Cookbook. With some ninety recipes and recipe ideas, the collection contains an almost unimaginably wide range of ways to use Vegemite as an ingredient. There are recipes on how to make the definitive Vegemite toast soldiers and Vegemite crumpets, as well as adaptations of foreign cuisines including pastas and risottos, stroganoffs, tacos, chilli con carne, frijole dip, marinated beef “souvlaki style,” “Indian-style” chicken wings, curries, Asian stir-fries, Indonesian gado-gado and a number of Chinese inspired dishes. Although the cookbook includes a timeline of product history illustrated with images from the major advertising campaigns that runs across 30 pages of the book, this timeline history emphasises the technological achievement of Vegemite’s creation, as opposed to the matter from which it orginated: “In a Spartan room in Albert Park Melbourne, 20 year-old food technologist Cyril P. Callister employed by Fred Walker, conducted initial experiments with yeast. His workplace was neither kitchen nor laboratory. … It was not long before this rather ordinary room yielded an extra-ordinary substance” (2). The Big Vegemite Party Book, described on its cover as “a great book for the Vegemite fan … with lots of old advertisements from magazines and newspapers,” is even more openly nostalgic, but similarly includes very little regarding Vegemite’s obviously potentially unpalatable genesis in waste.Such commemorations have continued into the new century, each one becoming more self-referential and more obviously a marketing strategy. In 2003, Vegemite celebrated its 80th birthday with the launch of the “Spread the Smile” campaign, seeking to record the childhood reminisces of adults who loved Vegemite. After this, the commemorative anniversaries broke free from even the date of its original invention and launch, and began to celebrate other major dates in the product’s life. In this way, Kraft made major news headlines when it announced that it was trying to locate the children who featured in the 1954 “Happy little Vegemites” campaign as part of the company’s celebrations of the 50th anniversary of the television advertisement. In October 2006, these once child actors joined a number of past and current Kraft employees to celebrate the supposed production of the one-billionth jar of Vegemite (Rood, "Vegemite Spreads" & "Vegemite Toasts") but, once again, little about the actual production process was discussed. In 2007, the then iconic marching band image was resituated into a contemporary setting—presumably to mobilise both the original messages (nutritious wholesomeness in an Australian domestic context) as well as its heritage appeal. Despite the real interest at this time in recycling and waste reduction, the silence over Vegemite’s status as recycled, repurposed food waste product continued.Concluding Remarks: Towards Considering Waste as a ResourceIn most parts of the Western world, including Australia, food waste is formally (in policy) and informally (by consumers) classified, disposed of, or otherwise treated alongside garden waste and other organic materials. Disposal by individuals, industry or local governments includes a range of options, from dumping to composting or breaking down in anaerobic digestion systems into materials for fertiliser, with food waste given no special status or priority. Despite current concerns regarding the security of food supplies in the West and decades of recognising that there are sections of all societies where people do not have enough to eat, it seems that recycling food waste into food that people can consume remains one of the last and least palatable solutions to these problems. This brief study of Vegemite has attempted to show how, despite the growing interest in recycling and sustainability, the focus in both the marketing of, and public interest in, this iconic and popular product appears to remain rooted in Vegemite’s nutrient and nostalgic value and its status as a brand, and firmly away from any suggestion of innovative and prudent reuse of waste product. That this is so for an already popular product suggests that any initiatives that wish to move in this direction must first reconfigure not only the way waste itself is seen—as a valuable product to be used, rather than as a troublesome nuisance to be disposed of—but also our own understandings of, and reactions to, waste itself.Acknowledgements Many thanks to the reviewers for their perceptive, useful, and generous comments on this article. All errors are, of course, my own. The research for this work was carried out with funding from the Faculty of Arts, Business, Informatics and Education, CQUniversity, Australia.ReferencesAnderson, C. T. “Sacred Waste: Ecology, Spirit, and the American Garbage Poem.” Interdisciplinary Studies in Literature and Environment 17 (2010): 35-60.Blake, J. The Vegemite Cookbook: Delicious Recipe Ideas. Melbourne: Ark Publishing, 1992.Braeken, L., B. Van der Bruggen and C. 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The Independent, 9 July 2009. 18 June 2010 ‹http://www.independent.co.uk/life-style/food-and-drink/features/exposed-the-big-waste-scandal-1737712.html›.Ivory, K. “Australia’s Vegemite”. Hemispheres (Jan. 1998): 83-5.Khamis, S. “Buy Australiana: Diggers, Drovers and Vegemite”. Write/Up. Eds. E. Hartrick, R. Hogg and S. Supski. St Lucia: API Network and UQP, 2004. 121-30.Lagan, B. “Australia Finds a New Power Source—Beer”. The Times 5 May 2007. 18 June 2010 ‹http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/science/article1749835.ece›.Laufenberg, G., B. Kunz and M. Nystroem. “Transformation of Vegetable Waste into Value Added Products: (A) The Upgrading Concept; (B) Practical Implementations [review paper].” Bioresource Technology 87 (2003): 167-98.Luck, P. Australian Icons: Things That Make Us What We Are. Melbourne: William Heinemann Australia, 1992.MacDonald, D. H., and B. Dyack. Exploring the Institutional Impediments to Conservation and Water Reuse—National Issues: Report for the Australian Water Conservation and Reuse Research Program. March. CSIRO Land and Water, 2004.Myer, R. O., J. H. Brendemuhl, and D. D. Johnson. “Evaluation of Dehydrated Restaurant Food Waste Products as Feedstuffs for Finishing Pigs”. Journal of Animal Science 77.3 (1999): 685-92.Pittaway, M. The Big Vegemite Party Book. Melbourne: Hill of Content, 1992. Powerhouse Museum. Collection & Research. 16 June 2010.Renne, E. P. “All Right, Vegemite!: The Everyday Constitution of an Australian National Identity”. Visual Anthropology 6.2 (1993): 139-55.Richardson, K. “Vegemite, Soldiers, and Rosy Cheeks”. Gastronomica 3.4 (Fall 2003): 60-2.Rood, D. “Vegemite Spreads the News of a Happy Little Milestone”. Sydney Morning Herald 6 Oct. 2008. 16 March 2010 ‹http://www.smh.com.au/news/national/vegemite-spreads-the-news-of-a-happy-little-milestone/2008/10/05/1223145175371.html›.———. “Vegemite Toasts a Billion Jars”. The Age 6 Oct. 2008. 16 March 2010 ‹http://www.theage.com.au/national/vegemite-toasts-a-billion-jars-20081005-4uc1.html›.Royte, E. Garbage Land: On the Secret Trail of Trash. New York: Back Bay Books, 2006.Rozin, P., and M. Siegal “Vegemite as a Marker of National Identity”. Gastronomica 3.4 (Fall 2003): 63-7.Scanlan, J. On Garbage. London: Reaktion Books, 2005.Stuart, T. Waste: Uncovering the Global Food Scandal. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2009.Superbrands. Superbrands: An Insight into Many of Australia’s Most Trusted Brands. Vol IV. Ingleside, NSW: Superbrands, 2004.Symons, M. One Continuous Picnic: A History of Eating in Australia. Ringwood: Penguin Books, 1982.Wang, J., O. Stabnikova, V. Ivanov, S. T. Tay, and J. 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Longing on a large scale is what makes history.Don DeLillo, UnderworldIntroductionWhile the media industries have been rather thoroughly dissected for their capacity to generate enthusiasm through well-honed practices of marketing and patterns of consumerism, any analysis of the shift underway to capture and modulate the ‘enthusiastic’ and affective labour of media industry practitioners themselves may still have much to learn by reaching back to the long tradition in Western philosophy: a tradition, starting with the Greeks that has almost always contrasted enthusiasm with reason (Heyd). To quote Hume: “Hope, pride, presumption, a warm imagination, together with ignorance, are … the true sources of enthusiasm” (73). Hume’s remarks are contextualised in protestant theological debates of the 18th century, where enthusiasm was a term for a religious practice, in which God possesses the believer. Especially English preachers and theologians were putting considerable energy into demonising this far too ecstatic form of belief in god (Heyd). This ambivalent attitude towards enthusiasm time-travels from the Greeks and the Enlightenment period straight into the 20th century. In 1929, William Henry Schoenau, an early author of self-help literature for the white-collar worker, aimed to gain a wider audience with the title: “Charm, Enthusiasm and Originality - their Acquisition and Use”. According to him, enthusiasm is necessary for the success of the salesman, and has to be generated by techniques such as a rigorous special diet and physical exercises of his facial muscles. But it also has to be controlled:Enthusiasm, when controlled by subtle repression, results in either élan, originality, magnetism, charm or “IT”, depending on the manner of its use. Uncontrolled enthusiasm results in blaring jazz, fanaticism and recklessness. A complete lack of enthusiasm produces the obsequious waiter and the uneducated street car conductor. (7)Though William Henry Schoenau got rather lost in his somewhat esoteric take on enthusiasm – for him it was a result of magnetic and electric currents – we argue that Schoenau had a point: Enthusiasm is a necessary affect in many forms of work, and especially so in the creative industries. It has to be generated, it sometimes has to be enacted, and it has also to be controlled. However, we disagree with Schoenau in one important issue: For us, enthusiasm can only be controlled up to a certain degree. Enthusiasm in the Creative IndustriesSchoenau wrote for an audience of salesmen and ambitious managers. This was simultaneous with the rise of Fordism. Most labour in Fordism was routine labour with the assembly line as its iconic representation. In mass-production itself, enthusiasm was not needed, often not even wanted. Henry Ford himself noted dryly: “Why do I get a human being when all I want is a pair of hands” (Kane 128). It was reserved for few occupational groups situated around the core of the mass-produced economy, such as salesmen, inventors, and leaders like him. “Henry Ford had a burning enthusiasm for the motor car” (Pearle 196).In industrial capitalism enthusiasm on a larger scale was not for the masses. It could be found in political movements, but hardly in the realm of work. This was different in the first socialist state. In the 1920s and 1930s Soviet Union the leaders turned their experience in stimulating a revolutionary mindset into a formula for industrial development – famously documented in Dziga Vertov’s “Enthusiasm. Symphony of the Donbass”.In capitalist countries things changed with the crisis of Fordism. The end of mass production and its transformation to flexible specialisation (Piore/Sabel) prepared the ground for a revival of enthusiasm on a large scale. Post-industrial economies rely on permanent innovation. Now discourses in media, management, and academia emphasise the relevance of buzzwords such as flexibility, adaptability, change, youth, speed, fun, and creativity. In social science debates around topics such as the cultural economy (Ray/Sayers, Cook et al., du Gay/Pryke, Amin/Thrift), affective labour (Lazzarato, Hardt/Negri, Virno) and creative industries (Florida, Hartley) gained in momentum (for an interesting take on enthusiasm see Bröckling). Enthusiasm has become an imperative for most professions. Those who are not on fire are in danger of getting fired. Producing and Consuming EnthusiasmOur interest in enthusiasm as affective labour emerged in an ethnographic and experimental project that we conducted in 2003-2007 in London’s creative industries. The project brought together three industrial and one academic partner to produce a reality TV show tailor-made for IPTV (internet-protocol-based television). During this project we encountered enthusiasm in many forms. Initially, we were faced with the need to be enthusiastic, while we established the project coalition. To be convincing, we had to pitch the commercial potential of such a project enthusiastically to our potential partners, and often we had to cope with rejections and start the search and pitch again (Caldwell). When the project coalition was set up, we as academic partners managed the network. In the following two years we had to cope with our partner’s different directions, different rhythms and different styles of enthusiasm. The TV producer for example had different ways to express excitement than the new media firm. Such differences resulted in conflicts and blockades, and part of our task as project managers was to rebuild an enthusiastic spirit after periods of frustration. At the same time enthusiasm was one of the ingredients of the digital object that we produced: `Real’ emotions form the material of most reality TV shows (Grindstaff). Affects are for reality TV, what steel was for a Fordist factory. We needed an enthusiastic audience as part of the filmed material. There is thus a need to elicit, select, engineer and film such emotions. To this aim we engaged with the participants and the audience in complex ways, sometimes by distancing ourselves, other times by consciously manipulating them, and at even other times by sharing enthusiasm (similar processes in respect to other emotions are ethnographically described in Hesmondhalgh/Baker). Generating and managing enthusiasm is obviously a necessary part of affective labour in the creative industries. However, just as Hesmondhalgh/Baker indicate, this seemingly simple claim is problematic.Affective Labour as Practice‘Affective labour’ is a term that describes labour through its products: ‘A feeling of ease, well-being, satisfaction, excitement, or passion’ (Hardt/Negri 292-293). Thus, the term ‘affective labour’ usually describes a sector by the area of human endeavour, which it commodifies. But the concept looses its coherence, if it is used to describe labour by its practice (for an analogue argument see Dowling). The latter is what interests us. Such a usage will have to re-introduce the notion of the working subject. To see affective labour as a practice should enable us to describe in more detail, how enthusiasm shapes the becoming of a cultural object. Who employed affect when and what kinds of affects in which way? Analysing enthusiasm as social practice and affective labour usually brings about one of two contrasting perceptions. On the one hand one can celebrate enthusiasm – like Pekka Himanen – as one of the key characteristics for a new work ethic emerging alongside the Protestant Ethic. On the other hand we find critique of the need to display affects. Barbara Ehrenreich shows how a forced display of enthusiasm becomes a requirement for all office workers to survive in late capitalism. Judging from our experience these two approaches need to be synthesized: Much affective labour consists in the display of affects, in showing off, in pretending. On the other hand, enthusiasm can only realise its potential, if it is ‘real’ (as opposed to enacted).With Ehrenreich, Hochschild and many others we think that an analysis of affective labour as a practice needs to start with a notion of expression. Enthusiasm can be expressed through excited gestures, rapid movements, raised voices, eyes wide open, clapping hands, speech. For us it was often impossible to separate which expression was ‘genuine’ and which was enacted. Judging from introspection, it is probable that many actors had a similar experience to ours: They mixed some genuine enthusiasm with more or less enforced forms of re-enactment. Perhaps re-enactment turned to a ‘real’ feeling: We enacted ourselves into an authentic mood - an effect that is also described as “deep acting” (Grandey). What can happen inside us, can also happen in social situations. German philosopher Max Scheler went to substantial lengths to make a case for the contagiousness of affects, and enthusiasm is one of the most contagious affects. Mutual contagiousness of enthusiasm can lead to collective elation, with or without genuine enthusiasm of all members. The difference of real, authentic affects and enacted affects is thus not only theoretically, but also empirically rather problematic. It is impossible to make convincing claims about the degree of authenticity of an affect. However, it is also impossible to ignore this ambivalence. Both ‘authentic’ and ‘faked’ enthusiasm can be affective labour, but they differ hugely in terms of their productive capacities.Enthusiasm as Productive ForceWhy is enthusiasm so important in the first place? The answer is threefold. Firstly, an enthusiastic worker is more productive. He or she will work more intensively, put in more commitment, is likely to go the so-called extra mile. Enthusiasm can create a surplus of labour and a surplus of value, thus a surplus of productivity. Secondly enthusiasm is part of the creative act. It can unleash energies and overcome self-imposed limitations. Thirdly enthusiasm is future-oriented, a stimulus for investment, always risky. Enthusiasm can be the affective equivalent of venture capital – but it is not reified in capital, but remains incorporated in labour. Thus enthusiasm not only leads to an increase of productivity, it can be productive itself. This is what makes it to one of the most precious commodities in the creative industries. To make this argument in more detail we need to turn to one of the key philosophers of affect.Thinking Enthusiasm with SpinozaFor Spinoza, all affects are derivatives of a first basic drive or appetite. Desire/appetite is the direct equivalent of what Spinoza calls Conatus: Our striving to increase our power. From this starting point, Spinoza derives two basic affects: pleasure/joy and sadness/pain. Pleasure/joy is the result of an increase of our power, and sadness/pain is the result of its decrease. Spinoza explains all other affects through this basic framework. Even though enthusiasm is not one of the affects that Spinoza mentions, we want to suggest that Spinoza’s approach enables us to understand the productivity of enthusiasm. Enthusiasm is a hybrid between desire (the drive) and joy (the basic affect). Like hope or fear, it is future-oriented. It is a desire (to increase our power) combined with an anticipated outcome. Present and the future are tightly bound. Enthusiasm differs in this respect from its closest relatives: hope and optimism. Both hope and optimism believe in the desired outcome, but only against the odds and with a presumption of doubt. Enthusiasm is a form of ecstatic and hyper-confident hope. It already rewards us with joy in the present.With Spinoza we can understand the magical trick of future-oriented enthusiasm: To be enthusiastic means to anticipate an outcome of an increased power. This anticipation increases our power in the present. The increased power in the present can then be used to achieve the increased power in the future. If successful, it becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. It is this future-orientedness, which can make enthusiasm productive. Actions and PassionsIn its Greek origin (‘enthousiasmos’) to be enthusiastic meant to be possessed or inspired by a god. An enthusiast was someone with an intense religious fervour and sometimes someone with an exaggerated belief in religious inspiration. Accordingly, enthusiasm is often connected to the devotion to an ideal, cause, study or pursuit. In late capitalism, we get possessed by different gods. We get possessed by the gods of opportunity – in our case the opportunities of a new technology like IPTV. Obsessions cannot easily be switched on and off. This is part of affective labour: The ability to open up and let the gods of future-oriented enthusiasm take hold of us. We believe in something not for the sake of believing, but for the sake of what we believe in. But at the same time we know that we need to believe. The management of this contradiction is a problem of control. As enthusiasm now constitutes a precious commodity, we cannot leave it to mere chance. Spinoza addresses exactly this point. He distinguishes two kinds of affects, actions and passions. Actions are what we control, passions are what controls us. Joy (= the experience of increased power of acting) can also weaken, if someone is not able to control the affection that triggered the joy. In such a case it becomes a passion: An increase of power that weakens in the long run. Enthusiasm is often exactly this. How can enthusiasm as a passion be turned into an action? One possible answer is to control what Spinoza calls the ‘ideas’ of the bodily affections. For Spinoza, affections (affectiones) ‘strike’ the body, but affect (affectus) is formed of both, of the bodily affectiones, but also of our ideas of these affectiones. Can such ideas become convictions, beliefs, persuasions? Our experience suggests that this is indeed possible. The excitement about the creative possibilities of IPTV, for example, was turned into a conviction. We had internalised the affect as part of our beliefs. But we had internalised it for a prize: The more it became an idea the more stable it got, but the less it was a full, bodily affect, something that touched our nervous system. We gained power over it for the price that it became less powerful in its drive.Managing the UnmanageableIn all institutions and organisations enthusiasm needs to be managed on a regular basis. In project networks however the orchestration of affects faces a different set of obstacles than in traditional organizations. Power structures are often shifting and not formally defined. Project partners are likely to have diverging interests, different expectations and different views on how to collaborate. What might be a disappointing result for one partner can be a successful result for another one. Differences of interest can be accompanied by differences of the expression of enthusiasm. This was clearly the case in our project network. The TV company entered a state of hype and frenzy while pitching the project. They were expressing their enthusiasm with talk about prominent TV channels that would buy the product, and celebrities who would take part in the show. The new media company showed its commitment through the development of beautifully designed time plans and prototypes – one of them included the idea to advertise the logo of the project on banners placed on airplanes. This sort of enthusiastic presentation led the TV producer to oppose the vision of the new media’s brand developer: She perceived this as an example of unrealistic pipe dreams. In turn the TV producer’s repeated name-dropping led other partners to mistrust them.Timing was another reason why it seemed to be impossible to integrate the affective cohorts of all partners into one well-oiled machine. Work in TV production requires periods of heightened enthusiasm while shooting the script. Not surprisingly, TV professionals save up their energy for this time. In contrast, new media practitioners create their products on the go: hype and energy are spread over the whole work process. Their labour becomes materialised in detailed plans, concepts, and prototypes. In short, the affective machine of a project network needs orchestration. This is a question of management.As this management failed so often in our project, we could discover another issue in the universe of enthusiasm: Disappointed high spirits can easily turn into bitterness and hostility. High expectations can lead to a lack of motivation and finally to a loss of loyalty towards the product and towards other project partners. Thus managing enthusiasm is not just about timing. It is also about managing disappointment and frustration. These are techniques, which have to be well developed on the level of the self-management as well as group management.Beyond the ProjectWe want to conclude this paper with a scene that happened at the very end of the project. In a final meeting, all partners agreed – much to our surprise – that the product was a big success. At that time we as academic partners found this irritating. There were many reasons why we disagreed: we did not produce a new format, we did not get positive user feedback, and we could not sell the show to further broadcasters (our original aims). However, all of this did not seem to have any impact on this final assessment. At the time of the meeting this looked for us like surreal theatre. Looking back now, this display of enthusiasm was indeed perhaps a ‘rational’ thing to do. Most projects and products in the creative industries are not successful on the market (Frith). To recreate the belief that one will eventually be successful (McRobbie) seems to be the one task of affective labour that stands out at the end of the lifecycle of many creative project networks.References Amin, Ash, and Nigel Thrift, eds. The Blackwell Cultural Economy Reader. Oxford: Blackwell, 2004.Broeckling, Ulrich. “Enthusiasten, Ironiker, Melancholiker. Vom Umgang mit der unternehmerischen Anrufung.” Mittelweg 36.4 (2008): 80-86.Caldwell, John Thornton. Production Culture: Industrial Reflexivity and Critical Practice in Film and Television. Durham, NC: Duke UP, 200. Cook, Ian, et al., eds. Cultural Turns/Geographical Turns. Harlow: Prentice Hall, 2000.Dowling, Emma. “Producing the Dining Experience: Measure, Subjectivity and the Affective Worker.” Ephemera 7 (2007): 117-132.Ehrenreich, Barbara. Bait and Switch: The Futile Pursuit of the Corporate Dream. London: Granta, 2005.Florida, Richard. The Rise of the Creative Class. 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Cute pictures of animals feature as an inoffensive and adorable background to the contemporary online experience with cute content regularly shared on social media platforms. Indeed the demand for cuteness is so strong in the current cultural milieu that some animals become recognisable animal celebrities in the process (Hepola). However, despite the existence of this professionalisation in some sections of the cute economy, amateurs produce the majority of cute content that circulates online. This is largely because one of the central contributors to this steady stream of cute animal pictures is the subforum Aww, hosted on the online community Reddit. Aww is wholly dedicated to pictures of cute things and allows users to directly submit cute content directly to the site. Aww is one of the default subforums that new Reddit users are automatically subscribed to and is immensely popular, featuring over 4.2 million dedicated subscribers as well as untold casual visits. The section is self-described as: “Things that make you go AWW! -- like puppies, and bunnies, and so on...Feel free to post pictures, videos and stories of cute things” ("The cutest things on the internet!"). Users upload cute animal photos that they have taken and wait for the Reddit community to vote on their favourite pictures. The voting mechanism helps users to acknowledge their favourite posts, with the most popular featured on the front page of Aww (for a detailed critique of this process see van der Nagel 2013). The user-generated model of the site means that instead of visitors being confronted with a formally curated selection of cute animal photos, Aww offers a constantly changing mixture of amateur, semi-pro and professional content. Aww - and Reddit more generally - stand as an emblematic example of participatory culture (Jenkins 2006), with users playing an active role in the production and curation of online content. However, given the commercial nature of many user-generated content sites, this amateur media activity is becoming increasingly subject to intellectual property claims and conflicts (see Burgess; Kennedy). Across the internet there are growing tensions between website operators and amateur producers. As Jenny Kennedy (132) notes, while these platforms promote a public rhetoric of “sharing”, these corporate narratives “downplay their economic power” and imply “that they do not control the practices contained within their sites”. Subsequently, the expectations of users regarding how content is managed and organised can differ substantially from the corporate goals of social media companies. This paper contributes to the growing body of literature interested in the politics of amateur media production (see Hunter and Lastowka; Benkler; Burgess; Kennedy) by exploring the emergence of attribution norms and informal enforcement measures in and around the Aww online community. In contrast to professional content creators, amateurs often have fewer resources on hand to protect their copyrighted work and are also challenged by a pervasive online rhetoric that suggests that popular content essentially “belongs to the Internet” (Douglas). A number of communities on Reddit have questioned the company’s handling of amateur content with users suggesting that Reddit actively seeks to de-contextualise original content and not attribute original creators. By examining how amateur creators and online communities regulate content online, I interrogate the power relations that exist between social media platforms and users and explore how the corporate rhetoric of participatory culture interacts with the legal framework of copyright law. This article also contributes to existing legal scholarship on communities of practice and norms-based intellectual property systems. This literature has explored how social norms effectively regulate the protection of, among other things, recipes (Fauchart and Von Hippel), fashion design (Raustiala and Sprigman) and stand-up comedy routines (Oliar and Sprigman), in situations where copyright law does not function as an effective regulatory mechanism. Often these norms are in line with copyright law protections, but in other cases they diverge from these legal principles. In this paper I suggest that particular sections of Reddit function in a similar way, with their own set of self-governing norms, and that these norms largely align with the philosophical aims of copyright law. The paper begins by outlining a series of recent debates that have occurred between amateur media creators and Reddit, before exploring how norms are regulated on Reddit subforums Aww and Karma Court. I then offer some brief conclusions on the value of paying attention to how social norms structure forms of “sharing” (see Kennedy) and provide a useful way for amateur media producers to protect their content without going through formal legal processes. Introducing Reddit and the Confused Politics of Amateur Content Reddit is a social news site, a vibrant community and one of the most popular websites online. It stands as the most visible iteration of a long-standing tradition of user-generated and managed news, one that goes back to websites like Slashdot, which operated in the mid to late-90s. Founded in 2005 Reddit was launched after only one funding round of venture capital, receiving $100k in seed funding from Y Combinatory (Miller). Despite some early rivalry between Reddit and competitor site Digg, Reddit had enough potential to be purchased by Condé Nast for an estimated $20 million (Carr). Reddit’s audience numbers have grown exponentially in the last few years, with the site currently receiving over 5 billion page views and 114 million unique visitors per month (“About Reddit”). It has also changed focus significantly in the last few years with the site now “as much about posting interesting or funny pictures as it is about news” (Sepponen). Reddit hosts a number of individual subforums (called subreddits), which focus on a particular topic and function essentially like online bulletin boards. The front-page of Reddit showcases the most popular content from across the whole website, and user-generated content features heavily here. Amateur media cannot spread without the structural support of social media platforms, but this support is qualified in particular ways. Reddit stands as a paradigmatic case. Users on Reddit are “incentivized to submit direct links to images, because viewers can get to them more easily” (Douglas) and the website encourages amateur creators to use a preferred content server – Imgur – to host images. The Imgur service provides a direct public link to an image – even bypassing the Reddit discussion page – and with its free hosting and limited ads it has become a popular service and is used by most Reddit users (Slater-Robins). For the majority of Reddit users this is an unproblematic partnership. Imgur is free, effective and fast. However, a vocal minority of Reddit users and amateur creators claim that the partnership between Reddit and Imgur has created the equivalent of an online ghetto (Douglas).As Nick Douglas explains, when using services like Imgur there is no requirement to either provide an external link to a creators website or to attribute the creator, limiting the ability for an amateur creator to gain exposure. It also bypasses existing revenue streams that may have been set up by creators, including ad-supported websites or online stores offering merchandise. As a result creators have little opportunity to benefit either economically or reputationally from this system. This occurs to such an extent that “there are actually warnings against submitting your own [original] work” to particular subforums on Reddit (Douglas). For example, some forum moderators require submissions to either “link directly to a specific image file or to a website with minimal ads” (“Reddit Pics”). It is in this context, that the posting of original content without attribution is not actively policed. There are a number of complaints circulating within the Reddit community about these practices (see “Ok, look people. I know you heart Imgur, but webcomics? Just link to the freaking site”; “The problem with reddit”). Many creators have directly protested against this aspect of Reddit’s structural organisation. Blogger Benjamin Grelle (a.k.a The Frogman) and writer Chris Menning are two notable examples. Grelle’s protest was witty and dramatic. He wrote a blog post featuring a picture of an email he sent to Imgur offering the company a choice: send him a huge novelty check for $10,000 or alternatively, add a proper attribution system that allows artists, photographers and content creators to properly credit their work. Grelle estimates that his work generated around $20,000 in ad revenue for Imgur; however the structure of Reddit and Imgur meant he earned little income from the “viral” success of his content. Grelle claimed he was happy for his work to be shared, but attribution meant that it was more likely a fan would follow the link to his website and provide him with some financial recompense for his work. Unsurprisingly, Grelle didn’t receive a paycheck and so in response has developed a unique way to gain exposure. He has started to insert himself into his work, “[s]o when you see a stolen Frogman piece, you still see Ben Grelle’s face” (Douglas). Chris Menning posted a blog about being banned from Reddit, hoping to bring to light some of the inequalities that persist around Reddit’s current structure. He began by noting that he had received a significant amount of traffic from them in the past. He had responded in kind by looking to create original content for particular subforums, knowing what a particular community would enjoy. However, his habit of providing the link to his own website along with the content he posted saw him get labelled as a spammer and banned by administrators. Menning chose not to fight the ban:It seems that the only way I could avoid [getting banned] is if I were to relinquish any rights to my original content and post it exclusively to Imgur. In effect, reddit punishes the creation of original content, and rewards content theft (Menning). Instead he decided to quit Reddit, claiming that Reddit’s approach would carry long-term consequences as the platform provided little incentive for creators to produce wholly original content. It is worth noting that neither Menning nor Grelle turned to legal avenues in order to gain financial restitution. Considering the nature of the practices they were complaining about, compensation in the form of an injunction or damages would have certainly been possible. In Benjamin’s case, a user had combined a number of his copyrighted works into one image and posted the image to Imgur without attribution --this infringed Grelle’s copyright in his work as well as his moral right to be attributed as the creator of the work. However, the public comments of both creators suggest that despite the possibility of legal success, their issue was not so much to do with their individual cases but rather the broader structural issues at play within Reddit. While they might gain individually from a successful legal challenge, over the long term Reddit would continue to be a fraught place for amateur and semi-professional content creators. Certain parts of the Reddit community appear to be sympathetic to these issues, and the complaints of dissenting users like Menning and Grelle have received active support from some users and moderators on the site. This has led to changes in the way content is being posted and managed on Aww, and has also driven the emergence of a satirical user-run court entitled Karma Court. In these spaces moderators and members establish community norms, regularly police the correct attribution of works and challenge the de-contextualisation of content overtly encouraged by Reddit, Imgur and other subforums. In the following section I will examine both Aww and Karma Court in order to explore how these norms are established and negotiated by both moderators and users alike. reddit.com/r/aww: The Online Hub of Cute Animal Pictures As we have seen, the design of Reddit and Imgur creates a number of problems for amateur creators who wish to protect their intellectual property. To address these shortcomings, the Aww community has created its own informal regulatory systems. Volunteer moderators play a crucial role: they establish informal codes of conduct for the Aww community and enforce various rules about how the site should be used. One of these rules relates to attribution. Users are asked to to “post original content whenever possible or attribute original content creators” ("The cutest things on the internet!"). Due to the volunteer nature of the work and the size of the Aww sub-reddit, moderator enforcement is haphazard. Consequently, responsibility falls on the wider user community to self-police. Despite its informal nature, this process manages to facilitate a fairly consistent standard of attribution. In this way it functions as an informal method of intellectual property protection. It is worth noting however that this commitment to original content is not solely due to the moral character of Aww users. A significant motivation is the distribution of karma points amongst Reddit users. Karma, which represents your good standing within the Reddit community, can be earned through user likes and votes – these push the most popular content to the front page of each subforum. Thus karma stands as a numerical representation of a user’s value to Reddit. This ostensibly democratic system has the paradoxical effect of fuelling intellectual property violations on the site. Users often repost other users’ jpegs, animated gifs, and other content, in order to reap the social and cultural capital that comes with posting a popular picture. In some cases they claim authorship of the content; in other cases they simply re-post content that they feel “belongs to the internet” (Douglas). Some content is so popular or pervasive online (this content that is often described as “viral”) that users feel there is little reason or need to attribute content. This helps to explain the persistence of ownership and attribution conflicts on Reddit. In the eyes of some users and moderators the management of these rights and the correct distribution of karma are seen to be vital to the long-term functioning of site. The karma system offers a numerical representation of each contributor’s value. Re-posting already successful content and claiming it as your own challenges the proper functioning of the karma system and potentially ‘inhibits the innovative potential of contributions (Richterich). On Aww the re-posting of original content is viewed as a taboo act that breaches these norms. The poster is seen to have engaged in deceptive conduct in order to gain karma for their user profile. In addition there is a strong ethic that runs through these comment threads that the original creator deserves attribution. There is a presumption that this attribution is vital in order to increasing the possible marketability of the posted content and to recognise and courage creators within the community. This sort of community-driven regulation contrasts with the aforementioned site design of Reddit and Imgur, which frustrates effective authorship attribution practices. Aww users, in contrast, have shown a willingness to defend what they see as the intellectual property rights of content creators.A series of recent examples outline how this process works in practice. User “moonlikeme123” posted a picture of a cat with its hands on the steering wheel of a car. The picture was entitled “we don’t need to ask for directions, Helen”. During the same day, three separate users had identified the picture as a repost, with one noting that the same picture was already on the front page of Aww. “moonlikeme123” received no karma points for the picture. In a second example, the user “nibblur” posted a photo of a kitten “hunting” a toy mouse. Within a day, one enterprising user had identified the original photographer – “torode”, an amateur photographer – and linked to his Reddit profile (see fig. 2) ("ferocious cat hunting its prey: aww."). One further example: on 15 July 2013 “Cuzacelmare” posted a picture of two dogs comforting each other – an image which had originally been posted by “lauface”. Again, users were quick to point out the lack of attribution and the attempt to claim someone else’s content as their own (“Comforting her sister during a storm: aww). It is worth noting that some Reddit users consider attributing content to be entirely without benefit. Some deride karma as “meaningless” and suggest that as a significant amount of content online is regularly reposted elsewhere, there is little harm done in re-posting what is essentially amateur content destined to be lost in the bowels of the internet. For example, the comments that follow Cuzacelmare’s reflect an ambivalence about reposting, suggesting that users weigh up the benefits of exposure gained by the re-posting against the lack of attribution granted and the increasingly decontextualized nature of the photo itself:Why does everyone get so bitchy about reposts. Not everyone is on ALL the time or has been on Rreddit since it was created. I mean if you've seen it already ignore it. It's just picture you aren't forced to click the link. [sic] (“Comforting her sister during a storm: aww”)We're arguing semantics, but any content that gets attention can benefit the creator, whether it's reddit or Youtube (“Comforting her sister during a storm: aww”) Such discussions are common on comment threads following re-posts by other users. They underline the conflicted status of this ephemeral media and the underlying frictions that are part of these processes. These discussions underline the fact that on Reddit the “sharing” (Kennedy) and “spreading” (Jenkins et al.) of content is not seen as an unquestioned positive but rather as a contestable structural feature that needs to be constantly negotiated and discussed. These informal methods of identification, post-hoc attribution and criticism in comment threads have been the long-standing method used to redress questions of attribution and ownership of content on Reddit. However in recent times, Reddit users have turned to satirical methods of formal adjudication for particularly egregious cases. A sub-reddit, Karma Court, now functions as an informal tribunal in which punishment is meted out for “the abuse of karma and general contemptible actions heretofore identified as wrongdoing” (“Constitution and F.A.Q of the Karma Court”). Due to its double function as both an adjudicator and satire of users overly-invested in online debates, there is no limit to the possible “crimes” a user may be charged with. The following charges are only presented as guidelines and speak to common negative experiences on online: (1). Douchebaggery - When one is being a douche.(2). Defamation - Tarnishing another redditor's [user’s] username.(3). Public Indecency - When a user flexes his or her 'e-peen' with the intent to shame other users.(4). OhShit.exe - Intentional reposting that results in reddit Gold.(5). GrandTheft.jpg - Reposting while claiming credit for the post.(6). Obstruction of Justice - Impeding or interfering with an investigation, such as submitting false screenshots, deleting evidence, or providing false evidence to the court.(7). Other - Literally anything else you want. We like creative names for charges.(“Constitution and F.A.Q of the Karma Court”) In Karma Court, legal representation can be sourced from a list of attorneys and judges, populated by users who volunteer to help adjudicate the case. They are required to have been a Reddit member for over six months. The only punishment is a public shaming. Interestingly Karma Court has developed a fair reposting clause that attempts to manage the complex debates around reposting and attribution. Under the non-binding satirical clause, users are able to repost content if it has not featured on the front page of a sub-reddit for seven or more days, if the re-poster acknowledges in the title or description that they are re-posting or if the original poster has less than 30,000 link karma (which means that the original poster has not substantially contributed to the Reddit community). If a re-poster does not adhere by these rules and claims a re-post as their own original content (or “OC”), they can be charged with “grandtheft.jpg” and brought to trial by another Reddit user. As one of the most popular subforums, a number of cases have emerged from Aww. The aforementioned re-poster “Cuzacelmare” (“I am bringing /U/ Cuzacelmare to trial …”) was “charged” through this process and served with a summons after denying “cute and innocent animals of that subreddit of their much deserved karma”. Similar cases to do with re-posting without attribution on Aww involve “FreshCorio” (“Reddit vs. U/FreshCorio …”) and “ninjacollin” (“People of Reddit vs. /U/ ninjacollin”) who were also brought to karma court. In each case prosecutors were adamant that false authorship claims needed to be punished. With these mock trials run by volunteers it takes time for arguments to be heard and judgment to occur; however “ninjacollin” expedited the legal process by offering a full confession. As a new user, “ninjacollin” was reprimanded severely for his actions and the users on Karma Court underlined the consequences of not identifying original content creators when re-posting content. Ownership and Attribution: Amateur Media, Distribution and Law The practices outlined above offer a number of alternate ways to think about amateur media and how it is distributed. An increasingly complex picture of content attribution and circulation emerges once we take into account the structural operation of Reddit, the intellectual property norms of users, and the various formal and informal systems of regulation that are appearing on the site. Such practices require users to negotiate complex questions of ownership between each other and in relation to corporate bodies. These negotiations often lead to informal agreements around a set of norms to regulate the spread of content within a particular community, suggesting that the lack of a formal legal process in these debates does not mean that there is an absence of regulation. As noted throughout this paper, the spread of online content often involves progressive de-contextualisation. Website design features often support this process in the hopes of encouraging content to spread in a fashion amenable to their corporate goals. Considering this tendency for content to be decontextualized online, the presence of attribution norms on subforums like Aww is significant. Instead of remixing, spreading and re-purposing content indiscriminately, users retain a concept of ownership and attribution that tracks closely to the basic principles of copyright law. Rather than users radically redefining concepts of attribution and ownership, as prefigured in some of the more utopian accounts of participatory media, the dominant norms of the Reddit community extend a discourse of copyright and ownership. As well as providing a greater level of detail to contemporary debates around amateur media and its viral or spreadable nature (Burgess; Jenkins; Jenkins et al), this analysis offers some lessons for copyright law. The emergence of norms in particular Reddit subforums which govern the use of copyrighted content and the use of a mock court structure suggests that online communities have the capacity to engage in forms of redress for amateur creators. These organic forms of copyright management operate adjacent to formal legal structures of copyright law. However, they are more accessible and practical for amateur creators, who do not always have the money to hire lawyers, especially when the market value of their content might be negligible. The informal regulatory systems outlined above may not operate perfectly but they reveal communities who are willing to engage foundational conversations around the importance of attribution and ownership. Following the existing literature (Fauchart and Von Hippel; Raustiala and Sprigman; Schultz; Oliar and Sprigman), I suggest that these online social norms provide a useful form of alternative protection for amateur creators. Acknowledgements Thanks to Ramon Lobato and Emily van der Nagel for comments and productive discussions around these issues. I am also grateful to the two anonymous peer reviewers for their assistance in developing this argument. References “About Reddit.” Reddit, 2014. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.reddit.com/about/›. Benkler, Yochai. The Wealth of Networks: How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006. 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Hepola, Sarah. “The Internet is Made of Kittens.” Salon.com, 11 Feb. 2009. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.salon.com/2009/02/10/cat_internet/›. Hunter, Dan, and Greg Lastowka. “Amateur-to-Amateur.” William & Mary Law Review 46 (2004): 951 - 1030. “I Am Bringing /U/ Cuzacelmare to Trial on the Basis of Being One of the Biggest _______ I’ve Ever Seen, by Reposting Cute Animal Pictures to /R/Awww. Feels.Jpg.” reddit: the front page of the internet, 21 March 2013. Jenkins, Henry. Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media Collide. New York: New York University Press, 2006. Jenkins, Henry, Sam Ford, and Joshua Green. Spreadable Media: Creating Value and Meaning in a Networked Culture. New York: New York University Press, 2013. Menning, Chris. "So I Got Banned from Reddit" Modern Primate, 23 Aug. 2012. Miller, Keery. “How Y Combinator Helped Shape Reddit.” Bloomberg Businessweek, 26 Sep. 2007. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.businessweek.com/stories/2007-09-26/how-y-combinator-helped-shape-redditbusinessweek-business-news-stock-market-and-financial-advice›. “Ok, Look People. I Know You Heart Imgur, But Webcomics? Just Link to the Freaking Site.” reddit: the front page of the internet, 22 Aug. 2011. Oliar, Dotan, and Christopher Sprigman. “There’s No Free Laugh (Anymore): The Emergence of Intellectual Property Norms and the Transformation of Stand-Up Comedy.” Virginia Law Review 94.8 (2009): 1787 – 1867. “People of reddit vs. /U/Ninjacollin for Grandtheft.jpg.” reddit: the front page of the internet, 30 Jan. 2013. Raustiala, Kal, and Christopher Sprigman. “The Piracy Paradox: Innovation and Intellectual Property in Fashion Design”. Virginia Law Review 92.8 (2006): 1687-1777. “Reddit v. U/FreshCorio. User Uploads Popular Repost Picture of R/AWW and Claims It Is His Sister’s Cat. Falsely Claims It Is His Cakeday for Good Measure.” reddit: the front page of the internet, 12 Apr. 2013. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.reddit.com/r/KarmaCourt/comments/1c7vxz/reddit_vs_ufreshcorio_user_uploads_popular_repost/›. “Reddit Pics.” reddit: the front page of the internet, 2014. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.reddit.com/r/pics/›. Richterich, Annika. “’Karma, Precious Karma!’ Karmawhoring on Reddit and the Front Page’s Econometrisation.” Journal of Peer Production 4 (2014). 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://peerproduction.net/issues/issue-4-value-and-currency/peer-reviewed-articles/karma-precious-karma/›. Schultz, Mark. “Fear and Norms and Rock & Roll: What Jambands Can Teach Us about Persuading People to Obey Copyright Law.” Berkley Technology Law Journal 21.2 (2006): 651 – 728. Sepponen, Bemmu. “Why Redditors Gave Imgur a Chance.” Social Media Today, 20 July 2011. Slater-Robins, Max. “From Rags to Riches: The Story of Imgur.” Neowin, 21 Apr. 2013. 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Introduction This paper offers a survey of familiar popular music performers and songwriters who reference coffee in their work. It examines three areas of discourse: the psychoactive effects of caffeine, coffee and courtship rituals, and the politics of coffee consumption. I claim that coffee carries a cultural and musicological significance comparable to that of the chemical stimulants and consumer goods more readily associated with popular music. Songs about coffee may not be as potent as those featuring drugs and alcohol (Primack; Schapiro), or as common as those referencing commodities like clothes and cars (Englis; McCracken), but they do feature across a wide range of genres, some of which enjoy archetypal associations with this beverage. m.o.m.m.y. Needs c.o.f.f.e.e.: The Psychoactive Effect of Coffee The act of performing and listening to popular music involves psychological elements comparable to the overwhelming sensory experience of drug taking: altered perceptions, repetitive grooves, improvisation, self-expression, and psychological empathy—such as that between musician and audience (Curry). Most popular music genres are, as a result, culturally and sociologically identified with the consumption of at least one mind-altering substance (Lyttle; Primack; Schapiro). While the analysis of lyrics referring to this theme has hitherto focused on illegal drugs and alcoholic beverages (Cooper), coffee and its psychoactive ingredient caffeine have been almost entirely overlooked (Summer). The most recent study of drugs in popular music, for example, defined substance use as “tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, cocaine and other stimulants, heroin and other opiates, hallucinogens, inhalants, prescription drugs, over-the-counter drugs, and nonspecific substances” (Primack 172), thereby ignoring a chemical stimulant consumed by 90 per cent of adult Americans every day (Lovett). The wide availability of coffee and the comparatively mild effect of caffeine means that its consumption rarely causes harm. One researcher has described it as a ubiquitous and unobtrusive “generalised public activity […] ‘invisible’ to analysts seeking distinctive social events” (Cooper 92). Coffee may provide only a relatively mild “buzz”—but it is now accepted that caffeine is an addictive substance (Juliano) and, due to its universal legality, coffee is also the world’s most extensively traded and enthusiastically consumed psychoactive consumer product (Juliano 1). The musical genre of jazz has a longstanding relationship with marijuana and narcotics (Curry; Singer; Tolson; Winick). Unsurprisingly, given its Round Midnight connotations, jazz standards also celebrate the restorative impact of coffee. Exemplary compositions include Burke/Webster’s insomniac torch song Black Coffee, which provided hits for Sarah Vaughan (1949), Ella Fitzgerald (1953), and Peggy Lee (1960); and Frank Sinatra’s recordings of Hilliard/Dick’s The Coffee Song (1946, 1960), which satirised the coffee surplus in Brazil at a time when this nation enjoyed a near monopoly on production. Sinatra joked that this ubiquitous drink was that country’s only means of liquid refreshment, in a refrain that has since become a headline writer’s phrasal template: “There’s an Awful Lot of Coffee in Vietnam,” “An Awful Lot of Coffee in the Bin,” and “There’s an Awful Lot of Taxes in Brazil.” Ethnographer Aaron Fox has shown how country music gives expression to the lived social experience of blue-collar and agrarian workers (Real 29). Coffee’s role in energising working class America (Cooper) is featured in such recordings as Dolly Parton’s Nine To Five (1980), which describes her morning routine using a memorable “kitchen/cup of ambition” rhyme, and Don't Forget the Coffee Billy Joe (1973) by Tom T. Hall which laments the hardship of unemployment, hunger, cold, and lack of healthcare. Country music’s “tired truck driver” is the most enduring blue-collar trope celebrating coffee’s analeptic powers. Versions include Truck Drivin' Man by Buck Owens (1964), host of the country TV show Hee Haw and pioneer of the Bakersfield sound, and Driving My Life Away from pop-country crossover star Eddie Rabbitt (1980). Both feature characteristically gendered stereotypes of male truck drivers pushing on through the night with the help of a truck stop waitress who has fuelled them with caffeine. Johnny Cash’s A Cup of Coffee (1966), recorded at the nadir of his addiction to pills and alcohol, has an incoherent improvised lyric on this subject; while Jerry Reed even prescribed amphetamines to keep drivers awake in Caffein [sic], Nicotine, Benzedrine (And Wish Me Luck) (1980). Doye O’Dell’s Diesel Smoke, Dangerous Curves (1952) is the archetypal “truck drivin’ country” song and the most exciting track of its type. It subsequently became a hit for the doyen of the subgenre, Red Simpson (1966). An exhausted driver, having spent the night with a woman whose name he cannot now recall, is fighting fatigue and wrestling his hot-rod low-loader around hairpin mountain curves in an attempt to rendezvous with a pretty truck stop waitress. The song’s palpable energy comes from its frenetic guitar picking and the danger implicit in trailing a heavy load downhill while falling asleep at the wheel. Tommy Faile’s Phantom 309, a hit for Red Sovine (1967) that was later covered by Tom Waits (Big Joe and the Phantom 309, 1975), elevates the “tired truck driver” narrative to gothic literary form. Reflecting country music’s moral code of citizenship and its culture of performative storytelling (Fox, Real 23), it tells of a drenched and exhausted young hitchhiker picked up by Big Joe—the driver of a handsome eighteen-wheeler. On arriving at a truck stop, Joe drops the traveller off, giving him money for a restorative coffee. The diner falls silent as the hitchhiker orders up his “cup of mud”. Big Joe, it transpires, is a phantom trucker. After running off the road to avoid a school bus, his distinctive ghost rig now only reappears to rescue stranded travellers. Punk rock, a genre closely associated with recreational amphetamines (McNeil 76, 87), also features a number of caffeine-as-stimulant songs. Californian punk band, Descendents, identified caffeine as their drug of choice in two 1996 releases, Coffee Mug and Kids on Coffee. These songs describe chugging the drink with much the same relish and energy that others might pull at the neck of a beer bottle, and vividly compare the effects of the drug to the intense rush of speed. The host of “New Music News” (a segment of MTV’s 120 Minutes) references this correlation in 1986 while introducing the band’s video—in which they literally bounce off the walls: “You know, while everybody is cracking down on crack, what about that most respectable of toxic substances or stimulants, the good old cup of coffee? That is the preferred high, actually, of California’s own Descendents—it is also the subject of their brand new video” (“New Music News”). Descendents’s Sessions EP (1997) featured an overflowing cup of coffee on the sleeve, while punk’s caffeine-as-amphetamine trope is also promulgated by Hellbender (Caffeinated 1996), Lagwagon (Mr. Coffee 1997), and Regatta 69 (Addicted to Coffee 2005). Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night: Coffee and Courtship Coffee as romantic metaphor in song corroborates the findings of early researchers who examined courtship rituals in popular music. Donald Horton’s 1957 study found that hit songs codified the socially constructed self-image and limited life expectations of young people during the 1950s by depicting conservative, idealised, and traditional relationship scenarios. He summarised these as initial courtship, honeymoon period, uncertainty, and parting (570-4). Eleven years after this landmark analysis, James Carey replicated Horton’s method. His results revealed that pop lyrics had become more realistic and less bound by convention during the 1960s. They incorporated a wider variety of discourse including the temporariness of romantic commitment, the importance of individual autonomy in relationships, more liberal attitudes, and increasingly unconventional courtship behaviours (725). Socially conservative coffee songs include Coffee in the Morning and Kisses in the Night by The Boswell Sisters (1933) in which the protagonist swears fidelity to her partner on condition that this desire is expressed strictly in the appropriate social context of marriage. It encapsulates the restrictions Horton identified on courtship discourse in popular song prior to the arrival of rock and roll. The Henderson/DeSylva/Brown composition You're the Cream in My Coffee, recorded by Annette Hanshaw (1928) and by Nat King Cole (1946), also celebrates the social ideal of monogamous devotion. The persistence of such idealised traditional themes continued into the 1960s. American pop singer Don Cherry had a hit with Then You Can Tell Me Goodbye (1962) that used coffee as a metaphor for undying and everlasting love. Otis Redding’s version of Butler/Thomas/Walker’s Cigarettes and Coffee (1966)—arguably soul music’s exemplary romantic coffee song—carries a similar message as a couple proclaim their devotion in a late night conversation over coffee. Like much of the Stax catalogue, Cigarettes and Coffee, has a distinctly “down home” feel and timbre. The lovers are simply content with each other; they don’t need “cream” or “sugar.” Horton found 1950s blues and R&B lyrics much more sexually explicit than pop songs (567). Dawson (1994) subsequently characterised black popular music as a distinct public sphere, and Squires (2002) argued that it displayed elements of what she defined as “enclave” and “counterpublic” traits. Lawson (2010) has argued that marginalised and/or subversive blues artists offered a form of countercultural resistance against prevailing social norms. Indeed, several blues and R&B coffee songs disregard established courtship ideals and associate the product with non-normative and even transgressive relationship circumstances—including infidelity, divorce, and domestic violence. Lightnin’ Hopkins’s Coffee Blues (1950) references child neglect and spousal abuse, while the narrative of Muddy Waters’s scorching Iodine in my Coffee (1952) tells of an attempted poisoning by his Waters’s partner. In 40 Cups of Coffee (1953) Ella Mae Morse is waiting for her husband to return home, fuelling her anger and anxiety with caffeine. This song does eventually comply with traditional courtship ideals: when her lover eventually returns home at five in the morning, he is greeted with a relieved kiss. In Keep That Coffee Hot (1955), Scatman Crothers supplies a counterpoint to Morse’s late-night-abandonment narrative, asking his partner to keep his favourite drink warm during his adulterous absence. Brook Benton’s Another Cup of Coffee (1964) expresses acute feelings of regret and loneliness after a failed relationship. More obliquely, in Coffee Blues (1966) Mississippi John Hurt sings affectionately about his favourite brand, a “lovin’ spoonful” of Maxwell House. In this, he bequeathed the moniker of folk-rock band The Lovin’ Spoonful, whose hits included Do You Believe in Magic (1965) and Summer in the City (1966). However, an alternative reading of Hurt’s lyric suggests that this particular phrase is a metaphorical device proclaiming the author’s sexual potency. Hurt’s “lovin’ spoonful” may actually be a portion of his seminal emission. In the 1950s, Horton identified country as particularly “doleful” (570), and coffee provides a common metaphor for failed romance in a genre dominated by “metanarratives of loss and desire” (Fox, Jukebox 54). Claude Gray’s I'll Have Another Cup of Coffee (Then I’ll Go) (1961) tells of a protagonist delivering child support payments according to his divorce lawyer’s instructions. The couple share late night coffee as their children sleep through the conversation. This song was subsequently recorded by seventeen-year-old Bob Marley (One Cup of Coffee, 1962) under the pseudonym Bobby Martell, a decade prior to his breakthrough as an international reggae star. Marley’s youngest son Damian has also performed the track while, interestingly in the context of this discussion, his older sibling Rohan co-founded Marley Coffee, an organic farm in the Jamaican Blue Mountains. Following Carey’s demonstration of mainstream pop’s increasingly realistic depiction of courtship behaviours during the 1960s, songwriters continued to draw on coffee as a metaphor for failed romance. In Carly Simon’s You’re So Vain (1972), she dreams of clouds in her coffee while contemplating an ostentatious ex-lover. Squeeze’s Black Coffee In Bed (1982) uses a coffee stain metaphor to describe the end of what appears to be yet another dead-end relationship for the protagonist. Sarah Harmer’s Coffee Stain (1998) expands on this device by reworking the familiar “lipstick on your collar” trope, while Sexsmith & Kerr’s duet Raindrops in my Coffee (2005) superimposes teardrops in coffee and raindrops on the pavement with compelling effect. Kate Bush’s Coffee Homeground (1978) provides the most extreme narrative of relationship breakdown: the true story of Cora Henrietta Crippin’s poisoning. Researchers who replicated Horton’s and Carey’s methodology in the late 1970s (Bridges; Denisoff) were surprised to find their results dominated by traditional courtship ideals. The new liberal values unearthed by Carey in the late 1960s simply failed to materialise in subsequent decades. In this context, it is interesting to observe how romantic coffee songs in contemporary soul and jazz continue to disavow the post-1960s trend towards realistic social narratives, adopting instead a conspicuously consumerist outlook accompanied by smooth musical timbres. This phenomenon possibly betrays the influence of contemporary coffee advertising. From the 1980s, television commercials have sought to establish coffee as a desirable high end product, enjoyed by bohemian lovers in a conspicuously up-market environment (Werder). All Saints’s Black Coffee (2000) and Lebrado’s Coffee (2006) identify strongly with the culture industry’s image of coffee as a luxurious beverage whose consumption signifies prominent social status. All Saints’s promotional video is set in a opulent location (although its visuals emphasise the lyric’s romantic disharmony), while Natalie Cole’s Coffee Time (2008) might have been itself written as a commercial. Busting Up a Starbucks: The Politics of Coffee Politics and coffee meet most palpably at the coffee shop. This conjunction has a well-documented history beginning with the establishment of coffee houses in Europe and the birth of the public sphere (Habermas; Love; Pincus). The first popular songs to reference coffee shops include Jaybird Coleman’s Coffee Grinder Blues (1930), which boasts of skills that precede the contemporary notion of a barista by four decades; and Let's Have Another Cup of Coffee (1932) from Irving Berlin’s depression-era musical Face The Music, where the protagonists decide to stay in a restaurant drinking coffee and eating pie until the economy improves. Coffee in a Cardboard Cup (1971) from the Broadway musical 70 Girls 70 is an unambiguous condemnation of consumerism, however, it was written, recorded and produced a generation before Starbucks’ aggressive expansion and rapid dominance of the coffee house market during the 1990s. The growth of this company caused significant criticism and protest against what seemed to be a ruthless homogenising force that sought to overwhelm local competition (Holt; Thomson). In response, Starbucks has sought to be defined as a more responsive and interactive brand that encourages “glocalisation” (de Larios; Thompson). Koller, however, has characterised glocalisation as the manipulative fabrication of an “imagined community”—whose heterogeneity is in fact maintained by the aesthetics and purchasing choices of consumers who make distinctive and conscious anti-brand statements (114). Neat Capitalism is a more useful concept here, one that intercedes between corporate ideology and postmodern cultural logic, where such notions as community relations and customer satisfaction are deliberately and perhaps somewhat cynically conflated with the goal of profit maximisation (Rojek). As the world’s largest chain of coffee houses with over 19,400 stores in March 2012 (Loxcel), Starbucks is an exemplar of this phenomenon. Their apparent commitment to environmental stewardship, community relations, and ethical sourcing is outlined in the company’s annual “Global Responsibility Report” (Vimac). It is also demonstrated in their engagement with charitable and environmental non-governmental organisations such as Fairtrade and Co-operative for Assistance and Relief Everywhere (CARE). By emphasising this, Starbucks are able to interpellate (that is, “call forth”, “summon”, or “hail” in Althusserian terms) those consumers who value environmental protection, social justice and ethical business practices (Rojek 117). Bob Dylan and Sheryl Crow provide interesting case studies of the persuasive cultural influence evoked by Neat Capitalism. Dylan’s 1962 song Talkin’ New York satirised his formative experiences as an impoverished performer in Greenwich Village’s coffee houses. In 1995, however, his decision to distribute the Bob Dylan: Live At The Gaslight 1962 CD exclusively via Starbucks generated significant media controversy. Prominent commentators expressed their disapproval (Wilson Harris) and HMV Canada withdrew Dylan’s product from their shelves (Lynskey). Despite this, the success of this and other projects resulted in the launch of Starbucks’s in-house record company, Hear Music, which released entirely new recordings from major artists such as Ray Charles, Paul McCartney, Joni Mitchell, Carly Simon and Elvis Costello—although the company has recently announced a restructuring of their involvement in this venture (O’Neil). Sheryl Crow disparaged her former life as a waitress in Coffee Shop (1995), a song recorded for her second album. “Yes, I was a waitress. I was a waitress not so long ago; then I won a Grammy” she affirmed in a YouTube clip of a live performance from the same year. More recently, however, Crow has become an avowed self-proclaimed “Starbucks groupie” (Tickle), releasing an Artist’s Choice (2003) compilation album exclusively via Hear Music and performing at the company’s 2010 Annual Shareholders’s Meeting. Songs voicing more unequivocal dissatisfaction with Starbucks’s particular variant of Neat Capitalism include Busting Up a Starbucks (Mike Doughty, 2005), and Starbucks Takes All My Money (KJ-52, 2008). The most successful of these is undoubtedly Ron Sexsmith’s Jazz at the Bookstore (2006). Sexsmith bemoans the irony of intense original blues artists such as Leadbelly being drowned out by the cacophony of coffee grinding machines while customers queue up to purchase expensive coffees whose names they can’t pronounce. In this, he juxtaposes the progressive patina of corporate culture against the circumstances of African-American labour conditions in the deep South, the shocking incongruity of which eventually cause the old bluesman to turn in his grave. Fredric Jameson may have good reason to lament the depthless a-historical pastiche of postmodern popular culture, but this is no “nostalgia film”: Sexsmith articulates an artfully framed set of subtle, sensitive, and carefully contextualised observations. Songs about coffee also intersect with politics via lyrics that play on the mid-brown colour of the beverage, by employing it as a metaphor for the sociological meta-narratives of acculturation and assimilation. First popularised in Israel Zangwill’s 1905 stage play, The Melting Pot, this term is more commonly associated with Americanisation rather than miscegenation in the United States—a nuanced distinction that British band Blue Mink failed to grasp with their memorable invocation of “coffee-coloured people” in Melting Pot (1969). Re-titled in the US as People Are Together (Mickey Murray, 1970) the song was considered too extreme for mainstream radio airplay (Thompson). Ike and Tina Turner’s Black Coffee (1972) provided a more accomplished articulation of coffee as a signifier of racial identity; first by associating it with the history of slavery and the post-Civil Rights discourse of African-American autonomy, then by celebrating its role as an energising force for African-American workers seeking economic self-determination. Anyone familiar with the re-casting of black popular music in an industry dominated by Caucasian interests and aesthetics (Cashmore; Garofalo) will be unsurprised to find British super-group Humble Pie’s (1973) version of this song more recognisable. Conclusion Coffee-flavoured popular songs celebrate the stimulant effects of caffeine, provide metaphors for courtship rituals, and offer critiques of Neat Capitalism. Harold Love and Guthrie Ramsey have each argued (from different perspectives) that the cultural micro-narratives of small social groups allow us to identify important “ethnographic truths” (Ramsey 22). Aesthetically satisfying and intellectually stimulating coffee songs are found where these micro-narratives intersect with the ethnographic truths of coffee culture. 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In the late 2010s, I owned and operated a bespoke drum-building company, and during that time, I was commissioned to build a frame drum by the partner of a musician who was also a magic practitioner. The commission was fitting despite my business not being related to magic or Paganism directly. I have been working with drum construction in all of my research projects during my academic career, a touring percussionist for decades, and the company focussed on making drums inspired by Lovecraftian narratives and Lovecraftian Futurist music. Due to the nature of Lovecraftian horror and science fiction being potentially supernatural-related, and given my performance experience and ethnomusicological background, I understood the details of the request and planned my construction in accordance with their interests. The decisions made regarding materials, style, and decorations with respect to the expected functionality, performance techniques, and desired aesthetics outlined a distinct relationship between the magical and musical qualities desired in the final product. These decisions were informed by the values upheld by the commissioner of the drum – values that parallel those of the performers, makers, and audience that make up the joint musical and magical community. The ways in which these decisions were informed, then, regulate the interactions not only with the music involved but also with the musical instruments and their construction. Perhaps this is less evident in a situation where an instrument is mass-manufactured, but taking as an example the set of decisions associated with this bespoke commission, informed by values based on a belief system and the practices associated with that belief system, a network of maker, player, and expectations of the instrument’s function can be highlighted. In turn, this raises interesting considerations about the relationship between building instruments and magic-related practices. Fig. 1: Commissioned drum that houses magical associations along with performative expectations. (Photo: Lisa Courtney) Most of the discussion herein pertains to building frame drums and my client’s interest in Wicca and Paganism, but neither magic, nor this discussion in general, need to be restricted to Wiccan, Occult, or Pagan practices exclusively. Magic in the broad context of how it can influence and inspire creative, ritual, or sonically functional practices can fall under the umbrella of Shamanism, Satanism, Spiritualism, Theosophy, Voodoo/Vodun, Taoism, Shintoism, Druidism, or any area of perceived magic (even fictional or self-constructed belief systems). Magic in the context of being a highly valued concept and concern makes magic (using any definition) relevant and a vehicle for better understanding the complex relationships between creative production and cultural, religious, and/or social values and belief systems. Drums and magic (using this broad definition) simply form an excellent, clear example of this dialectic network. Music and magic are inexorably linked together (Godwin; Connor, Sound and Musical). There are numerous accounts, both folkloric and academic, of how sonic qualities such as tempo, timbre, and pitch work in conjunction with hermetic powers, spiritual happenings, and theosophical practices through harmonic, melodic, and rhythmic means (Sharpe). Broad considerations of music and cosmology arise in Blavatsky’s esoteric instructions, functional use of music appears in the heterophonic improvisation supporting shamanic practices of Korean musok (Koudela and Yoo 94), and even the scientific explanations of Kepler link music to astronomy attempting to show the intertwined nature of music, spirituality, and the human soul. Lewis, in Witchcraft Today, cites multiple instances of music in relation to magic practice, from accompanying incantations to ritual dancing, to a long list of contemporary popular and folk music artists performing magic-related and -inspired material. The human body is sometimes used to produce this sonic enhancement or connections (Eason), but musical instruments are also used for a variety of reasons. Drums are often one of those instruments, incorporating the textures, pulses, or simply the sheer volume they can provide. Drumming is an essential part of engaging with Zangbeto, the vodun guardians of Benin (Okunola and Ojo 204); playing damaru (sometimes made from human skulls: Cupchik 34) is a highly valued musical element of Tibetan Chöd magic practices (Cupchik 34); Druidic land healing ceremonies rely on frame drums to open magic channels between the practitioner and the Earth (O’Driscoll); the original function of Czech vozembouchy was to ward off dark energies and provide protection during rituals (Connor, Constructing the Sounds 25); Korean Mudang use drums (and music/noise) to allow deities and spirits to speak through them at Gut ceremonies (Wróblewski); similarly, Tlingit Ixt (shamans) employ frame drums to both represent and conjure the ancestors about whom they are singing (Olsen 212). It probably cannot be said which came first – the intention to use percussion instruments for magical practices, then constructing them accordingly; or making percussion, then deciding these instruments are useful for magical purposes. However, recognising the influence that magic has on drum-making contemporaneously can be informative, unravelling how performance in magic-related contexts and the construction of percussive instruments designed to be used for such purposes, or those selected for their musical or magical properties, highlight a dialectic between drum-making and magic. Musical instruments are made, generally speaking, with a few common intentions in mind (Connor, Constructing Musical), then designed and built with specific performance expectations and functionalities informing the final construction (Connor, Constructing Musical). Frame drums follow this model; therefore, the commissioned drum mentioned above, where the magical element was considered a primary concern for the patron, can assist with outlining the design/maker-player-inspiration/beliefs/practice network that links them together. When starting the dialogue between maker and patron to realise the drum being commissioned, which wood should be used was the initial consideration. They wanted something “powerful” and “meaningful” but did not know what was available or would exactly match their practice interests, so I suggested some wood I had recently been given that thought might suit: a neighbour had a black walnut tree on their property which had been struck by lightning and was no longer considered safe and it was chopped down due to compromised structural integrity. Pieces of it were given to me. After describing this wood, even though all they knew about the properties of the tree was that it had been struck by lightning, the choice to use it was made instantly, citing simply the fact that it was special, had potentially absorbed the element of electricity into the element of wood, and hinting at the notion that “it was meant to be” as the reasons for incorporating the black walnut into the drum. Fig. 2: Black walnut wood from the tree struck by lightning. (Photo: author) Next was the number of sides for the drum. Most frame drums are circles or something similar, so that would count as either one-sided (not a moebius strip, but rather a simple circle) or infinite-sided (if taken as a number of infinitesimally small mini sides). As a maker, I also offered various other ‘barrel-style’ frames including 5-, 7-, 8-, 11-, and 13-sided models, each with their own Lovecraftian or related association (many of these are prime numbers, but in this case, that is irrelevant). The patron chose the 13-sided version of the barrel frame construction. The skin for the drum was not discussed, simply for the reason that options other than goat skin were more difficult to obtain and there was a time frame placed on the order, as the drum was a gift for the patron’s partner. Once the basic elements were set, we chatted about how the drum would be played, given that the performance style and playing technique would heavily inform some of the construction decisions. We also briefly mulled over the desired tone/timbral qualities, and finally the decorative aspects that would wrap up the construction decisions being made, allowing me to move forward and realise the project in accordance with the commission parameters. Each of these aspects held multiple considerations, akin to architectural design (Vitruvius; Pelletier), based on a triad of materials to be used, functionality expected, and aesthetics valued by the maker, player, and (in this case) the commissioner. The decisions made are consequential to the final design holistically and are therefore important, but of greater concern for this discussion is what informed these decisions and why. Effectively, only six decisions were made; each one was or would have been influenced by magic, affecting almost all aspects of the construction in some manner. With regards to the first decision on wood type, the black walnut was chosen, but not for its density which would have slightly increased the drum’s sustain, its availability (abundant), or discouraged for the fact that black walnut is heavy, and therefore, depending on the primary performance technique expected, the wood may have repercussions due to its sheer weight. Instead, the decision was made based on the one fact that it was struck by lightning. This gave the now-owners a sense of magical injection into the wood, and therefore drum itself. The feeling expressed was that there existed a (great) possibility that the wood, being a primary magical element that represents a connection to the Earth, stability, and the specific properties of the black walnut (Teague), was enhanced by the lightning. Various wand makers suggest that a wood type may have powers it possesses or resonates (Maclir) or links to the magical lore associated with the wood (Beggetta, Gross, and Miller; Theodore). Here, the wood was merged with or infused with another magical element, lightning, sometimes considered representative of power, energy, or brightness/purity (Teague). Whether or not these qualities were something that the patron was seeking or simply a bonus is irrelevant; the fact that the tree had been struck with lightning translated to a specific decision based on magic-related traits valued by the commissioner. The number of sides was actually suggested by me; however, to be clear, the final decision was confirmed by the patron. I offered the 13-sided barrel frame construction as a consideration based on the fact that I already offered these as part of my regular frame drum options, inspired by Lovecraftian horror narratives that include references to the number thirteen, the most recurring being “the thirteen gates of the Necronomicon” found in cosmic horror stories (Levenda; Tyson 13-21, 385-402). To be clear, although Lovecraft, Paganism, and magic are more than simply aligned (Price), Lovecraftian horror often implies magical practice diegetically, but the reader typically discovers the perceived magical elements to be something supranatural rather than supernatural, thus magic becomes explainable science, at least exegetically (Littmann). The number 13 still has relevance in the stories, where it shows up, which is why I often used the number 13 in my drum designs. However, it was another association of a 13-sided drum that aligned with the interests of the patron. In Pagan calendars, there are thirteen full moons per year—the final one serving as the mark of harvest and the new year celebrated during Samhain (Wittington). Acoustically speaking, 13 sides change the drum’s timbre (as compared to a circular frame), slightly reducing the midrange, and increasing some higher-end frequencies, but the acoustics of the instrument were of seemingly lower importance than the magical associations the 13 sides provided. For a Wiccan or Pagan, this choice of a number of sides was one of two that probably would not be ignored (the other being a 5-sided option). Playing techniques expected to be used are often a primary consideration for making instruments in my personal experience, both during my time as a frame drum maker and during my internship with a drum builder in Germany as part of my PhD research. The playing techniques expected during creative/expressive performance definitely informed the construction of the drum, but magical expectations, meaning how the drum was expected to be played during magic-related practices, were also a consideration for the expected playing technique. Factors like playing with hands only, using a beater or stick only, a combination of the two, use of finger rolls, beater position (i.e. upright like a bodhran tipper, sideways like a shaman drum, or above like a trap set or pow-wow drum), and position of the drum itself (i.e. upright holding it from underneath, resting it on the player’s knee, held between the player’s legs while seated, or being held by handle) were discussed. How the drum is going to be played for a performance partially depends on the expectation of the drum’s function musically—is the player going to stand on stage, sit in a recording studio, or participate in a ritual, for instance. In this case, there was an expectation of all three, but given the nature of the commission, that being a patron commissioning the drum as a gift for her partner as a romantic and magic-based token of affection with added functionality, the magic-related expectation became the principal influence on her decisions. In the end, the patron opted to incorporate all the possibilities for performance techniques, giving her partner the most flexibility. This decision provided her partner with the capability to participate in ritual activities easily as well as giving him ergonomically sound means to perform (creatively) with the drum in a recording or live setting. The tonal qualities of the drum were already partially decided, but one other important point was also discussed: one influenced by magic considerations. The leading edge of the drum (where the rim of the frame interacts with the skin stretched over the top of it) has several possible ways to be designed. For my drums, I offered two options that can be considered what equates to more or less the two timbral extremes: a flat leading edge similar to a typical shaman drum or bodhran, or a timpani-style leading edge that has a curved, quarter-circular rounded edge with a very small ledge underneath that. The flat edge makes the drum respond with an even set of frequencies when struck in the centre of the skin and often has a shorter sustain to the sound produced in comparison to a drum with a rounded or pointed edge (Crosby). The timpani-style edge gives an emphasis on lower frequencies, often complementing those with a highlight of high frequencies (giving the aural illusion of fewer midrange tones) and adds a fairly long sustain to the sound created (Crosby). For a creative performance-only commission, the decision would be almost entirely timbral, but for this patron, a consideration of ritual practices and magical context came into play: the lower tone expected to be provided by the timpani leading edge, combined with the longer sustain aligned with the patron’s sensibilities of how the human body may respond to those tonal qualities. Furthermore, the sheer volume was taken into account, as the loudness perceived when playing a lower-pitched drum with a greater sustain can assist with awakening spirits or deities as seen by a practitioner of Paganism (Gustafson), thereby making the timpani leading edge the appropriate choice for the commissioned drum. Visual aspects of drum construction are often almost purely aesthetic. This, however, does not exclude them from being an integral part of the drum’s construction, and in fact, they may be the initial factor to which a player or audience member reacts when first interacting with the drum. The commissioned drum already holds some aesthetic distinction, given its shape and the material choices made. Beyond that, some other visual aspects were notably influenced by the drum's expected magical association. The black walnut being used had a greyish tint to it in an unfinished state, but the suggestion I made was to finish the wood, oiling the frame instead of staining it, giving it a more or less natural finish, but much darker in hue. As far as I can tell, that was entirely a personal taste choice and not based on anything magic-related, but the other visual choices, both decorative, were definitively inspired by Pagan or Wiccan beliefs. The outside of the frame was requested to be wood burned with designs that included various sigils and markings meaningful to the patron and her partner. The sigils have a direct relationship to magic, and it was/is expected that when the drum is played, the decorations would “speak to the universe,” emanating their messages through any given ritual or performance (akin to Tibetan lungta or wind horse flags; Adalakanzhu 13). The specific meaning of the sigils is being redacted on purpose due to the private nature of their meaning; let it suffice to say that they are simultaneously magical and romantic in nature, binding the couple in various ways. Parallel to the wood burning on the side and bottom of the drum was a design made from henna on the front of the skin. The design also presented sigil and sigil-like elements alongside magic or fantastical artwork serving as a sort of cultural flag that the instrument was not only an instrument of sound creation but also one of magical practice (see figure 3). Figure 3: Decoration on the front of the commissioned drum's skin Fig. 4: Wood-burning decorations on the bottom edge of the commissioned drum This commissioned drum is not the only example of relationships between an instrument’s construction and the belief system upheld by the maker, player, and/or audience of the music made with it. Another drum I made recently was for a graduate student who obtained his master’s degree from my current university: as a congratulations gift, I built a drum for him. Upon his request, the drum was 11-sided, which aligned with some of the student’s Buddhist beliefs and practices, and also incorporated all expected playing techniques into the construction, with mainly shamanic and meditative performances in mind (see figure 5). Fig. 5: 11-sided drum built for a graduate student who is also a practicing Buddhist Another example is a 5-sided drum I created for a professional musician performing in a Neo-medievalist band with very strong Gothic and Pagan influences and aesthetics. The shape of the drum was selected for both its timbral qualities and the relation to Lovecraft and the occult, specifically a pentagram reference being made indirectly and directly (in the form of a Necronomicon symbol emblazoned on the goat-skin head; see figure 6). Fig. 6: 5-sided drum in progress (finished in 2017) Fig. 7: A commissioned 5-sided, Lovecraft and magic-inspired drum. (Note: this is not the drum mentioned above, but a different commission with similar traits) Another 13-sided drum that was also commissioned to be a prize for a contest that was Pagan and Lovecraft-related, was also decorated with a large Necronomicon symbol and other rune and rune-like sigil images (see figure 8). Fig. 8: Lovecraft-inspired drum for competition prize Even the 7-sided drum I offered had a belief system inspiration: my aunt who wanted to learn to play the bodhran, and wanted a style that showed off her religious faith, commissioned a 7-sided drum as a Christian-based frame that was just as representative of beliefs as the magical or Lovecraftian-inspired frames. In all cases of barrel-style drum frames, especially those with an odd number of sides, the timbre is affected by the overall shape and ways in which the membrane vibrates, creating a series of interference patterns that often highlight some of the upper frequencies and dampen some of the midrange frequencies simultaneously (an enhancement of the bass comes from the leading edge of the drum, as mentioned above). The point to note here is that the number of sides does slightly have acoustic considerations, but more than the sound, the number of sides has strong semiotic and visual aesthetics (plus some ergonomic factors) that inject social and (sub)cultural values into the drums via their design, which is what makes the number of sides important. Fig. 9: 7-sided drum for a Christian patron Something to which I have already alluded is the notion that values upheld by the performers, makers, and audience of a community are entangled with both the music involved and the musical instruments played and their construction. Concepts of circles can represent reincarnation, protection, cycles of celestial bodies, or notions of regeneration, and translate to frame shape or ensemble performance configurations. Drum shapes as well as skin types can influence sonic qualities that in turn evoke magical properties or specific deities/demons. Beliefs can fuel trance-inducing rhythmic patterns played until an ecstatic state is achieved by the practitioner, which practically requires consideration for performance techniques employed, and therefore instrument design. Widening the lens that focusses on the relation between drum-building and magic practices, an undertaking of any creative or design endeavour comes to light in which a level of agency decides expected functionality, materials, and aesthetics. Examining how the makers, operators, and community members involved develop the network between themselves and what they produce can highlight the perception, value, and ways in which they incorporate the world around them physically and philosophically. Acknowledgment Unless otherwise noted, all photographs by the author. References Adalakanzhu, Ella. “The Wind Horse Flag.” Skipping Stones 14.1, (2002): 13. Beggetta, Albert, Barry Gross, and James Miller. Compendium of Wooden Wand Making Techniques. Fox Chapel, 2021. Blavatsky, H.P. Esoteric Papers: A Comprehensive Compilation of H.P. Blavatsky’s Esoteric Papers Compiled by Daniel H. Caldwell. Kessinger Publishing, 2005. Connor, William K. “Sound and Musical Instruments in Paganism.” Wyldspirit (Winter 2015-16): 32-35. Connor, William K. “Constructing the Sounds of Devils: Diabolical Interactions between Culture, History, and the Construction of the Czech Vozembouch.” Ziva Hudba (Folk Music) 8 (2017): 12-41. Connor, William K. Constructing Musical Associations through Instruments: The Role of the Instrument Maker in the Maker-Instrument-Player Network within the Neo-Medievalist Gothic Music Scene. Ph.D. dissertation. Royal Holloway University of London, 2011. Crosby, Andy (Guru Drums). Video conversation, 2017. Cupchik, Jeffery W. “Buddhism as Performing Art: Visualizing Music in the Tibetan Sacred Ritual Music Liturgies.” Yale Journal of Music and Religion 1.1 (2015): 31-62. Eason, Cassandra. A Practical Guide to Witchcraft and Magick Spells. Foulsham, 2001. Godwin, Joscelyn. Harmonies of Heaven and Earth: Mysticism in Music from Antiquity to the Avant-Garde. Inner Traditions, 1995. Gustafson, Katrina. How to Communicate with Your Ancestors. 2020. 2 Aug. 2023 <https://www.gaia.com/article/how-to-communicate-with-your-ancestors>. Kepler, Johannes. Harmonies of the World. Global Grey, 2017. Koudela, Pál, and Jinil Yoo. “Music and Musicians in Kut, the Korean Shamanic Ritual.” Revista de Etnografie şi Folclor (Journal of Ethnography and Folklore) 1.2 (2016): 87-106. Levenda, Peter (Simon). The Complete Simon Necronomicon. Harper-Collins, 1980. Lewis, James R. Witchcraft Today: An Encyclopedia of Wiccan and Neopagan Traditions. ABC-CLIO, 1999. Littmann, Greg. “H.P. Lovecraft’s Philosophy of Science-Fiction Horror.” 2018 Science Fiction Popular Culture Academic Conference Proceedings, Hawai'i, 13-16 Sep. 2018. Eds. Timothy F. Slater and Carrie J. Cole. Create Space Independent, 2018. 93-108. Maclir, Alferian Gwydion. Wandlore: The Art of Crafting the Ultimate Magical Tool. Llewellyn, 2012. O’Driscoll, Dana. Land Healing: Ritual for Putting the Land to Sleep. 2022. 2 Aug. 2023 <https://thedruidsgarden.com/2020/02/23/land-healing-ritual-for-putting-the-land-to-sleep/>. Okunola, Rashidi Akanji, and Matthais Olufemi Dada Ojo. “Zangbeto: The Traditional Way of Policing and Securing the Community among the Ogu (Egun) People in Badagry, Nigeria.” Etnoantropološki Problemi 8.1 (2016): 204. Olson, Ronald L. “Tlingit Shamanism and Sorcery.” Anthropological Society Papers 25 (1961): 207-220. Pelletier, Louise. Architecture in Words: Theatre, Language, and the Sensuous Space of Architecture. Routledge, 2006. Price, Robert M. Black Forbidden Things. Starmont House, 1992. Robbins, Shawn, and Leanna Greenaway. Wiccapedia: A Modern-Day White Witch’s Guide. Sterling Ethos, 2011. Sharpe, Eric J. “Music.” In Man, Myth, and Magic: The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Mythology, Religion, and the Unknown. Marshall Cavendish, 1995. Teague, Gypsey Elaine. The Witch’s Guide to Wands: A Complete Botanical, Magical, and Elemental Guide to Making, Choosing, and Using the Right Wand. Weiser Books, 2015. Theodore, K.P. Wandlore: A Guide for the Apprentice Wandmaker. Erebus Society, 2015. Tyson, Donald. 13 Gates of the Necronomicon: A Workbook of Magic. Llewellyn, 2010. Vitruvius. The Ten Books on Architecture. Harvard UP, 2006. Wittington, Patti. “Celtic Tree Months.” Learn Religions 2019. 2 Aug. 2023 <https://www.learnreligions.com/celtic-tree-months-2562403>. Wróblewski, Dominik. “Korean Shamanism – the Religion of Harmony in Contemporary Korea.” Acta Asiatica Varsoviensia 30 (2017).

Introduction Documentary film has grown significantly in the past decade, with high profile films such as Fahrenheit 9/11, Supersize Me, and An Inconvenient Truth garnering increased attention both at the box office and in the news media. In addition, the rising prominence of web-based media has provided new opportunities for documentary to create social impact. Films are now typically released with websites, Facebook pages, twitter feeds, and web videos to increase both reach and impact. This combination of technology and broader audience appeal has given rise to a current landscape in which documentary films are imbedded within coordinated multi-media campaigns. New media have not only opened up new avenues for communicating with audiences, they have also created new opportunities for data collection and analysis of film impacts. A recent report by McKinsey and Company highlighted this potential, introducing and discussing the implications of increasing consumer information being recorded on the Internet as well as through networked sensors in the physical world. As they found: "Big data—large pools of data that can be captured, communicated, aggregated, stored, and analyzed—is now part of every sector and function of the global economy" (Manyika et al. iv). This data can be mined to learn a great deal about both individual and cultural response to documentary films and the issues they represent. Although film has a rich history in humanities research, this new set of tools enables an empirical approach grounded in the social sciences. However, several researchers across disciplines have noted that limited investigation has been conducted in this area. Although there has always been an emphasis on social impact in film and many filmmakers and scholars have made legitimate (and possibly illegitimate) claims of impact, few have attempted to empirically justify these claims. Over fifteen years ago, noted film scholar Brian Winston commented that "the underlying assumption of most social documentaries—that they shall act as agents of reform and change—is almost never demonstrated" (236). A decade later, Political Scientist David Whiteman repeated this sentiment, arguing that, "despite widespread speculation about the impact of documentaries, the topic has received relatively little systematic attention" ("Evolving"). And earlier this year, the introduction to a special issue of Mass Communication and Society on documentary film stated, "documentary film, despite its growing influence and many impacts, has mostly been overlooked by social scientists studying the media and communication" (Nisbet and Aufderheide 451). Film has been studied extensively as entertainment, as narrative, and as cultural event, but the study of film as an agent of social change is still in its infancy. This paper introduces a systematic approach to measuring the social impact of documentary film aiming to: (1) discuss the context of documentary film and its potential impact; and (2) argue for a social science approach, discussing key issues about conducting such research. Changes in Documentary Practice Documentary film has been used as a tool for promoting social change throughout its history. John Grierson, who coined the term "documentary" in 1926, believed it could be used to influence the ideas and actions of people in ways once reserved for church and school. He presented his thoughts on this emerging genre in his 1932 essay, First Principles of Documentary, saying, "We believe that the cinema's capacity for getting around, for observing and selecting from life itself, can be exploited in a new and vital art form" (97). Richard Barsam further specified the definition of documentary, distinguishing it from non-fiction film, such that all documentaries are non-fiction films but not all non-fiction films are documentaries. He distinguishes documentary from other forms of non-fiction film (i.e. travel films, educational films, newsreels) by its purpose; it is a film with an opinion and a specific message that aims to persuade or influence the audience. And Bill Nichols writes that the definition of documentary may even expand beyond the film itself, defining it as a "filmmaking practice, a cinematic tradition, and mode of audience reception" (12). Documentary film has undergone many significant changes since its inception, from the heavily staged romanticism movement of the 1920s to the propagandist tradition of governments using film to persuade individuals to support national agendas to the introduction of cinéma vérité in the 1960s and historical documentary in the 1980s (cf. Barnouw). However, the recent upsurge in popularity of documentary media, combined with technological advances of internet and computers have opened up a whole new set of opportunities for film to serve as both art and agent for social change. One such opportunity is in the creation of film-based social action campaigns. Over the past decade, filmmakers have taken a more active role in promoting social change by coordinating film releases with action campaigns. Companies such as Participant Media (An Inconvenient Truth, Food Inc., etc.) now create "specific social action campaigns for each film and documentary designed to give a voice to issues that resonate in the films" (Participant Media). In addition, a new sector of "social media" consultants are now offering services, including "consultation, strategic planning for alternative distribution, website and social media development, and complete campaign management services to filmmakers to ensure the content of nonfiction media truly meets the intention for change" (Working Films). The emergence of new forms of media and technology are changing our conceptions of both documentary film and social action. Technologies such as podcasts, video blogs, internet radio, social media and network applications, and collaborative web editing "both unsettle and extend concepts and assumptions at the heart of 'documentary' as a practice and as an idea" (Ellsworth). In the past decade, we have seen new forms of documentary creation, distribution, marketing, and engagement. Likewise, film campaigns are utilizing a broad array of strategies to engage audience members, including "action kits, screening programs, educational curriculums and classes, house parties, seminars, panels" that often turn into "ongoing 'legacy' programs that are updated and revised to continue beyond the film's domestic and international theatrical, DVD and television windows" (Participant Media). This move towards multi-media documentary film is becoming not only commonplace, but expected as a part of filmmaking. NYU film professor and documentary film pioneer George Stoney recently noted, "50 percent of the documentary filmmaker's job is making the movie, and 50 percent is figuring out what its impact can be and how it can move audiences to action" (qtd. in Nisbet, "Gasland"). In his book Convergence Culture, Henry Jenkins, coined the term "transmedia storytelling", which he later defined as "a process where integral elements of a fiction get dispersed systematically across multiple delivery channels for the purpose of creating a unified and coordinated entertainment experience" ("Transmedia"). When applied to documentary film, it is the elements of the "issue" raised by the film that get dispersed across these channels, coordinating, not just an entertainment experience, but a social action campaign. Dimensions of Evaluation It is not unreasonable to assume that such film campaigns, just like any policy or program, have the possibility to influence viewers' knowledge, attitudes, and behavior. Measuring this impact has become increasingly important, as funders of documentary and issue-based films want look to understand the "return on investment" of films in terms of social impact so that they can compare them with other projects, including non-media, direct service projects. Although we "feel" like films make a difference to the individuals who also see them in the broader cultures in which they are embedded, measurement and empirical analysis of this impact are vitally important for both providing feedback to filmmakers and funders as well as informing future efforts attempting to leverage film for social change. This type of systematic assessment, or program evaluation, is often discussed in terms of two primary goals—formative (or process) and summative (or impact) evaluation (cf. Muraskin; Trochim and Donnelly). Formative evaluation studies program materials and activities to strengthen a program, and summative evaluation examines program outcomes. In terms of documentary film, these two goals can be described as follows: Formative Evaluation: Informing the Process As programs (broadly defined as an intentional set of activities with the aim of having some specific impact), the people who interact with them, and the cultures they are situated in are constantly changing, program development and evaluation is an ongoing learning cycle. Film campaigns, which are an intentional set of activities with the aim of impacting individual viewers and broader cultures, fit squarely within this purview. Without formulating hypotheses about the relationships between program activities and goals and then collecting and analyzing data during implementation to test them, it is difficult to learn ways to improve programs (or continue doing what works best in the most efficient manner). Attention to this process enables those involved to learn more about, not only what works, but how and why it works and even gain insights about how program outcomes may be affected by changes to resource availability, potential audiences, or infrastructure. Filmmakers are constantly learning and honing their craft and realizing the impact of their practice can help the artistic process. Often faced with tight budgets and timelines, they are forced to confront tradeoffs all the time, in the writing, production and post-production process. Understanding where they are having impact can improve their decision-making, which can help both the individual project and the overall field. Summative Evaluation: Quantifying Impacts Evaluation is used in many different fields to determine whether programs are achieving their intended goals and objectives. It became popular in the 1960s as a way of understanding the impact of the Great Society programs and has continued to grow since that time (Madaus and Stufflebeam). A recent White House memo stated that "rigorous, independent program evaluations can be a key resource in determining whether government programs are achieving their intended outcomes as well as possible and at the lowest possible cost" and the United States Office of Management and Budget (OMB) launched an initiative to increase the practice of "impact evaluations, or evaluations aimed at determining the causal effects of programs" (Orszag 1). Documentary films, like government programs, generally target a national audience, aim to serve a social purpose, and often do not provide a return on their investment. Participant Media, the most visible and arguably most successful documentary production company in the film industry, made recent headlines for its difficulty in making a profit during its seven-year history (Cieply). Owner and founder Jeff Skoll reported investing hundreds of millions of dollars into the company and CEO James Berk added that the company sometimes measures success, not by profit, but by "whether Mr. Skoll could have exerted more impact simply by spending his money philanthropically" (Cieply). Because of this, documentary projects often rely on grant funding, and are starting to approach funders beyond traditional arts and media sources. "Filmmakers are finding new fiscal and non-fiscal partners, in constituencies that would not traditionally be considered—or consider themselves—media funders or partners" (BRITDOC 6). And funders increasingly expect tangible data about their return on investment. Says Luis Ubiñas, president of Ford Foundation, which recently launched the Just Films Initiative: In these times of global economic uncertainty, with increasing demand for limited philanthropic dollars, assessing our effectiveness is more important than ever. Today, staying on the frontlines of social change means gauging, with thoughtfulness and rigor, the immediate and distant outcomes of our funding. Establishing the need for evaluation is not enough—attention to methodology is also critical. Valid research methodology is a critical component of understanding around the role entertainment can play in impacting social and environmental issues. The following issues are vital to measuring impact. Defining the Project Though this may seem like an obvious step, it is essential to determine the nature of the project so one can create research questions and hypotheses based on a complete understanding of the "treatment". One organization that provides a great example of the integration of documentary film imbedded into a larger campaign or movement is Invisible Children. Founded in 2005, Invisible Children is both a media-based organization as well as an economic development NGO with the goal of raising awareness and meeting the needs of child soldiers and other youth suffering as a result of the ongoing war in northern Uganda. Although Invisible Children began as a documentary film, it has grown into a large non-profit organization with an operating budget of over $8 million and a staff of over a hundred employees and interns throughout the year as well as volunteers in all 50 states and several countries. Invisible Children programming includes films, events, fundraising campaigns, contests, social media platforms, blogs, videos, two national "tours" per year, merchandise, and even a 650-person three-day youth summit in August 2011 called The Fourth Estate. Individually, each of these components might lead to specific outcomes; collectively, they might lead to others. In order to properly assess impacts of the film "project", it is important to take all of these components into consideration and think about who they may impact and how. This informs the research questions, hypotheses, and methods used in evaluation. Film campaigns may even include partnerships with existing social movements and non-profit organizations targeting social change. The American University Center for Social Media concluded in a case study of three issue-based documentary film campaigns: Digital technologies do not replace, but are closely entwined with, longstanding on-the-ground activities of stakeholders and citizens working for social change. Projects like these forge new tools, pipelines, and circuits of circulation in a multiplatform media environment. They help to create sustainable network infrastructures for participatory public media that extend from local communities to transnational circuits and from grassroots communities to policy makers. (Abrash) Expanding the Focus of Impact beyond the Individual A recent focus has shifted the dialogue on film impact. Whiteman ("Theaters") argues that traditional metrics of film "success" tend to focus on studio economic indicators that are far more relevant to large budget films. Current efforts focused on box office receipts and audience size, the author claims, are really measures of successful film marketing or promotion, missing the mark when it comes to understanding social impact. He instead stresses the importance of developing a more comprehensive model. His "coalition model" broadens the range and types of impact of film beyond traditional metrics to include the entire filmmaking process, from production to distribution. Whiteman (“Theaters”) argues that a narrow focus on the size of the audience for a film, its box office receipts, and viewers' attitudes does not incorporate the potential reach of a documentary film. Impacts within the coalition model include both individual and policy levels. Individual impacts (with an emphasis on activist groups) include educating members, mobilizing for action, and raising group status; policy includes altering both agenda for and the substance of policy deliberations. The Fledgling Fund (Barrett and Leddy) expanded on this concept and identified five distinct impacts of documentary film campaigns. These potential impacts expand from individual viewers to groups, movements, and eventually to what they call the "ultimate goal" of social change. Each is introduced briefly below. Quality Film. The film itself can be presented as a quality film or media project, creating enjoyment or evoking emotion in the part of audiences. "By this we mean a film that has a compelling narrative that draws viewers in and can engage them in the issue and illustrate complex problems in ways that statistics cannot" (Barrett and Leddy, 6). Public Awareness. Film can increase public awareness by bringing light to issues and stories that may have otherwise been unknown or not often thought about. This is the level of impact that has received the most attention, as films are often discussed in terms of their "educational" value. "A project's ability to raise awareness around a particular issue, since awareness is a critical building block for both individual change and broader social change" (Barrett and Leddy, 6). Public Engagement. Impact, however, need not stop at simply raising public awareness. Engagement "indicates a shift from simply being aware of an issue to acting on this awareness. Were a film and its outreach campaign able to provide an answer to the question 'What can I do?' and more importantly mobilize that individual to act?" (Barrett and Leddy, 7). This is where an associated film campaign becomes increasingly important, as transmedia outlets such as Facebook, websites, blogs, etc. can build off the interest and awareness developed through watching a film and provide outlets for viewers channel their constructive efforts. Social Movement. In addition to impacts on individuals, films can also serve to mobilize groups focused on a particular problem. The filmmaker can create a campaign around the film to promote its goals and/or work with existing groups focused on a particular issue, so that the film can be used as a tool for mobilization and collaboration. "Moving beyond measures of impact as they relate to individual awareness and engagement, we look at the project's impact as it relates to the broader social movement … if a project can strengthen the work of key advocacy organizations that have strong commitment to the issues raised in the film" (Barrett and Leddy, 7). Social Change. The final level of impact and "ultimate goal" of an issue-based film is long-term and systemic social change. "While we understand that realizing social change is often a long and complex process, we do believe it is possible and that for some projects and issues there are key indicators of success" (Barrett and Leddy, 7). This can take the form of policy or legislative change, passed through film-based lobbying efforts, or shifts in public dialogue and behavior. Legislative change typically takes place beyond the social movement stage, when there is enough support to pressure legislators to change or create policy. Film-inspired activism has been seen in issues ranging from environmental causes such as agriculture (Food Inc.) and toxic products (Blue Vinyl) to social causes such as foreign conflict (Invisible Children) and education (Waiting for Superman). Documentary films can also have a strong influence as media agenda-setters, as films provide dramatic "news pegs" for journalists seeking to either sustain or generation new coverage of an issue (Nisbet "Introduction" 5), such as the media coverage of climate change in conjunction with An Inconvenient Truth. Barrett and Leddy, however, note that not all films target all five impacts and that different films may lead to different impacts. "In some cases we could look to key legislative or policy changes that were driven by, or at least supported by the project... In other cases, we can point to shifts in public dialogue and how issues are framed and discussed" (7). It is possible that specific film and/or campaign characteristics may lead to different impacts; this is a nascent area for research and one with great promise for both practical and theoretical utility. Innovations in Tools and Methods Finally, the selection of tools is a vital component for assessing impact and the new media landscape is enabling innovations in the methods and strategies for program evaluation. Whereas the traditional domain of film impact measurement included box office statistics, focus groups, and exit surveys, innovations in data collection and analysis have expanded the reach of what questions we can ask and how we are able to answer them. For example, press coverage can assist in understanding and measuring the increase in awareness about an issue post-release. Looking directly at web-traffic changes "enables the creation of an information-seeking curve that can define the parameters of a teachable moment" (Hart and Leiserowitz 360). Audience reception can be measured, not only via interviews and focus groups, but also through content and sentiment analysis of web content and online analytics. "Sophisticated analytics can substantially improve decision making, minimize risks, and unearth valuable insights that would otherwise remain hidden" (Manyika et al. 5). These new tools are significantly changing evaluation, expanding what we can learn about the social impacts of film through triangulation of self-report data with measurement of actual behavior in virtual environments. Conclusion The changing media landscape both allows and impels evaluation of film impacts on individual viewers and the broader culture in which they are imbedded. Although such analysis may have previously been limited to box office numbers, critics' reviews, and theater exit surveys, the rise of new media provides both the ability to connect filmmakers, activists, and viewers in new ways and the data in which to study the process. This capability, combined with significant growth in the documentary landscape, suggests a great potential for documentary film to contribute to some of our most pressing social and environmental needs. A social scientific approach, that combines empirical analysis with theory applied from basic science, ensures that impact can be measured and leveraged in a way that is useful for both filmmakers as well as funders. In the end, this attention to impact ensures a continued thriving marketplace for issue-based documentary films in our social landscape. References Abrash, Barbara. "Social Issue Documentary: The Evolution of Public Engagement." American University Center for Social Media 21 Apr. 2010. 26 Sep. 2011 ‹http://www.centerforsocialmedia.org/›. Aufderheide, Patricia. "The Changing Documentary Marketplace." Cineaste 30.3 (2005): 24-28. Barnouw, Eric. Documentary: A History of the Non-Fiction Film. New York: Oxford UP, 1993. Barrett, Diana and Sheila Leddy. 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Introduction Curation-related discourses have become widespread. The growing public profile of curators, the emergence of new curation-related discourses and their proliferation beyond the confines of museums, particularly on social media, have led some to conclude that we now live in an age of curation (Buskirk cited in Synder). Curation is commonly understood in instrumentalist terms as the evaluation, selection and presentation of artefacts around a central theme or motif (see O’Neill; Synder). However, there is a growing academic interest in what underlies the shifting discourses and practices. Many are asking what do these changes mean (Martinon) now that “the curatorial turn” has positioned curation as a legitimate object of academic study (O’Neill). This article locates an exploration of the curatorial turn in journalism studies since 2010 within the shifting meanings of curation from antiquity to the digital age. It argues that the industry is facing a Foucauldian moment where the changing political economy of news and the proliferation of user-generated content on social media have disrupted the monopolies traditional news media held over the circulation of knowledge of current affairs and the power this gave them to shape public debate. The disruptions are profound, prompting a rethinking of journalism (Peters and Broersma; Schudson). However, debates have polarised between those who view news curation as symptomatic of the demise of journalism and others who see it as part of a wider revival of the profession, freed from monopolistic institutions to circulate a wider array of knowledge and viewpoints (see Picard). This article eschews such polarisations and instead draws on Robert Picard’s argument that journalism is in transition and that journalism, as a set of professional practices, is adapting to the age of curation but that those traditional news providers that fail to adapt will most likely decline. However, Picard’s approach does not address the definitional problem as to what distinguishes news curating from other journalistic practices when the commonly used instrumental definition can apply to editing. This article aims to negotiate this problem by addressing some of the conceptual ambiguities that arise from wholly instrumental notions of news curation. From “Cura” to the Curatorial Turn and the Age of Curation Modern instrumentalist definitions are necessary but not sufficient for an exploration of the curatorial turn in journalism. Tracing the meanings of curation over time facilitates an expansion of the instrumental to include metaphoric conceptualisations. The term originated in a Latin allegory about a mythological figure, personified as the “cura”, translated literally as care or concern, and who created human beings from the clay of the earth. Having created the human, the cura was charged by the gods with the lifelong care of the human (Reich) and at the same time became a symbol of curiosity and creativity (see Nowotny). “Curators” first emerged in Imperial Rome to denote a public officer charged with maintaining order and the emperor’s finances (Nowotny) but by the fourteenth century the meaning had shifted to that of religious officer charged with the care of souls (Gaskill). At this point the metaphorical associations of creativity and curiosity subsided. Six hundred years later souls had been replaced by artefacts valorised because of their contribution to human knowledge or as a testament to exceptional human creativity (Nowotny). Objects of curiosity and originality, as well as their creators, were reified and curation became the specialist practice of an expert custodian charged with the care and preservation of artefacts but relegated to the background to collect, evaluate and archive artefacts entrusted to the care of museums and to be preserved for future generations. Instrumentalist meanings thus dominated. From the 1960s discourses shifted again from the privileging of a “producer who actually creates the object in its materiality” to an entire set of actors (Bourdieu 261). These shifts were part of the changing political economy of museums, the growing prevalence of exhibitions and the emergence of mega-exhibitions hosted in global cities and capable of attracting massive audiences (see O’Neill). The curator was no longer seen merely as a custodian but able to add cultural value to artefacts when drawing individual items together into a collection, interpreting their relevance to a theme then re-presenting them through a story or visuals (see O’Neill). The verb “to curate”, which had first entered the English lexicon in the early 1900s but was used sporadically (Synder), proliferated from the 1960s in museum studies (Farquharson cited in O’Neill) as mega-exhibitions attracted publicity and the higher profile of curators attracted the attention of intellectuals prompting a curatorial turn in museum studies. The curatorial turn in museum studies from the 1980s marks the emergence of curation as a legitimate object of academic enquiry. O’Neill identified a “Foucauldian moment” in museum studies where shifting discourses signified challenges to, and disruptions of, traditional forms of knowledge-based power. Curation was no longer seen as a neutral activity of preservation, but one located within a contested political economy and invested with contradictions and complexities. Philosophers such as Martinon and Nowotny have highlighted the impossibility of separating the oversight of valuable artefacts from the processes by which these are selected, valorised and signified and what, at times, has been the controversial appropriation of creative outputs. Thus, a new critical approach emerged. Recently, curating-related discourses have expanded beyond the “rarefied” world of museum studies (Synder). Social media platforms have facilitated the proliferation of user-generated content offering a vast array of new artefacts. Information circulates widely and new discourses can challenge traditional bases of knowledge. Audiences now actively search for new material driven in part by curiosity and a growing distrust of the professions and establishments (see Holmberg). The boundaries between professionals and lay people are blurring and, some argue, knowledge is being democratized (see Ibrahim; Holmberg). However, as new information becomes voluminous, alternative truths, misinformation and false information compete for attention and there is a growing demand for the verification, selection and presentation of artefacts, that is online curation (Picard; Bakker). Thus, the appropriation of social media is disrupting traditional power relations but also offering new opportunities for new information-related practices. Journalism is facing its own Foucauldian moment. A Foucauldian Moment in Journalism Studies Journalism has been traditionally understood as capturing today’s happenings, verifying the facts of an event, then presenting these as a narrative that reporters update as news unfolds. News has been seen as the preserve of professionals trained to interview eyewitnesses or experts, to verify facts and to compile what they found into a compelling narrative (Hallin and Mancini). News-gathering was typically the work of an individual tasked with collecting stand-alone stories then passing them onto editors to evaluate, select, prioritise and collate these into a collection that formed a newspaper or news programme . This understanding of journalism emerged from the 1830s along with a type of news that was accessible, that large numbers of people wanted to read and that, consequently, attracted advertising making news profitable (Park). The idea that presumed trained journalists were best placed to produce news appeared first in the UK and USA then spread worldwide (Hallin and Mancini). At the same time as there was growing demand for news, space constraints restricted how much could be published and the high costs of production served as a barrier to entry first in print then later in broadcast media (Picard; Curran and Seaton). The large news organisations that employed these professionals were thus able to control the circulation of information and knowledge they generated and the editors that selected content were able, in part, to shape public debates (Picard; Habermas). Social media challenge the control traditional media have had over the production and dissemination of news since the mid-1800s. Practically every major global news story in 2010 and 2011 from natural disasters to uprisings was broken by ordinary people on social media (Bruns and Highfield). Twitter facilitates a steady stream of updates at an almost real-time speed that 24-hour news channels cannot match. Facebook, Instagram and blogs add commentary, context, visuals and personal stories to breaking news. Experts and official sources routinely post announcements on social media platforms enabling anyone to access much of the same source material that previously was the preserve of reporters. Investigations by bloggers have exposed abuses of power by companies and governments that journalists on traditional media have failed to (Wischnowski). Audiences and advertisers are migrating away from traditional newspapers to a range of different online platforms. News consumers now actively use search engines to find available information of interest and look for efficient ways of sifting through the proliferation of the useful and the dubious, the revelatory and the misleading or inaccurate (see Picard). That is, news organisations and the professional journalists they employ are increasingly operating in a hyper-competitive (see Picard) and hyper-sceptical environment. This paper posits that cumulatively these are disrupting the control news organisations have and journalism is facing a Foucauldian moment when shifting discourses signify a disturbance of the intellectual rules that shape who and what knowledge of news is produced and hence the power relations they sustain. Social media not only challenge the core news business of reporting, they also present new opportunities. Some traditional organisations have responded by adding new activities to their repertoire of practices. In 2011, the Guardian uploaded its entire database of the expense claims of British MPs onto its Website and invited readers to select, evaluate and comment on entries, a form of crowd-sourced curating. Andy Carvin, while at National Public Radio (NPR) built an international reputation from his curation of breaking news, opinion and commentary on Twitter as Syria became too dangerous for foreign correspondents to enter. New types of press agencies such as Storyful have emerged around a curatorial business model that aggregates information culled from social media and uses journalists to evaluate and repackage them as news stories that are sold onto traditional news media around the world (Guerrini). Research into the growing market for such skills in the Netherlands found more advertisements for “news curators” than for “traditional reporters” (Bakker). At the same time, organic and spontaneous curation can emerge out of Twitter and Facebook communities that is capable of challenging news reporting by traditional media (Lewis and Westlund). Curation has become a common refrain attracting the attention of academics. A Curatorial Turn in Journalism The curatorial turn in journalism studies is manifest in the growing academic attention to curation-related discourses and practices. A review of four academic journals in the field, Journalism, Journalism Studies, Journalism Practice, and Digital Journalism found the first mention of journalism and curation emerged in 2010 with references in nearly 40 articles by July 2015. The meta-analysis that follows draws on this corpus. The consensus is that traditional business models based on mass circulation and advertising are failing partly because of the proliferation of alternative sources of information and the migration of readers in search of it. While some of this alternative content is credible, much is dubious and the sheer volume of information makes it difficult to discern what to believe. It is unsurprising, then, that there is a growing demand for “new types and practices of curation and information vetting” that attest to “the veracity and accuracy of content” particularly of news (Picard 280). However, academics disagree on whether new information practices such as curation are replacing or supplementing traditional newsgathering. Some look for evidence of displacement in the expansion of job advertisements for news curators relative to those for traditional reporters (Bakker). Others look at how new and traditional practices co-exist in organisations like the BBC, Guardian and NPR, sometimes clashing and sometimes collaborating in the co-creation of content (McQuail cited in Fahy and Nisbet; Hermida and Thurman). The debate has polarised between whether these changes signify the “twilight years of journalism or a new dawn” (Picard). Optimists view the proliferation of alternative sources of information as breaking the control traditional organisations held over news production, exposing their ideological biases and disrupting their traditional knowledge-based power and practices (see Hermida; Siapera, Papadopoulou, and Archontakis; Compton and Benedetti). Others have focused on the loss of “traditional” permanent journalistic jobs (see Schwalbe, Silcock, and Candello; Spaulding) with the implication that traditional forms of professional practice are in demise. Picard rejects this polarisation, counter-arguing that much analysis implicitly conflates journalism as a practice with the news organisations that have traditionally hosted it. Journalists may or may not be located within a traditional media organisation and social media is offering numerous opportunities for them to operate independently and for new types of hybrid practices and organisations such as Storyful to emerge outside of traditional operations. Picard argues that making the most of the opportunities social media presents is revitalising the profession offering a new dawn but that those traditional organisations that fail to adapt to the new media landscape and new practices are in their twilight years and likely to decline. These divergences, he argues, highlight a profession and industry in transition from an old order to a new one (Picard). This notion of journalism in transition usefully negotiates confusion over what curation in the social media age means for news providers but it does not address the uncertainty as to where it sits in relation to journalism. Futuristic accounts predict that journalists will become “managers of content rather than simply sourcing one story next to another” and that roles will shift from reporting to curation (Montgomery cited in Bakker; see Fahy and Nisbet). Others insist curators are not journalists but “information workers” or “gatecheckers” (McQuail 2013 cited in Bakker; Schwalbe, Silcock, and Candello) thereby differentiating the professional from the manual worker and reinforcing the historic elitism of the professions by implying curation is a lesser practice. However, such demarcation is problematic in that arguably both journalist and news curator can be seen as information workers and the instrumental definition outlined at the beginning of this article is as relevant to curation as it is to news editing. It is therefore necessary to revisit commonly used definitions (see Bakker; Guerrini; Synder). The literature broadly defines content creation, including news reporting, as the generation of original content that is distinguishable from aggregation and curation, both of which entail working with existing material. News aggregation is the automated use of computer algorithms to find and collect existing content relevant to a specified subject followed by the generation of a list or image gallery (Bakker; Synder). While aggregators may help with the collection component of news curation, the practices differ in their relation to technology. Apart from the upfront human design of the original algorithm, aggregation is wholly machine-driven while modern news curation adds human intervention to the technological processes of aggregation (Bakker). This intervention is conscious rather than automated, active rather than passive. It brings to bear human knowledge, expertise and interpretation to verify and evaluate content, filter and select artefacts based on their perceived quality and relevance for a particular topic or theme then re-present them in an accessible form as a narrative or infographics or both. While it does not involve the generation of original news content in the way news reporting does, curation is more than the collation of information. It can also involve the re-presenting of it in imaginative ways, the re-formulating of existing content in new configurations. In this sense, curation can constitute a form of creativity increasingly common in the social media age, that of re-mixing and re-imagining of existing material to create something novel (Navas and Gallagher). The distinction, therefore, between content creation and content curation lies primarily in the relation to original material and not the assumed presence or otherwise of creativity. In addition, curation outputs need not stand apart from news reports. They can serve to contextualize news in ways that short reports cannot while the latter provides original content to sit alongside curated materials. Thus the two types of news-related practices can complement rather than compete with each other. While this addresses the relation between reporting and curation, it does not clarify the relation between curating and editing. Bakker eludes to this when he argues curating also involves “editing … enriching or combining content from different sources” (599). But teasing out the distinctions is tricky because editing encompasses a wide range of sub-specialisations and divergent duties. Broadly speaking, editors are “newsrooms professionals … with decision-making authority over content and structure” who evaluate, verify and select information so are “quality controllers” in newsrooms (Stepp). This conceptualization overlaps with the instrumentalist definition of curation and while the broad type of skills and tasks involved are similar, the two are not synonymous. Editors tends to be relatively experienced professionals who have worked up the newsroom ranks whereas news curators are often new entrants ultimately answerable to editors. Furthermore, curation in the social media age involves voluminous material that curators sift through as part of first level content collection and it involves ever more complex verification processes as digital technologies make it increasingly easy to alter and falsify information and images. The quality control role of curators may also involve in-house specialists or junior staff working with external experts in a particular region or specialisation (Fahy and Nisbett). Some of job advertisements suggest a growing demand for specialist curatorial skills and position these alongside other newsroom professionals (Bakker). Whether this means they are journalists is still open to question. Conclusion This article has presented a more expansive conceptualisation of news curation than is commonly used in journalism studies, by including both the instrumental and the symbolic dimensions of a proliferating practice. It also sought to avoid confining this wider conceptualisation within unhelpful polarisations as to whether news curation is symbolic of a wider demise or revival of journalism by distinguishing the profession from the organisation in which it operates. The article was then free to negotiate the conceptual ambiguity surrounding the often taken-for-granted instrumental meanings of curation. It argues that what distinguishes news curation from traditional newsgathering is the relationship to original content. While the reporter generates the journalistic equivalent of original content in the form of news, the imaginative curator re-mixes and re-presents existing content in potentially novel ways. This has faint echoes of the mythological cura creating something new from the existing clay. The other conceptual ambiguity negotiated was in the definitional overlaps between curating and editing. On the one hand, this questions the appropriateness of reducing the news curator to the status of an “information worker”, a manual labourer rather than a professional. On the other hand, it positions news curators as one of many types of newsroom professionals. 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