Relevant bibliographies by topics / White House Presidential Personnel Office

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'White House Presidential Personnel Office'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 11 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "White House Presidential Personnel Office"

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PATTERSON, BRADLEY H., and JAMES P. PFIFFNER. "The White House Office of Presidential Personnel." Presidential Studies Quarterly 31, no. 3 (September 2001): 415–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0360-4918.2001.00179.x.

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2

Rockman, Bert A., and Thomas J. Weko. "The Politicizing Presidency: The White House Personnel Office, 1948-1994." Political Science Quarterly 110, no. 4 (1995): 667. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151918.

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Steger, Wayne P. "Stepping Stone to the White House or Tombstone on Presidential Ambition: Why Senators Usually Fail When They Run for the White House." American Review of Politics 27 (April 1, 2006): 45–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2006.27.0.45-70.

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Studies divide over which offices are the best position from which to seek the presidency. This study looks at how candidates from various backgrounds perform in the competition for resources and votes in presidential nomination campaigns. The study also sheds light on Burden’s (2002)“candidate pool “and “candidate investment” hypotheses. As a group, senators are found to be relatively weak fundraisers, receive less campaign news coverage, and attract less public support than presidential candidates from most other backgrounds. Senators as a group are more variable than other groups of office-holders, but not significantly so. Most but not all senators who enter the race appear to invest themselves in their campaign.
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Doherty, Kathleen M., David E. Lewis, and Scott Limbocker. "Presidential Control and Turnover in Regulatory Personnel." Administration & Society 51, no. 10 (September 18, 2019): 1606–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399719875458.

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Career executives often occupy administrative positions that determine the pace and content of policy, such as those responsible for developing regulations. Yet, presidential administrations need control over these positions to achieve policy aims. This article considers the extent to which new presidential administrations marginalize career executives in key regulatory positions by transferring responsibilities to another individual and whether the mere expectation of political conflict with a new administration drives career regulators from their positions. Using unique new data on 866 career regulators that led major rulemaking efforts between 1995 and 2013, we demonstrate that turnover among career executives in key regulatory positions increases following a party change in the White House. Turnover also increases during a presidential election year, but this effect is conditioned by bureaucrats’ expectations of the election outcome. Finally, career executives are more likely to depart in response to favorable labor market conditions. Given our findings that turnover in regulatory responsibilities is driven both by presidential marginalization and strategic exit by bureaucrats, we conclude with implications for presidential efforts to control the administrative state.
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Tenpas, Kathryn Dunn. "The Politicizing Presidency: The White House Personnel Office, 1948-1994.Thomas J. Weko." Journal of Politics 58, no. 2 (May 1996): 568–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2960245.

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Smee, John J., and John Anthony Maltese. "Spin Control: The White House Office of Communications and the Management of Presidential News." Political Science Quarterly 107, no. 3 (1992): 542. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2152448.

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Roscho, Bernard. "Spin control: The white house office of communications and the management of presidential news." Government Information Quarterly 12, no. 3 (January 1995): 351–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0740-624x(95)90028-4.

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Shattuck, Nita Lewis, Panagiotis Matsangas, Elke Eriksen, and Spiros Kulubis. "Comparison of Two Watch Schedules for Personnel at the White House Military Office President’s Emergency Operations Center." Human Factors: The Journal of the Human Factors and Ergonomics Society 57, no. 5 (March 20, 2015): 864–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0018720815576434.

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Erikson, Robert S. "The American Voter and the Economy, 2008." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 03 (June 26, 2009): 467–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090751.

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Why did Obama defeat McCain in 2008? As with any national election outcome, the immediate culprit that comes to mind is economic performance. When the U.S. is prosperous, the electorate votes the incumbent presidential party back into office. When the U.S. economy sours, the incumbent (or incumbent party) loses. In 2008, the application of this rule led to a correct prediction once again. Economy up, Republicans out. It is difficult to challenge this conventional wisdom that the economy contributed to the transfer of the White House from the Republicans to Democrat Obama.
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Hertelendy, PhD, Attila J., and William L. Waugh, Jr., PhD. "Emergency Management Missing from the Pandemic?" Journal of Emergency Management 18, no. 7 (July 1, 2020): 149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5055/jem.0526.

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The change in presidential administrations in the United States promises new approaches to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic. The first year of the pandemic response in the United States has been characterized by a lack of national leadership. Moreover, the message from the White House Coronavirus Task Force has been muddled at best. There have been great inconsistencies in how the States have chosen to address spreading infections and increased stress on individual Americans who are trying to protect themselves and their families. The same pattern can be found with the distribution of vaccines and management of vaccinations. Politics has often conflicted with public health concerns. The States have been left to provide personal protective equipment (PPE) to medical personnel and first responders and to formulate their own guidance for protective measures.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "White House Presidential Personnel Office"

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Liu, Yulong. "Framing Minimum Wage Policy by the Democratic Presidential Administrations: Strategies and Ideologies." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/101658.

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Framing analyses have been among the most popular areas of research for scholars in political communication. Similarly, minimum wage legislation has been a popular topic for researchers in labor economics. However, few studies have used framing analysis to investigate the issue of minimum wage. This exploratory quantitative content analysis coded 45 variables in 236 lengthy press documents spanning 84 years of Democratic presidential administrations. More specifically, this study explored presence of generic frames, stakeholders, and ideological identities employed by Democratic presidential administrations since 1933. Results found that Democratic presidential administrations have been generally consistent in framing minimum wage policy. However, ideological discrepancies in Democratic presidents' actual framing practice were detected: a deepening pro-fairness attitude in specific frames and a growing pro-business empathy in stakeholder presence. The study concluded that framing minimum wage policy has become increasingly expressive: partisan identities transcend ideological positions. Democratic administrations generally maintain a single approach when highlighting minimum wage increase and endorse the Fair Labor Standards Act, albeit using different and even conflicting framing practices over time. To sustain the findings, this study suggests an equivalent study on Republican presidential administrations and their framing of minimum wage policy.
Master of Arts
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LIN, YEN-JUNG, and 林延蓉. "A Review of the Presidential Office Concert in the Period of Lee Teng-hui from the Historical Development of the White House Concert." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/ygyerv.

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碩士
國立臺北藝術大學
音樂學研究所
106
The president is a head of state, who did everything can catch nationals attention and lead the trend, which can be the focus of the news reporting. The Office of the President is the administrative center, where held a concert in Office of the president respects the leader values and esteem the art of music. After the World War II, Taiwan and the United States are gerring closer. The American culture that included music culture affected Taiwan, which offered a different perspective for Taiwan. Before the article enter the subject of the study, I investigate the history of the White house music first. The White House Music mainly based on president and the first family. Tendencing for national characteristic music which is the contemporary popurlar music, example for Jazz, and Broadway musicals, which are the main program, and the program of the classical music is second. The White House music of America had been held about 200 years. The Concert of the Presidential Office in Taiwan appeared later, which had been held 25 concerts since 1991 to 2000 in the Lee Teng-hui era. The range of program is wide, which included the west classical music, the contemporary music of Taiwan, the traditional music of Taiwan , and the contemporary music with Asian Composers League. The performers are include the senior professor, the young musician and the traditional artist. And the Presidential Office invited the audience who is police, firemen, a president of a college or university, women’s group, et al. It expressed that the Presidential Office could led all walks of life, who closed art more, and stressed invitees values.The paper analysis and discuss about the 25 concerts’s the meaning, the media report and effect, the audience, the performance’s shape and content, and performers.
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Books on the topic "White House Presidential Personnel Office"

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The politicizing presidency: The White House Personnel Office, 1948-1994. Lawrence, Kan: University Press of Kansas, 1995.

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2

Office, General Accounting. The White House: Allegations of damage during the 2001 presidential transition : report to the Honorable Bob Barr, House of Representatives. Washington, D.C: The Office, 2002.

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1969-, Ezra Marni, ed. CQ's White House media simulation. Washington, D.C: CQ Press, 2002.

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4

The White House and Capitol Hill: The politics of presidential persuasion. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Clarendon Press, 1987.

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5

Maltese, John Anthony. Spin control: The White House Office of Communications and the management of presidential news. 2nd ed. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994.

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6

Spin control: The White House Office of Communications and the management of presidential news. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992.

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Boertlein, John. Presidential confidential: Stories of sex, scandal, murder and mayhem in the Oval Office. Cincinnati, OH: Clerisy Press, 2010.

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Office, General Accounting. White House: Travel Office operations : report to the Congress. Washington, D.C: The Office, 1994.

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9

Office, General Accounting. White House: Staff use of helicopters : report to Congressional requesters. Washington, D.C: U.S. General Accounting Office, 1995.

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10

United States. Congress. House. Committee on Post Office and Civil Service. White House Personnel Reauthorization Act of 1992: Report together with minority views (to accompany H.R. 5928) (including cost estimate of the Congressional Budget Office). [Washington, D.C.?: U.S. G.P.O., 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "White House Presidential Personnel Office"

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Baron, Kevin M. "Nixon and the resurgence of executive privilege." In Presidential Privilege and the Freedom of Information Act, 140–78. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474442442.003.0006.

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With the passage and implementation of FOIA under Johnson, the CLDC moves into the next iteration by examining the implementation, oversight, and amendment phase. This was driven in large part by Nixon's actions after coming into office. While Nixon talked about transparency, he took steps to expand White House control over information, not just following the precedent of Eisenhower, but in expanding the scope of executive privilege. Nixon asserted that executive privilege covered all White House conversations with any staff, appointees, and employees, expanding beyond the national security concerns in the public interest of his predecessors. Nixon's actions to expand executive power left Congress in the position of again grappling with ways to respond, including eventually amending FOIA to strengthen the law as an oversight measure. The first FOIA amendments began under Nixon but would not be finalized until President Ford was in office.
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Baron, Kevin M. "Ford and veto bargaining over amending FOIA." In Presidential Privilege and the Freedom of Information Act, 179–97. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474442442.003.0007.

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Congress passed the first amendments to FOIA in 1974 over Nixon's objections during the height of the Watergate Scandal. Nixon's expansion in the use and scope of executive privilege not only brought about a Supreme Court decision but pushed Congress into amending FOIA. On the day Nixon resigned from office and Ford was sworn in as president, the FOIA amendment bill was sitting in a conference committee. The conference committee reached out to Ford his first week in office to inform him that a final version of the bill was done and would be passed immediately. Ford asked for time, opening what would become several months of negotiations between the White House and Congress over amending FOIA. Unable to sway Congress enough, Ford threatened to and then ultimately vetoed the amendment bill, which Congress overrode. The interactions between the executive and legislative branches during this bargaining period highlights key factors of understanding the issues of executive privilege and FOIA in the post-Nixon period.
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Baron, Kevin M. "Eisenhower’s executive privilege and the public interest." In Presidential Privilege and the Freedom of Information Act, 54–84. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474442442.003.0003.

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This chapter delves into the depths of one of the most important developments within modern American politics, the creation and institutionalization of executive privilege. In facing a fervent Congress in the grips of McCarthyism, Eisenhower issued a letter denying testimony to the Senate for the Army-McCarthy hearings. His letter included a memo from Attorney General Brownell that claimed the president had an inherent constitutional privilege to deny information to Congress or the public if it was in the public interest and for national security. This action institutionalized the Cold War Paradigm in the executive branch and created an extra-constitutional power for the president. Eisenhower issued several executive orders concerning classification and public dissemination of government information, along with the creation of the Office of Strategic Information (OSI) within the Commerce Department to oversee these policies. Eisenhower claimed historic precedent to justify his inherent constitutional power, regardless, it showed a learned response that changed executive power. Congress would respond in 1955 by creating the Special Subcommittee on Government Information chaired by Rep. John Moss, given jurisdiction for oversight on all executive branch information policies and practices. With the issue of freedom of information institutionalized in Congress, a 12-year legislative power struggle would unfold between Congress and the White House ending with the passage of the Freedom of Information Act in 1966.
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Toal, Gerard. "A Cause in the Caucasus." In Near Abroad. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190253301.003.0009.

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In December 2007, Damon wilson returned to the White House to take a position as senior director for Europe in the National Security Council of George W. Bush. Having spent the previous year in Iraq, Wilson was back working on an issue he was passionate about: North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) enlargement. Prior service in the State Department, the NATO secretary general’s office, and the White House gave Wilson familiarity with Euro-Atlantic divisions on the subject. Thrust into preparation for the forthcoming NATO summit in Bucharest, he was surprised that no internal policy process had yet generated a formal presidential decision on whether the United States was willing to offer a path to NATO membership for Georgia and Ukraine. Both states underwent “color revolutions” that saw fraudulent election results overturned and new elections sweep dynamic Westernizing leaders into power, events many Russian officials viewed as Western-fomented coups. Three years later in 2007, things were not looking so positive in either state. In Georgia, Mikheil Saakashvili’s government had violently suppressed antigovernment demonstrations a few weeks earlier, while Ukraine’s pro-Western leadership had descended into internal factionalism. Wilson, however, knew how strong the president’s instincts were on support for fledgling young democracies in post-Soviet space. Bush had announced his commitment at the outset of his presidency in a speech at Warsaw University where he declared: “No more Munichs, no more Yaltas.” During Bush’s tenure, NATO had admitted seven new member states, including the Baltic Republics, tacitly acknowledged as part of the Soviet Union at Yalta in 1945. Approaching his last NATO summit, Bush had a legacy opportunity to push enlargement farther east and south, to large strategic territories that were part of the original Soviet Union. Secretaries Condoleezza Rice and Robert Gates were skeptical but others such as U.S. ambassador to NATO, Victoria Nuland, were supportive. After a “deep dive” into the question by White House staff, Bush decided in late February that the United States should mobilize all its diplomatic power to offer a Membership Action Plan (MAP), a first step toward NATO membership, to both Georgia and Ukraine at Bucharest.
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"Presidential politics The political functions of the President – The powers of the President – Checks to presidential power – Party chief and national leader – The institutions of the Presidency – The Cabinet – The Executive Office of the President – The White House Office – The National Security Council – The Office of Management and Budget – The Council of Economic Advisers – The problem of the Presidency – The parameters of power – The Twenty-Second Amendment – The power of the Presidency." In Politics in the USA, 136–63. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203161807-13.

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