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1

Rutland, Peter. "What Was Communism?" Russian History 37, no. 4 (2010): 427–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633110x528591.

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AbstractCommunism dominated the political history of the 20th century. Yet it remains an enigmatic force: how could a philosophy of universal liberation turn so quickly into an engine of oppression? How was it possible for a rag-tag movement of street protests and café conspirators to seize command of the Russian state, turn it into a military superpower, and spread revolution to other lands? Communism exemplified the pernicious role of ideology in modern mass society. Both the sudden rise of communism in the early 1900s, and its equally abrupt collapse in the 1980s, caught observers by surprise and confounded academic conventions. The three books under review here, written by distinguished British specialists on Soviet history, successfully convey the international sweep and complexity of the Communist phenomenon. While the focus is on the rise and fall of the Soviet Union, the authors also cover the spread of Communism to China, Africa and elsewhere, and its blunting in Western Europe. The impact of Communist thinking on the arts is also explored, especially by David Priestland. But the debate over the driving forces behind communism's initial success and ultimate failure will continue for years to come.
2

Ciesielczyk, Marek. "Will Perestroika Survive Until 1993?" Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 3, no. 1 (1991): 161–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199131/211.

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This essay explores the thesis that the essence of the Soviet communist strategy remains immutable regardless of the developmental stage of the communist system, the Party leadership, or the composition of the top Party organs. It argues further that changes in the Soviet communist system have a cyclical character, oscillating between "malignant" phases of harsh terror and more relaxed phases of "lurking" communism in which terror is lessened, but not removed, and popular expectations are raised. Each cycle takes approximately a generation. A new, "malignant" phase is forecast for the near future which would bring about the demise of perestroika in the Soviet Union by 1993, concurrently with Gorbachev's likely removal from power.
3

Kuźmicz, Karol. "PRAWO W UTOPII KOMUNISTYCZNEJ. ZARYS PROBLEMATYKI." Zeszyty Prawnicze 11, no. 4 (December 19, 2016): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2011.11.4.11.

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LAW IN THE COMMUNIST UTOPIA. AN OUTLINE OF TOPIC Summary The Communist Utopia is strictly connected with the philosophical concepts of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in the 19th century. It is based on historical and dialectical materialism, which were later developed by younger philosophers who created Communist ideology. The scientific character of Communism was stressed and they claimed that it is possible to reach Communism, which will be the highest achievement of social development of progressive mankind. According to XI thesis about Ludwig Feuerbach “the philosophers have interpreted the world in many ways, but the clue problem is to change the world”. In order to change the world law was supposed to be used, because the philosophers claimed that it is easier to create a new man and new world than to adapt the system to people. The transition to Communism, with its first phase called „real socialism”, was connected with the fight of classes, which was supposed to be sharper and sharper. In this fight the law had to be both sword and shield on the way to Communism. The law was used as a tool in this fight against „relics of capitalism” such as: counter-revolution, imperialism, non-socialist attitude towards ownership and labor, nationalistic prejudices, religion and many other relics of capitalism. The Communist ideology presumed that reaching the power would be achieved by the revolution. In political and legal practice the ideology was totalitarian. The Communist system has elaborated its own theory of state and law, according to which the law was regarded as a tool for rulers, who wanted to achieve their own goals (often Utopian). The revolutionary movement tried to preserve the changes by binding law. As a result of it the law was instrumentally treated by the regime, which itself was above the law. The Communism, which as a presumption was not Utopian, has occurred to be anti-Utopian (so called negative Utopia). According to Leszek Kołakowski, the Communism was a “total lie” from the beginning. The highest point of the Communist Utopia was a presumption that at the end of the revolution the state and law will not be necessary any more. The non-class society will reach Communist paradise on the earth.
4

Luciuk, Kassandra. "“They Will Crack Heads When the Communist Line Is Expounded”." Labour / Le Travail 90 (November 25, 2022): 149–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.52975/llt.2022v90.006.

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This article examines anti-communist political violence in Canada during the early years of the Cold War. It specifically focuses on the Ukrainian Canadian community, one of the country’s most politically engaged and divided ethnic groups. While connected to an existing split within the community, acts of violence were largely committed by newly arrived displaced persons who were much more radical than existing anti-communist Ukrainian Canadians. Government and state officials tacitly, and sometimes even explicitly, sided with the perpetrators. This laxity toward the violence reveals how, in the early years of the Cold War, law and justice were mutable and unevenly enforced depending on the political orientation of those involved. In a broader sense, this article adds to an understanding of the multifaceted ways that anti-communism manifested itself in this period to define the acceptable parameters of political consciousness.
5

Dashdavaa, Badamdash. "Nationalistic tendency in communist camp." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 3 (May 1, 2002): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.3.6.

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The purpose of the paper is to examine the nationalistic characters of socialist regimes after the Second World War until the 1990s in the cases of Romania and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Therefore, I will attempt to examine whether the communist leaders in Romania and Yugoslavia appealed to nationalistic communism or communism with national distinction in order to demonstrate that they were not directly controlled or directed by The Soviet Union. They enjoyed sovereignty greater than other communist countries in Eastern Europe. Both Romania and Yugoslavia could receive maximum of aid and attention from Western countries, which led to maneuvering strategies between the Western countries and the socialist camp.
6

Große Kracht, Klaus. "Campaigning Against Bolshevism: Catholic Action in Late Weimar Germany." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 3 (March 5, 2018): 550–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417742707.

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Under the banner of ‘Catholic Action’, Pius XI called the laity during the interwar period to struggle for a worldwide ‘re-Christianization of society’. Whatever this meant in detail, a religious frontline against communism was an essential part of the papal programme. Catholic anti-communism was not just a reaction to anticlerical communist ideas, however; rather, it accompanied the development of communist and socialist parties in Europe from the very beginning. As I will show in this article through the example of the diocese of Berlin, this papal anti-communism fell on fertile soil in the Catholic milieu of the Weimar Republic, and especially so within Catholic Action. At the head of Catholic Action in Berlin was Erich Klausener, who would later become a prominent victim of the so-called Night of the Long Knives (30 June 1934), when Hitler had a number of his political opponents on both the right and left executed. As we shall see, though, the activists of Catholic Action saw their political enemy less in the ascendant Nazi Party and more in communist propaganda, which they tried to defeat with all the means at their disposal.
7

King, Charles. "Remembering Romanian Communism." Slavic Review 66, no. 4 (2007): 718–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20060381.

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The report of the Presidential Commission for the Analysis of the Communist Dictatorship in Romania, issued in December 2006, is the most serious attempt to understand Romania's communist experience ever produced. Coordinated by the American political scientist Vladimir Tismaneanu, the report covers virtually every aspect of communism as a lived system, from the installation of Communist Party officials during the postwar occupation, through the instruments of coercion, to the fate of religious institutions, the economy, national minorities, and education. The release of the report also contributed to a major political crisis, during which the parliament attempted to unseat the president, Traian Basescu, who had lauded the report and officially condemned communism as an illegitimate system. The question now is whether the commission's report will be used as yet another opportunity to reject history or as a way of helping Romanians learn, at last, how to own it.
8

Tismaneanu, Vladimir. "Confronting Romania's Communist Past: A Response to Charles King." Slavic Review 66, no. 4 (2007): 724–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20060382.

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The report of the Presidential Commission for the Analysis of the Communist Dictatorship in România, issued in December 2006, is the most serious attempt to understand România's communist experience ever produced. Coordinated by the American political scientist Vladimir Tismaneanu, the report covers virtually every aspect of communism as a lived system, from the installation of Communist Party officials during the postwar occupation, through the instruments of coercion, to the fate of religious institutions, the economy, national minorities, and education. The release of the report also contributed to a major political crisis, during which the parliament attempted to unseat the president, Traian Basescu, who had lauded the report and officially condemned communism as an illegitimate system. The question now is whether the commission's report will be used as yet another opportunity to reject history or as a way of helping Românians learn, at last, how to own it.
9

Ferdinand, Peter. "Ghiţa Ionescu and Comparative Communist Politics." Government and Opposition 32, no. 2 (April 1997): 201–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb00158.x.

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GHIŢA IONESCU'S MAIN WORKS ON COMPARATIVE COMMUNIST POLITICS were The Politics of the European Communist States which appeared in 1967 and Comparatiue Communist Politics which appeared in 1972. They generalized upon the more historical and empirical studies which had appeared earlier in the 1960s: Communism in Romania, The Reluctant Ally: A Study of Communist Neo-Colonialism and The Break-up of the Soviet Empire. They established his reputation as one of the foremost scholars of communist states in Central and Eastern Europe. This article will consider the main ideas of the two key works and relate them to broader trends in the evolution of his thinking. Chiefly, though, it will concentrate upon his 1967 work, since the 1972 one was much shorter and it also largely recapitulated the same ideas.
10

MAIER, CHARLES S. "What Have We Learned since 1989?" Contemporary European History 18, no. 3 (August 2009): 253–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005037.

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AbstractThis paper is a frankly subjective effort to return to questions posed about the nature of communist rule and the sudden collapse of communism in the light of the intervening two decades. It asks, first, why feelings of elation about the transformations of 1989 faded relatively quickly, second, why the communist system collapsed so clamorously, and, third, how might we best describe its earlier operation. The paper suggests that there will always be a sense of let-down after intensely hopeful political activity. It endeavours to provide a model of social complexity that communist rule with its Marxist archetypes of social development could not really master. But it also rejects the idea that ‘society’ under communism can be judged autonomously apart from the regime that sustained and structured it. Efforts to do so will trivialise the degrees of repression and surveillance. Finally the paper proposes that the nature of communist rule in the decades after Stalin must be described in terms of a ‘life cycle’ metaphor, such as the idea of ‘late style’ provides for artistic creation. It is fruitless to describe an ideal type of transformative political regime that makes no allowance for change over time. Hence, returning to the first enquiry, the paper argues that efforts to reclaim communal fulfilment will always exist or revive alongside efforts at individual emancipation.
11

Gallacher, William. "Communism Will Prevail." Bulletin of the Marx Memorial Library 131, no. 1 (April 2000): 30–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bbml.2000.131.6.

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12

Yahuda, Michael. "Deng Xiaoping: The Statesman." China Quarterly 135 (September 1993): 551–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000013916.

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Alone of the world's Communist leaders, Deng Xiaoping has charted a course that has combined for his country rapid economic development, successful economic reform and openness to the capitalistic international economy with continued dictatorship by the Communist Party. Under his leadership Communist rule in China has survived the demise of Communism in Eastern Europe and the disintegration of the Soviet Union-the motherland of Communism. In the process the regime has weathered the ending of the Cold War and has become more engaged with the Asia-Pacific region. But Deng's reputation at home and abroad has been badly tarnished by his ruthlessness in masterminding the Tiananmen massacre of 4 June 1989. But that ruthlessness is absolutely central to Deng's political philosophy and strategy. For him it is the basis of order at home which alone ensures that the economic policies of reform and openness can be carried out without undermining Communist Party rule through the spread of liberal influences. In so far as statesmanship requires moral dimensions it will be necessary in assessing the quality of Deng's statesmanship to consider the meaning of statesmanship itself.
13

Dailey, Erika. "Preface." Nationalities Papers 20, no. 01 (1992): v—vi. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999208408217.

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Communism in the Soviet Union has long served officially as religion's surrogate. It has offered an organized and compelling belief system with which to rationalize the misfortunes of the past, establish codes of behavior to manage the present, and conceptualize the future. Although communist theory categorically rejects religion, it actively promotes, and is itself predicated on, institutions of “faith” in the abstract sense. The herculean industrialization and literacy campaigns of the early decades of Soviet rule that forever transformed the USSR's largely illiterate, agricultural society vividly illustrate the power and popular legitimacy of communist institutions of “faith” such as the Party and the Komsomol. Trusting that earthly sacrifice will bring future rewards has been as much the basis of Soviet communism as it has been of the Abrahamic tradition of religion addressed in this issue.
14

Cuzán, Alfred G. "The Rise and Fall of Communism in Nicaragua." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (1992): 164–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199241/210.

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Communism was imposed in Nicaragua in stages, just as in Eastern Europe. Unlike Eastern Europe, however, communism was never consolidated in Nicaragua. Like their East European analogues, the Sandinistas stripped the state of valuable assets before turning the presidency over to the winner of the 1990 election. The Sandinistas outdid their East European counterparts in retaining greater control of the police and military under the new government. The thesis of this essay is that Nicaragua is unique among post-communist polities in that it voted communism out before it had consolidated itself and while a civil war still raged. These two conditions will probably make it more difficult to solidify democracy in Nicaragua than in Eastern Europe.
15

Cuzán, Alfred G. "The Rise and Fall of Communism in Nicaragua." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (1992): 164–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199241/210.

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Communism was imposed in Nicaragua in stages, just as in Eastern Europe. Unlike Eastern Europe, however, communism was never consolidated in Nicaragua. Like their East European analogues, the Sandinistas stripped the state of valuable assets before turning the presidency over to the winner of the 1990 election. The Sandinistas outdid their East European counterparts in retaining greater control of the police and military under the new government. The thesis of this essay is that Nicaragua is unique among post-communist polities in that it voted communism out before it had consolidated itself and while a civil war still raged. These two conditions will probably make it more difficult to solidify democracy in Nicaragua than in Eastern Europe.
16

Sameer, Ali Kareem, and Hasan Hadi Ali. "BLACK ATHEIST: ASPECTS OF COMMUNISM IN LANGSTON HUGHES'S SELECTED POEMS." International Journal of Humanities, Philosophy and Language 4, no. 13 (March 1, 2021): 01–08. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijhpl.413001.

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This paper aims to study the perspectives of communism as a dogma in Langston Hughes's selected poems. Hughes was an African American poet who observed communism as an outlet for his problems and suffering under the social prejudice of whites. He reflected the impact of discrimination in part of the race and social segregation in most of his poems. Hughes embedded communist aspects in some of his poems like Good-Bye Christ, as an outcome of the recurrence of the daily conducts of discrimination and racism against Afro-Americans. Thus, this paper is conducted in the light of “Speaking out for Justice” to denote the injustice situations of the dark-skinned people via adopting atheism in an idealized society, America. Some questions will be articulated to uncover the ideology of Hughes in discussing his issue as such how did Hughes reflect communist trends and religious tensions in his poetry?
17

Davis, Laurence. "Morris, Wilde, and Marx on the Social Preconditions of Individual Development." Political Studies 44, no. 4 (September 1996): 719–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1996.tb01751.x.

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According to some socialist thinkers, an anti-modern, Romantic form of Communism represents the most credible alternative to bureaucratic socialism. My aim in this paper is to test the merits of this claim by considering the critique of capitalism articulated by the first Marxian-influenced Romantic Communist, William Morris. My argument is that Morris' hostility to modernity severely diminishes the force of his otherwise radical criticisms of art and labour under advanced capitalism. I contend further that a corrective to Morris' blanket anti-modernism may be found in the works of Wilde and Marx, both of whom, albeit from different perspectives and with distinct (but not irreconcilable) aims, offer accounts of the relations between art, work, and morality which take a far more incisive view of the nature and challenges of modernity.
18

Curraj, Erida. "Vintage Design Furniture in Albania, a New Retro Design Paradigm in the Post-Communist Era." European Journal of Engineering and Formal Sciences 2, no. 1 (March 2, 2018): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejef.v2i1.p35-41.

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The dynamics of the Albanian market in lieu of the multifaceted transformations following the collapse of the communist regime and moving towards the accession processes in the European Union as well as the demographics of the Albanian society as a whole, deeply impact the ways in which furniture products are designed, development and produced. This paper draws from my doctoral study which explored the transformation of furniture products from communism to post-communism. The doctoral study confirmed that: the impact of moving from mass production in a centralized economy to free mass customization in market economy has not radically transformed the fundamental properties of furniture but has affected the design, development, delivery and materiality of products. In this light, this paper will zoom into the furniture designs during post communism in Albania by exploring two principle paradigms vintage and retro. First this paper argues that furniture design and production in the centralized economy, are introduced within the vintage paradigm in post-communist. The data collecting through observation demonstrate a high level of interest for the retro design in a free market economy. As the result the paper suggest the local actors, businesses and academia to use and persist nostalgia and retro design in furniture and their component.
19

Curraj, Erida. "Vintage Design Furniture in Albania, a New Retro Design Paradigm in the Post-Communist Era." European Journal of Engineering and Formal Sciences 2, no. 1 (March 2, 2018): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejef.v2i1.p36-42.

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The dynamics of the Albanian market in lieu of the multifaceted transformations following the collapse of the communist regime and moving towards the accession processes in the European Union as well as the demographics of the Albanian society as a whole, deeply impact the ways in which furniture products are designed, development and produced. This paper draws from my doctoral study which explored the transformation of furniture products from communism to post-communism. The doctoral study confirmed that: the impact of moving from mass production in a centralized economy to free mass customization in market economy has not radically transformed the fundamental properties of furniture but has affected the design, development, delivery and materiality of products. In this light, this paper will zoom into the furniture designs during post communism in Albania by exploring two principle paradigms vintage and retro. First this paper argues that furniture design and production in the centralized economy, are introduced within the vintage paradigm in post-communist. The data collecting through observation demonstrate a high level of interest for the retro design in a free market economy. As the result the paper suggest the local actors, businesses and academia to use and persist nostalgia and retro design in furniture and their component.
20

Curraj, Erida. "Vintage Design Furniture in Albania, a New Retro Design Paradigm in the Post-Communist Era." European Journal of Engineering and Formal Sciences 2, no. 1 (April 1, 2018): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ejef-2018-0005.

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Abstract The dynamics of the Albanian market in lieu of the multifaceted transformations following the collapse of the communist regime and moving towards the accession processes in the European Union as well as the demographics of the Albanian society as a whole, deeply impact the ways in which furniture products are designed, development and produced. This paper draws from my doctoral study which explored the transformation of furniture products from communism to post-communism. The doctoral study confirmed that: the impact of moving from mass production in a centralized economy to free mass customization in market economy has not radically transformed the fundamental properties of furniture but has affected the design, development, delivery and materiality of products. In this light, this paper will zoom into the furniture designs during post communism in Albania by exploring two principle paradigms vintage and retro. First this paper argues that furniture design and production in the centralized economy, are introduced within the vintage paradigm in post-communist. The data collecting through observation demonstrate a high level of interest for the retro design in a free market economy. As the result the paper suggest the local actors, businesses and academia to use and persist nostalgia and retro design in furniture and their component.
21

Raza, Ali. "Provincializing the International: Communist Print Worlds in Colonial India." History Workshop Journal 89 (2020): 140–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbaa011.

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Abstract This paper charts communist print worlds in colonial India during the interwar period. Beginning in the early 1920s, self-declared ‘Communist’ and ‘Bolshevik’ publications began surfacing across India. Through the example of the Kirti Kisan Sabha (Workers and Peasants Party: a communist group in the north-western province of Punjab), and its associated publications, this paper will provide a glimpse into the rich, diverse and imaginative print worlds of Indian communism. From 1926 onwards, Kirti publications became a part of a thriving print culture in which a dizzying variety of revolutionary, socialist and communist publications competed and conversed with the equally prolific and rich print worlds of their political and ideological rivals. Removed on the one hand from the ivory towers of party intellectuals, dense treatises and officious theses, and on the other hand from the framing of sedition, rebellion and fanaticism in the colonial archive, Kirti publications show how the global project of communist internationalism became distinctly provincialized and vernacularized in British India.
22

Madden, Gerard. "Thomas J. Kiernan and Irish diplomatic responses to cold-war anticommunism in Australia, 1946-1951." Twentieth Century Communism 21, no. 21 (November 1, 2021): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864321834645805.

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Despite being a peripheral actor in the Cold War, Ireland in the immediate post-war period was attentive to cold war developments internationally, and the influence of the Catholic Church over state and society predominantly shaped the state's response to the conflict. Irish diplomats internationally sent home repo rts on communist activity in the countries in which they served. This article will discuss Thomas J. Kiernan, Ireland's Minister Plenipotentiary in Australia between 1946 and 1955, and his responses, views and perceptions of Australian anti-communism from his 1946 appointment to the 1951 plebiscite on banning the Communist Party of Australia, which ultimately failed. Through analysis of his reports in the National Archives of Ireland – including accounts of his interactions with politicians and clergy, the Australian press, parliamentary debates and other sources – it argues that his views were moulded by the dominant Irish conception of the Cold War, which was fundamentally shaped by Catholicism, and his overreliance on Catholic and print sources led him to sometimes exaggerate the communist threat. Nonetheless, his reports home to Dublin served to reinforce the Irish state's perception that communism was a worldwide malaise which the Catholic Church and Catholics internationally were at the forefront of combatting.
23

Gries, Peter, and Richard Turcsányi. "The East Is Red…Again! How the Specters of Communism and Russia Shape Central and Eastern European Views of China." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 55, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2022.55.1.1.

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During the past decade, China has rapidly emerged as a major player in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Will it divide Europe? Might these formerly communist countries align themselves again with a communist superpower to their east? Or does their past experience of Russia and communism generate suspicions of China? This article explores what public opinion data from a fall 2020 survey of six CEE countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Latvia, Poland, Serbia, and Slovakia) can teach us about the drivers of CEE attitudes toward China. It suggests that China has become a “second Eastern power” beyond Russia against which many people in the CEE have come to define themselves. Although there are large differences between CEE publics in their views of China, individual-level self-identifications with the East or West, and attitudes toward the communist past and communism today consistently shape views of both Russia and China. Russia looms large for all in the CEE, but especially for Latvia and Poland, whose views of China appear to be almost completely mediated through attitudes toward their giant Russian neighbor. We conclude with thoughts on the implications of these findings about the structure of CEE public opinion toward China for the future of the “16+1” mechanism and CEE-China relations more broadly.
24

Hrytsenko, Andrii, and Oleksii Mozghovyi. "Integration of communist propaganda in the USSR education system in the 1920s: a historical and political aspect." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 41 (2023): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2023.i41.p.5.

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The basis of communist propaganda is the views of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels as the founders of communist ideology. The Soviet state was built on their works and ideas. But Marx and Engels were quite critical of the issue of propaganda. From their point of view, the revolution and the transition to communism are the consequences of scientific and technological progress, which do not depend on the activities of individuals and will definitely happen in the future. Therefore, there is no need to create documents and programs that would help to implement a communist revolution in the future, especially since they did not see the need for propaganda, because humanity, over time, will understand the superiority of communism over capitalism. Also, Marx and Engels denied the idea of revolution in the Russian Empire because they believed that the Russian working class was too weak to carry out a revolution, and Russia was still an aristocratic state. The true founder of communist propaganda in the USSR was Lenin. He wanted to create a new working class in the country through propaganda, which would be devoted to the party and the ideas of communism. With this, he wanted to find a compromise between his desire for a revolution in Russia and the views of Marx. From the beginning of the USSR, education was given one of the first places in the propaganda system. Because education played the role of the primary link in the process of socialization of the individual, filling it with ideological propaganda made it possible to raise future generations as committed communists. By the end of the 1930s, both a new education system and new teaching methods were formed, in accordance with the new ideology. Changes introduced by Anton Makarenko played an important role in this process. In Makarenko's opinion, education and upbringing should be carried out only in and with the help of the collective. Only the collective is capable of forming a full-fledged personality, revealing its potential and making it a conscious part of society. Individual interests should always be subordinated to collective interests, both in education and in life. In addition, Makarenko was a great supporter of military discipline, and accordingly, he sought to incorporate elements of the army system into the education system. It was from the collective organization of army units that he rejected when organizing collectivism in schools. Makarenko's ideas were very important for the new state. They were supposed to help reeducate the country's population in accordance with the principles of communism, including military methods and concentration camps. Thanks to Makarenko, the Soviet state developed its own theory and methodology of authoritarian and imperative influence on society's consciousness. The Soviet authorities became confident that regardless of a person's age and social status, with the help of education, he can be reeducated into a true communist, using propaganda. Lenin and his entourage sought to cover the entire society with the education system, not only the proletariat, as Marx wanted. The future member of the communist society began to perceive communist propaganda from kindergarten, school, and communication in the family and participation in youth organizations: Little Octobrists, Pioneers and Komsomol.
25

Holmes, Leslie. "Crime, organised crime and corruption in post-communist Europe and the CIS." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 265–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.04.002.

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This article examines the incomplete and sometimes contradictory evidence on the crime, organised crime and corruption situations in post-communist states, and then seeks to explain the apparent increase in all three in early post-communism. Among the factors considered are the impact of weak states and economies, neo-liberalism, globalisation, Schengen and Fortress Europe, the Communist legacy (the ‘ghost from the past’), and collusion. The article then examines the dynamics of criminality and malfeasance in the region, and provides evidence to suggest that the crime and corruption situation has stabilised or even improved in most post-communist countries in recent times. The factors considered for explaining this apparent improvement are the role of external agents (notably the EU), the move from transition to consolidation, and the role of political will.
26

Rachmawati, Fadhillah. "Kritik terhadap Konsep Ideologi Komunisme Karl Marx." Jurnal Sosiologi Agama Indonesia (JSAI) 1, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/jsai.v1i1.424.

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This article aims to analyse the ideological theory of communism by referring to the history of the early period of thought of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. From a linguistic perspective, communism is a doctrine of liberating the proletariat to a classless society. In the following period, communism by Lenin, Stalin and Mao Zedong developed into a revolutionary movement and state leadership under the control of the communist party with individual cult theory. Communism has three basic concepts, namely: dialectics, historical materialism and classless. In conclusion, communism has historically evolved as a philosophy of life that emphasizes world materialism with its slogan ‘of each person according to ability, for each person as needed ‘and not just a political ideology that separates religious affairs from state affairs. So according to its nature, communism clearly denies the existence of the afterlife, even denying God in its applicative life. Therefore, the appropriate paradigm for criticizing this ideology is through a worldview approach, especially the Islamic worldview, because in this world is not only a material aspect but also a metaphysical aspect. By understanding that aspects of metaphysics, it can affect human social life, so they will better understand that God is who occupies the highest position in this nature.
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Anitoi, Galina. "Paradoxes of Transition. Dan Lungu, Iulian Ciocan and Dumitru Crudu’s Characters between Nostalgia and Change." Philologia, no. 2(314) (August 2021): 45–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.52505/1857-4300.2021.2(314).04.

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One of the transition paradoxes from totalitarianism to democracy is nostalgia for the communist past that persists in society and 30 years after the fall of the totalitarian regime. This phenomenon represents, according to the specialists in the field, the expression of the revolt against the socio-political and economic transformations of the transition. Nostalgia becomes a place of refuge for those who do not find themselves in today's society. In the present work there will be analyzed the novels „Heaven of the Hens” and „I am a communist woman!” by Dan Lungu, „Slaughter in Georgia” and „People from Chisinau” by Dumitru Crudu, „Sasha Kozak’s Land” by Iulian Ciocan which configure literary typology of the nostalgic character after communism.
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TUDOR, VICTORIȚA. "La mythologie d’un exil heureux : Matei Vișniec ou comment habiter la culture française." Synthesis 1-2, no. 1-2 (December 19, 2023): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.59277/synthe.2023.1-2.72.

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The aim of this article is to reveal the implications of the political exile in Matei Visniec`s literary work, which he claims to be a joyful one, a cultural adventure, and leads him to describe himself as a man with his roots in Romania and his wings in France regardless of the communist terror. Our analysis will dismantle and aspire to establish the features of a whole imagery and theatrical chronotopes created in the context of exile, when Vișniec lived in Paris, – but also after the fall of communism –, when he engaged as a journalist and writer against the communist regime, exploring the soothing and cathartic virtues of the Word, whilst inhabiting two cultures and two sensibilities.
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Volk, Gayle M., Christopher M. Richards, Adam D. Henk, Ann A. Reilley, Nahla V. Bassil, and Joseph D. Postman. "Diversity of Wild Pyrus communis Based on Microsatellite Analyses." Journal of the American Society for Horticultural Science 131, no. 3 (May 2006): 408–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/jashs.131.3.408.

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Edible european pears (Pyrus communis L. ssp. communis) are derived from wild relatives native to the Caucasus Mountain region and eastern Europe. Microsatellite markers (13 loci) were used to determine the relationships among 145 wild and cultivated individuals of P. communis maintained in the National Plant Germplasm System (NPGS). A Bayesian clustering method grouped the individual pear genotypes into 12 clusters. Pyrus communis ssp. caucasica (Fed.) Browicz, native to the Caucasus Mountains of Russia, Crimea, and Armenia, can be genetically differentiated from P. communis ssp. pyraster L. native to eastern European countries. The domesticated pears cluster closely together and are most closely related to a group of genotypes that are intermediate to the P. communis ssp. pyraster and the P. communis ssp. caucasica groups. Based on the high number of unique alleles and heterozygosity in each of the 12 clusters, we conclude that genetic diversity of wild P. communis is not fully represented at the NPGS. Additional diversity may be present in seed accessions stored in the NPGS and more pear diversity could be captured through supplementary collection trips to eastern Europe, the Caucasus Mountains, and the surrounding countries.
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Mahdihassan, S. "Lakshadia communis the wild lac-insect." Zeitschrift für Angewandte Entomologie 53, no. 1-4 (August 26, 2009): 310–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1439-0418.1963.tb02898.x.

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Беляев, А. Д. "WILL CORRUPTIONS DREAM OF COMMUNISM?" Теория государства и права, no. 3(24) (September 20, 2021): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.47905/matgip.2021.23.3.002.

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В данной статье рассматривается проблема защиты естественных прав человека от коррупционных явлений. После анализа их положения в отечественном законодательстве вносятся предложения по улучшению правовой системы путём изменения норм антикоррупционного и конституционного законодательства, что необходимо для выполнения основной функции государства по защите общества от негативной деятельности отдельных индивидов, нарушающих нормы антикоррупционного законодательства. In this article, the problem of protecting natural rights from corruption is considered. After analyzing the position of natural human rights in domestic legislation, proposals are made to improve the legal system by changing the norms of anti-corruption and constitutional legislation. From our point of view, this is necessary to fulfill the main function of the state to protect society from the negative manifestations of the activities of separate individuals.
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Engelbrecht, Wilken. "The Projected Past: Why Were Translated Certain Historical Novels?" Werkwinkel 14, no. 1-2 (November 1, 2019): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/werk-2019-0004.

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AbstractThe 140 years between 1850 and 1990 cover an important period from the beginning of modern literature and modern publishing houses in the second half of the nineteenth century till the end of the Communist regime. Over this period some 450 Dutch and Flemish literary works were translated into Czech and some 75 into Slovak. Historical novels and novellas make up a good part of them.As Connor (2015) has clearly shown, historical novels were a popular genre in Communist times for ideological reasons. They were considered “excellent educational instruments for people not yet apt to understand heavier work like the Communist Manifesto” as the young translator Olga Krijtová wrote to the Communist Dutch writer Theun de Vries in the early 1950s. Reviews, editor’s reports and editorial statements indicate, however, that historical novels had a similar function already before Communism, from the beginnings of Czech and Slovak translation of Dutch written literature.In this paper, we will discuss several historical novels in Czech translation by Hendrik Conscience, Louis Couperus, Madelon Székely-Lulofs, Theun de Vries, and Harry Mulisch – to illustrate changing ideological views.
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Michułka, Dorota. "EXPLORING PAST IN LOOKING FOR IDENTITY. (META)HISTORY, FANTASY AND POLITICS IN CONTEMPORARY POLISH NARRATIVES OF DOROTA TERAKOWSKA." Children's Readings: Studies in Children's Literature 24 (2023): 288–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.31860/2304-5817-2023-2-24-288-313.

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The encounters with the past, in which the children and teenage protagonists of Dorota Terakowska’s novels are ’entangled’, are present in the structure of her works mainly at the level of the figurative language of metahistory in which the poetics of imagination and fantasy used by the writer as a literary convention play an important role and are deeply rooted in social and politic context of Poland (here: totalitarian system, dictatorship and social changes). Such a narrative strategy is evident mainly in three works of the writer: The Witches’ Daughter (1991), Loneliness of the Gods (1998) and Lord of the Lewaw (1989). Terakowska’s work, which is clearly a part of the convention of fantasy, represents a universal message of an existential and ethical nature, but above all, which is worth emphasizing, is also firmly rooted in Polish tradition and history. Strongly exposed in Terakowska’s works is the element of poetics of space (including, for example, the ruins of palaces, as places of memory of the Polish romantic past, landscapes of romantic — wild and mysterious nature, or the motif of the Only Song — a symbol of national identity, also present in Polish romantic literature). The convention of space-time and the memory of the tragic past allows associations with important moments in the history of enslaved Poland (e.g. the romantic tradition of the 19th century), images of the enemy — the invader, the totalitarian system of communism, and models of figures of Polish national heroes fighting for freedom.
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McAllister, Ian, and Stephen White. "Nostalgia for the Demise of the ussr in Belarus, Russia and Ukraine." Russian Politics 1, no. 2 (June 20, 2016): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24518921-00102001.

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A quarter of a century after the collapse of the Soviet Union, its demise still has ramifications for public opinion across the postcommunist world. Using surveys conducted in Belarus, Russia and Ukraine, we show that nostalgia for communism is both widespread and persistent. Across all three countries, nostalgia is concentrated among the old and less well-off and, not surprisingly, among those with Communist Party connections. Social networks and travel to other countries is relatively unimportant in shaping views of the communist past. However, despite these widespread feelings of nostalgia, they have implications for contemporary political opinions only in Belarus. Overall, the results suggest that regret for the demise of the Soviet Union will remain in postcommunist societies for some time.
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Rodrigues, Magaiver Luiz Pinheiro. "O DISCURSO ANTICOMUNISTA CATÓLICO NA BELÉM DE 1935 PELO JORNAL A PALAVRA "Catholic anticommunist discourse in Belém 1935 by newspaper A Palavra"." PARALELLUS Revista de Estudos de Religião - UNICAP 5, no. 9 (August 3, 2014): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25247/paralellus.2014.v5n9.p25-34.

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O presente trabalho tem como objetivo apontar alguns aspectos fundamentais do discurso da Igreja Católica frente ao ideal comunista em Belém do Pará no ano de 1935. Analisando o discurso do jornal semanal A Palavra, jornal este de cunho católico, objetivo apreciar a alocução de alguns artigos escritos por um redator sob o pseudônimo P.P no qual este ataca severamente o sistema comunista e aponta a preocupação da Igreja Católica quanto um possível governo comunista no Brasil. Palavras-chave: Comunismo. Igreja Católica. Análise do Discurso. Imprensa.AbstractThis paper will try to point out some key aspects of the Catholic Church discourse against the communist ideal in Belem in 1935. Analyzing the weekly newspaper A Palavra, a Catholic newspaper this paper want to acess the speech of some articles written by a writer under the pseudonym PP in which this severely attacks the communist system and points out the concern of the Catholic Church as a possible communist government in Brazil.Keywords: Communism. Catholic Church. Discourse Analysis. Media.
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Pauković, Davor. "Memory of Communist Crimes in Croatia and the Influence of the European Culture of Remembrance." Southeastern Europe 47, no. 2-3 (December 28, 2023): 296–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-47020005.

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Abstract Dealing with various aspects of 20th century history still poses a significant challenge to Croatian society. This also includes dealing with the socialist period. In the last fifteen years, propelled by the Eastern enlargement (2004, 2007), the EU has developed a common European memory of the totalitarian and authoritarian regimes of the 20th century, including communism. This article analyzes the impact of a common European culture of remembrance on Croatian commemorative culture, especially remembrance of communist crimes. The analysis will include the political discourse of selected mnemonic actors and commemorative practices. In 2011, the Croatian Parliament passed a law to commemorate the European Day of Remembrance of Victims of All Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes every August 23. However, the article argues that a shared European memory had only limited success on Croatian debates and conflicting narratives on communist crimes and the socialist period. The main reason is the dominantly antagonistic mode of remembering and representing of the communist period in Croatia.
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Barrer, Peter. "From Nowhere to “Partyslava”." East Central Europe 42, no. 2-3 (January 20, 2015): 299–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04202014.

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Over the past two decades, Prague has cemented itself as a tourist hotspot in the popular imagination. But what of Bratislava, long considered a “poor cousin” to Prague? What images of Bratislava have foreign publics been presented with since the fall of communism in East-Central Europe and the establishment of the Slovak Republic? Building on previous research which has examined visitors’ historical perceptions of Bratislava primarily from a German-speaking perspective, this paper seeks to map the development of Bratislava’s image in media texts from English-speaking countries since 1989 by focusing on two central motifs: Bratislava as a post-communist space and Bratislava as a locus of touristic pleasures (“Partyslava”). The images presented herein will be evaluated and contrasted with local descriptions of Bratislava, thus offering a cross-cultural perspective which will contribute to the wider discussion of popular perceptions of post-communist urban spaces in East-Central Europe.
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Mihai-Coman, Horia. "Socialist Content in National Form: A Guiding Principle of the "Communist Project" in Romanian Architecture." Periodica Polytechnica Architecture 51, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 92–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3311/ppar.14771.

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The article follows the theme of "socialist content in national form" in Romanian architecture during a period stretching from approximately 1944 to 1989 – a time interval that is usually associated with the specific political agenda that dominated society in a decisive and profound way throughout the era, which is usually indicated as "communism". This time interval can also be indicated by using other keywords and concepts, such as "socialism", "state socialism", "totalitarianism" or others, sometimes in association with the keyword "communism". For reasons that will be presented in the introduction, the title of the article will prefer the use of the term "the communist project" for indicating the chronological focus of the article; the word "project" also holds a conceptual meaning – therefore being considered appropriate in the context of a mostly conceptual discussion that the article focusses on – as it tries to examine one of the most powerful and influential key concepts of the era: "socialist content in national form".
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Volk, Gayle, Christopher Richards, Adam Henk, Ann Reilley, Nahla Bassil, and Joseph Postman. "(274) Genetic Diversity of Wild Pyrus communis L." HortScience 41, no. 4 (July 2006): 1035D—1036. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.41.4.1035d.

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Edible European pears (Pyrus communis sp. communis L.) are thought to be derived from wild relatives native to the Caucasus Mountain region and eastern Europe. We collected genotype, phenotype, and geographic origin data for 145 P. communis individuals derived from seeds collected from wild relatives. These individuals are currently maintained in the USDA–ARS National Plant Germplasm System (NPGS) in Corvallis, Ore. Pear genotypes were obtained using 13 microsatellite markers. A Bayesian clustering method grouped the individual pear genotypes into 12 clusters. The subspecies of pears native to the Caucasus Mountains of Russia, Crimea, and Armenia could be genetically differentiated from the subspecies native to eastern European countries. Pears with large fruit clustered closely together and are most closely related to a group of genotypes that are intermediate to the other groups. Based on the high number of unique alleles and heterozygosity in each of the 12 clusters, we conclude that the genetic diversity of wild P. communis is not fully represented in the NPGS
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Turșie, Corina. "The unwanted past and urban regeneration of Communist heritage cities. Case study: European Capitals of Culture (ECoC) Riga 2014, Pilsen 2015 and Wroclaw 2016." Journal of Education Culture and Society 6, no. 2 (January 2, 2020): 122–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20152.122.138.

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Within the ECoC programme, it has been argued that the European dimension is most visible when the candidates reflect their own history as a part of European history, particularly when hinting at their involvement with the major ideologies of twentieth century, such as National Socialism or Communism. ECoC is about cities re-inventing their identities, re-narrating their history in a European context. But how should ex-communist cities deal with their unwanted past and narrate it in order to fit into the European dimension of the project? The focus of this investigation is on three ex-ECOCs from ex-Communist Europe, chosen for several reasons: geographical position (Central, Eastern/Northern European countries, ex-communist past, new membership of the European Union (since 2004), the year of holding the title (the two ECoC selection criteria exist since 2010). Using qualitative content analysis on a set of documents (application books, official web pages and ex-post evaluations) the study will offer an analysis of cities’ politics of memory and urban regeneration strategies.
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Neuhouser, Frederick, and Andrew Levine. "The General Will: Rousseau, Marx, Communism." Philosophical Review 104, no. 4 (October 1995): 597. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2185826.

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Velicu, Irina. "The Aesthetic Post-Communist Subject and the Differend of Rosia Montana." Studies in Social Justice 6, no. 1 (November 1, 2012): 125–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v6i1.1072.

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By challenging the state and corporate prerogatives to distinguish between “good” and “bad” development, social movements by and in support of inhabitants of Rosia Montana (Transylvania) are subverting prevailing perceptions about Central and Eastern Europe (CEE)’s liberal path of development illustrating its injustice in several ways that will be detailed in this article under the heading “inhibitions of political economy” or Balkanism. The significance of the “Save Rosia Montana” movement for post-communism is that it invites post-communist subjects to reflect and revise their perception about issues such as communism, capitalism and development and to raise questions of global significance about the fragile edifice of justice within the neo-liberal capitalist economy. However, resistance to injustice (and implicitly affirmations of other senses of justice) is an ambiguous discursive practice through which Rosieni make sense as well as partake their sense of Rosia Montana. The movement brings about a public dispute which may be compared with a differend: (in Lyotard’s words), a conflict that cannot be confined to the rules of “cognitive phrases,” of truth and falsehood. This article argues that while post-communist events of “subjectification” are unstable and thus, are to be viewed aesthetically, this same ambiguous multiplication of political subjectivity may facilitate the creation of social spaces for imagining alternative possibilities of development.
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Lee, Joanne. "Political utopia or Potemkin village? Italian travellers to the Soviet Union in the early Cold War." Modern Italy 20, no. 4 (November 2015): 379–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1353294400014836.

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Situated on the border between the capitalist West and Communist East, and with the largest Communist party in Western Europe, Italy found itself at the centre of global ideological struggles in the early Cold War years. A number of Italian writers and intellectuals who had joined the PCI (Partito Comunista Italiano) during the Resistance had hoped that the party would play a central role in the post-war reconstruction of Italy and were attracted to the Soviet Union as an example of Communism in action. This article centres on accounts of journeys to the USSR by Sibilla Aleramo, Renata Viganò and Italo Calvino. It will argue that although their writings portray a largely positive vision of the USSR, they should not be dismissed as naive, or worse, disingenuous travellers whose willingness to embrace Soviet-style Communism was based on a wholescale rejection of Western society and its values (see P. Hollander's 1998 [1981] work, Political Pilgrims: Western Intellectuals in Search of the Good Society). Rather, the article shows how their accounts of the USSR shed light on the writers' relationship with the PCI and argues that the views expressed in the travelogues emerge from the writers' personal experiences of war and resistance, a fervent desire to position themselves as anti-Fascist intellectuals, and their concerns regarding the direction that Italian politics was taking at a pivotal moment in the nation's history.
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Todorova, Velina. "Children's Rights in Bulgaria after the End of Communism." International Journal of Children's Rights 17, no. 4 (2009): 623–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092755609x12466074858718.

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AbstractNot surprisingly, the end of communism marked a swift collapse of the protection of children's rights in Bulgaria. The paper critically examines the complete lack of humane 'communism exit' strategies in the country. Rather, the state quietly withdrew from guaranteeing the basic rights of the child such as rights to health care, education and day care deserting families to cope with child upbringing in a hostile and deregulated environment. At the end of the 20th century the only remainings of the former communist system appeared to be the residential institutions providing care for 30,000 abandoned or delinquent children. The new system for the protection of children' rights has to be built besides the lack of a clear political will but within the supportive milieu both of the accession to the European Union negotiations and the UN CRC being part of the national legal framework. The essential safeguards of the children's rights are in place in Bulgaria of today. This raises the expectations that the children's rights will receive adequate place in the political agenda and in resource allocation.
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Ivanova, Teodora, Mihail Chervenkov, Ekaterina Kozuharova, and Dessislava Dimitrova. "Ethnobotanical Knowledge on Herbs and Spices in Bulgarian Traditional Dry-Cured Meat Products." Diversity 14, no. 6 (May 24, 2022): 416. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/d14060416.

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Artisan food production, with its unique flavors, is a source of knowledge about sustainable use of natural resources. This is because it reflects the skills of local communities in utilizing these resources (e.g., wild and cultivated plants and autochthonous breeds) under specific environmental conditions for a long period of time. Therefore, the use of local ingredients and the reduction in food miles make traditional food a safer, healthier and more ecofriendly choice for consumers. In the present research, we examined the herbal ingredients in Bulgarian dry-cured meats and discuss their contribution to the flavor and durability of the products. A combination of field data, collected through semi-structured interviews in local communities, and an analysis of the available literature was used to reveal the typicity of 24 artisanal/homemade meat products available mostly in their place of origin. We compared the obtained data to 16 industrial products branded as “traditional”, with 6 of them registered under the European Union quality schemes. The recorded ingredients of plant origin (dry and fresh) belonged to 16 taxa. Most diverse spice mixtures were used in products made of pork meat and in products originating from the southern, and hence warmer, regions of the country. The herbs and spices were combined freely except for Alliums, which were not mixed, and only one species was used per product. Most of the spices used in the artisanal dry meats were sourced from home gardens (some specifically cultivated for that purpose). Those collected from the wild, e.g., Origanum vulgare subp. hirtum (Link) Ietsw., were gathered sustainably in small quantities. The number of spices used in industrial dry meat products was limited to two–three, and was provided by cultivated sources, without exploiting natural populations. Manufacturing of all artisanal products was seasonal to avoid the cold winter weather, a measure which was necessary for the natural air-drying of the meat. The long-lasting effects of the abolishment of artisanal production under Communism, the adaptation of traditional products for industry, and the current challenges and perspectives surrounding artisanal production of meat products were discussed.
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Gusman, Erry. "LEMBAGA PERWAKILAN DAERAH DALAM NEGARA DEMOKRASI." Ensiklopedia Sosial Review 2, no. 2 (June 29, 2020): 102–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.33559/esr.v2i2.483.

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A hallmark of constitutional democracy is the idea that a democratic government is a government that has limited powers and is not justified in acting arbitrarily against its citizens. State power is divided in such a way that opportunities for abuse are reduced. By way of handing it over to several people or bodies and not centralizing the power of government in one hand or one body. Juridical formulation of these principles is famous for Rechstaat (rule of law) and Rule of Law. In the view of democratic groups that base themselves on communist ideology, they always act ambivalent towards the state. The state is seen as a coercive tool that will eventually disappear by itself, after the emergence of communist society. Karl Marx and Engels, the State is nothing but a machine used by one class to act against another class and the state is only a transitional institution used in the struggle to oppress opponents with violence. The state will eventually disappear when communism is reached because no one is oppressed.
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Dălălău, Andrei. "Marietta Sadova: Fascist Identities and Political Compromise in Communist Romania." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 67, no. 1 (September 30, 2022): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2022.1.08.

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"After a brief period of liberalization in 1956, cultural politics in communist Romania went through an ideological radicalization between 1958 and the early 1960s, which led to intimidation campaigns, arrests, trials, and condemnations of several groups of interwar intellectuals. Director and actress Marietta Sadova was convicted in the 'Noica-Pillat' trial in March 1960. This paper aims to unravel the complex interaction between culture and politics through a qualitative analysis of Marietta Sadova's case study. The focus will be on the Securitate's surveillance, coercion methods, and narrative construction on one hand and the artist's surviving fascist identity, compromises made to survive, and the validity of cultural niches of existence on the other. The theoretical and methodological apparatus is built on new historiographical approaches to communist repression, including the ability of the secret police to construct and politically instrumentalize guilt narratives. The results suggest that the interaction between the interwar intellectuals and the communist authorities was neither unidirectional nor unitary but multi-layered and mutually depended on negotiations and concessions, as well as on the secret police agents' newly acquired methods of creating and repressing 'hostile' social networks. Keywords: communism, cultural politics, fascism, Marietta Sadova, repression, theatre "
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Rajcevic, Nemanja, Tanja Dodos, Jelica Novakovic, Pedja Janackovic, and Petar Marin. "Essential oil composition and antioxidant activity of two Juniperus communis L. varieties growing wild in Serbia." Zbornik Matice srpske za prirodne nauke, no. 131 (2016): 197–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmspn1631197r.

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The genus Juniperus L. (Cupressaceae) consists of ca. 67 species and 34 varieties. Juniperus communis L. grows on dry hills or mountainous tracts and is widely distributed in the northern hemisphere. A typical variety J. communis L. var. communis was collected in Deliblatska pescara (Deliblato Sands) and variety J. communis L. var. saxatilis Pall. in Kopaonik Mountain. Needle essential oils were obtained using Clevenger apparatus and analyzed using GC/MS and GC/FID. Antioxidant activity of essential oils was evaluated using DPPH assay. A total of 78 compounds were detected and identified. Both oils are characterized by high abundance of monoterpenes. The main constituents of J. communis var. communis essential oil were sabinene (39.4%), ?-pinene (13.3%), myrcene (4.7%) and terpinen-4-ol (3.7%), while J. communis var. saxatilis essential oil had ?-pinene (34.9%), sabinene (20.3%), ?-3-carene (6.4%) and germacrene B (6.3%) as the most abundant components. DPPH test showed IC50 values 0.66 mg/ml for J. communis var. communis and 0.32 mg/ml for J. communis var. saxatilis. Although antioxidant activity was weaker than used standards (BHT and L-ascorbic acid) it is still significant.
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Rund, Arild Engelsen. "Land and Power: The Marxist Conquest of Rural Bengal." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (May 1994): 357–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012440.

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The Indian state of West Bengal is governed and politically dominated by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M) for short) which has been in Government there since 1977 as the largest constituent party to the ruling Left Front. The CPI(M)'s position in West Bengal is unique both in India and in the world in the sense that it is the only Communist party to be popularly elected and reelected to power for such a long period. Today it draws most of its electoral support from the rural areas where the party is supported by peasants of practically all socio-economic sections. It is to an interesting period in the history of Communism in Bengal that this article will turn, namely to the creation of a particular alliance of Marxists and peasants in the restlessness in that state in the late 1960s and the virtual elimination of non-Marxist forces in large areas.
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SAVA, Laura Antoaneta. "The Army in the First Years of Communization in the Romanian Society." Anuarul Institutului de Cercetări Socio-Umane „C.S. Nicolăescu-Plopșor” 2023 (December 5, 2023): 199–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.59277/csnpissh.2023.15.

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The author of this presentation states that despite the efforts the Communists made to seize power in 1945, the military cadres were not “a silent sea”, even though the psychological strain was very great. But over the next three years the resistance of the command corps weakened. Because of abuses and material deprivation there were changes in attitude and mentality, without this meaning that Romanian generals and officers agreed with communist ideas. The technique and scheme of the army’s transition to communism were outlined, with the help of many unpublished documents, but it must be stressed that this cynical aggression against the military will bear fruit after the monarchy’s ambition.

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