Academic literature on the topic 'White Hall United Methodist Church'
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Journal articles on the topic "White Hall United Methodist Church"
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May, Roy H. "“I did get along with the Indians:” Joseph Hugo Wenberg, Missionary to the Aymara, Ponca, and Oneida (1901-1950)." Methodist History 61, no. 1 (April 2023): 22–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/methodisthist.61.1.0022.
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ABSTRACT For the first half of the twentieth century Joseph Hugo Wenberg ministered among the Native Americans. He determinedly defended their rights and well-being. He began his ministry as a colporteur of the American Bible Society in Argentina and elsewhere in South America. Early on he was in Bolivia collaborating with the Methodists. He constantly insisted on “Indian work” and called out the racist nature of mission work that concentrated on the minority white population. Notably, while in charge of the Hacienda Guatajata [Huatajata] near Lake Titicaca, he instituted social justice reforms. He finally was dismissed as a missionary of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Returning to the United States, he assumed pastorates in Oklahoma, and then in Wisconsin where for 30 years he served among the Oneida. Wenberg’s life is an example of moral exemplarism, worthy of being emulated.
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Carwardine, Richard. "Methodists, Politics, and the Coming of the American Civil War." Church History 69, no. 3 (September 2000): 578–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169398.
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In 1868 Ulysses S. Grant remarked that there were three great parties in the United States: the Republican, the Democratic, and the Methodist Church. This was an understandable tribute, given the active role of leading Methodists in his presidential campaign, but it was also a realistic judgment, when set in the context of the denomination's growing political authority over the previous half century. As early as 1819, when, with a quarter of a million members, “the Methodists were becoming quite numerous in the country,” the young exhorter Alfred Branson noted that “politicians… from policy favoured us, though they might be skeptical as to religion,” and gathered at county seats to listen to the preachers of a denomination whose “votes counted as fast at an election as any others.” Ten years later, the newly elected Andrew Jackson stopped at Washington, Pennsylvania, en route from Tennessee to his presidential inauguration. When both Presbyterians and Methodists invited him to attend their services, Old Hickory sought to avoid the political embarrassment of seeming to favor his own church over the fastest-growing religious movement in the country by attending both—the Presbyterians in the morning and the Methodists at night. In Indiana in the early 1840s the church's growing power led the Democrats to nominate for governor a known Methodist, while tarring their Whig opponents with the brush of sectarian bigotry. Nationally, as the combined membership of the Methodist Episcopal Church [MEC] and Methodist Episcopal Church, South [MECS] grew to over one and a half million by the mid-1850s, denominational leaders could be found complaining that the church was so strong that each political party was “eager to make her its tool.” Thus Elijah H. Pilcher, the influential Michigan preacher, found himself in 1856 nominated simultaneously by state Democratic, Republican, and Abolition conventions.
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Kangwa, Jonathan. "The Legacy of Peggy Hiscock: European Women’s Contribution to the Growth of Christianity in Zambia." Feminist Theology 28, no. 3 (May 2020): 316–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0966735020906940.
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The history of Christianity in Africa contains selected information reflecting patriarchal preoccupations. Historians have often downplayed the contributions of significant women, both European and indigenous African. The names of some significant women are given without details of their contribution to the growth of Christianity in Africa. This article considers the contributions of Peggy Hiscock to the growth of Christianity in Zambia. Hiscock was a White missionary who was sent to serve in Zambia by the Methodist Church in Britain. She was the first woman to have been ordained in the United Church of Zambia. Hiscock established the Order of Diaconal Ministry and founded a school for the training of deaconesses in the United Church of Zambia. This article argues that although the nineteenth- and twentieth-century missionary movement in Africa is associated with patriarchy and European imperialism, there were European women missionaries who resisted imperialism and patriarchy both in the Church and society.
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Dickerson, Dennis C. "Humanity Defined, Hypocrisy Defied: Sacralizing the Black Freedom Struggle, 1930–60." Studies in Church History 60 (May 23, 2024): 477–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2024.23.
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The white ecclesia in the United States either opposed or equivocated on the matter of the humanity of African Americans. The 1939 unification of majority white Methodist bodies, for example, structurally segregated black members into a separate Central Jurisdiction. This action mimicked practices in the broader body politic that crystallized in American society both de jure and de facto systems of second-class citizenship for African Americans. This hypocrisy mobilized adherents of Gandhian non-violence and elicited from them tenets and tactics which energized moral methodologies that defeated a church and civic collusion that perpetrated black subordination. Interracial alliances derived from the ecclesia and parachurch organizations articulated non-violence as a moral precept that sacralized a grassroots civil rights movement. This initiative morally discredited the racial hypocrisy aimed at America's formerly enslaved and segregated population.
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Dickerson, Dennis C. "Building a Diasporic Family: The Women’s Parent Mite Missionary Society of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1874–1920." Wesley and Methodist Studies 15, no. 1 (January 2023): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/weslmethstud.15.1.0027.
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ABSTRACT This article argues that the missionary language of the Women’s Parent Mite Missionary Society of the African Methodist Episcopal Church was cast in familial and kinship nomenclature that eschewed the evil of racial hierarchy. Although routine missionary vernacular about heathen Africa and its need for Christianization and civilization appeared in the rhetoric of AME women, they more deeply expressed a diasporic consciousness that obligated Black people on both sides of the Atlantic to resist Euro-American hegemony. The capacious embrace of the WPMMS for Black women—whether in the United States, the Caribbean, or Africa—actualized their vision for maternal and sisterly interaction in contrast to the racial condescension prevalent among white women in their respective American and European missionary groups.
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Bulthuis, Kyle T. "The Difference Denominations Made: Identifying the Black Church(es) and Black Religious Choices of the Early Republic." Religion and American Culture 29, no. 2 (2019): 255–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2019.3.
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ABSTRACTScholars of African-American religious history have recently debated the significance of the black church in American history. Those that have, pro and con, have often considered the black church as a singular entity, despite the fact that African Americans affiliated with a number of different religious traditions under the umbrella of the black church. This article posits that it is useful to consider denominational and theological developments within different African-American churches. Doing so acknowledges plural creations and developments of black churches, rather than a singular black church, which better accounts for the historical experience of black religion. In this piece, I analyze four different denominational and theological traditions that blacks followed in the early Republic: the Anglican–Episcopalian, the Calvinist (Congregational–Presbyterian), the Methodist, and the Baptist. Each offered a unique ecclesiastical structure and set of theological assumptions within which black clergy and laity operated. Each required different levels of interaction with white coreligionists, and, although some tended to offer more direct opportunities for reform and resistance, all groups suffered differing constraints that limited such action. I argue that the two bodies connected to formalist traditions, the Episcopalian and Calvinist, were initially better developed despite their smaller size, and thus disproportionately shaped black community and reform efforts in the antebellum United States.
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Thompson, JT, JS Rivelli, CA Johnson, P. Gautom, M. Burns, D. Schenk, C. Levell, N. Hayes, and GD Coronado. "Developing Faith-Based Messaging and Materials for Colorectal Cancer Screening: Application of Boot Camp Translation Within the African Methodist Episcopal Church." Cancer Epidemiology, Biomarkers & Prevention 32, no. 6 (June 1, 2023): 860. http://dx.doi.org/10.1158/1055-9965.epi-23-0364.
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Purpose of the study: Colorectal cancer (CRC) is the 2nd leading cause of cancer-related death in Black and African American people in the United States. We created culturally appropriate and locally relevant faith-based CRC screening messages and materials for African Methodist Episcopal (AME) church communities in Atlanta, Georgia. Methods: We used boot camp translation (BCT), a validated community based participatory strategy, to elicit input from AME congregants to 1) develop faith-based CRC screening messages that resonate with the AME community and 2) identify the role of the church in bringing CRC information to the AME community. Eligible participants were members of the AME Atlanta East District churches, ages 45 to 75 years, and willing to participate in one 5-hour in-person meeting and two follow-up video-conferencing calls. The in-person session, conducted in the church sanctuary and fellowship hall, consisted of expert presentations by a national leader on colorectal cancer and screening, a local leader well-versed in barriers to screening and community resources, and a prominent figure within the church clergy. Additionally, we held interactive small group sessions to create messages and identify dissemination methods. Results: A total of 27 adults participated in the in-person session (17 women and 10 men). Participants preferred CRC screening messages that incorporated faith-based concepts including “honoring God by taking care of one's body”_ and “choosing faith over fear of screening.”_ Other key themes focused on increasing awareness and knowledge of CRC screening, taking control of one's own health, and sharing personal stories with one's community to reduce stigma and inspire action. Favored dissemination channels within the church were Sunday service, print (e.g., flyers, pamphlets, message cards) distributed at church, and digital materials (e.g., videos) shown during service. Desired community channels included cancer awareness events and social media platforms. Conclusions: Churches serve as key partners in delivering health information as they are among the most trusted institutions within the Black and African American community. Using BCT, we successfully incorporated participant feedback to create faith-based CRC screening messages and identified appropriate channels for sharing information within the AME community.
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Gautom, Priyanka, Jamie H. Thompson, Cheryl A. Johnson, Jennifer S. Rivelli, and Gloria D. Coronado. "Abstract A102: Developing faith-based messaging and materials for colorectal cancer screening: Application of boot camp translation within the African Methodist Episcopal Church." Cancer Epidemiology, Biomarkers & Prevention 32, no. 1_Supplement (January 1, 2023): A102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1158/1538-7755.disp22-a102.
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Abstract Introductory sentences: We use boot camp translation (BCT), a validated community based participatory strategy, to elicit input from African Methodist Episcopal (AME) congregants, leadership, and healthcare systems in Atlanta, Georgia to create culturally appropriate and locally relevant colorectal cancer (CRC) faith-based screening messages and materials for AME church communities. Brief description of pertinent experimental procedures: In the United States, CRC is the third-leading cause of cancer death and disproportionately impacts African Americans, highlighting the need for timely screening within this community. African American adults have higher annual rates of new CRC cases and are diagnosed with CRC at younger ages when compared to White adults. Regular CRC screening is pertinent to increasing the chance of early diagnosis and survival, however, African Americans are less likely to get screened for CRC than Whites. Church-based educational programs have been successful in promoting cancer screening, including CRC screening, in various racial and ethnic groups. Churches can serve as key partners in delivering health information as they are among the most trusted institutions within the African American community. As part of a collaboration among the American Cancer Society, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, AME churches and Atlanta-based healthcare systems, we will apply BCT to develop and disseminate messaging to promote CRC screening within the AME community. The BCT session aims are twofold: 1) to identify the role of the church in bringing CRC information to the AME community and 2) to define the content and format of effective faith-based CRC messages tailored for the AME community. Summary of new, unpublished data: The BCT workshops will occur in July 2022.Statement of conclusions: We anticipate preliminary findings and materials to be ready by September 2022. Citation Format: Priyanka Gautom, Jamie H. Thompson, Cheryl A. Johnson, Jennifer S. Rivelli, Gloria D. Coronado. Developing faith-based messaging and materials for colorectal cancer screening: Application of boot camp translation within the African Methodist Episcopal Church [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the 15th AACR Conference on the Science of Cancer Health Disparities in Racial/Ethnic Minorities and the Medically Underserved; 2022 Sep 16-19; Philadelphia, PA. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Epidemiol Biomarkers Prev 2022;31(1 Suppl):Abstract nr A102.
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Baek, Ok kyoung. "A Study on the Establishment and Operation of KoangHyoeNyoWon (Women's Hospital of Extended Grace) in Pyengyang." Korean Association for the Social History of Medicine 12 (October 31, 2023): 167–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.32365/kashm.2023.12.6.
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KoangHyoeNyoWon (廣惠女院, Women's Hospital of Extended Grace) was opened in Pyengyang in 1898. I looked into the process of the dispensary's establishment, and some of its medical service activities, its personnel and financial operations, and the history of the changes KoangHyoeNyoWon had undergone.
KoangHyoeNyoWon was established in Pyengyang by the WFMS (Woman’s Foreign Missionary Society) to provide medical services for women as an independent medical enterprise. The first attempt to open a women’s clinic failed in 1894, but in 1898, KoangHyoeNyoWon began operations. It built a system of medical services in cooperation with Giholbyeowon (the Hall Memorial Hospital), which was another clinic established by the Methodist Church. In addition, it tried to extend the medical services not only to women and children, but also to the poor and the disabled; therefore, it had the characteristics of a social welfare center. These facts led KoangHyoeNyoWon to rely on the support of the WFMS. The WFMS had provided KoangHyoeNyoWon with manpower, personnel expenses, medicine, medical facilities, and fees for maintenance, fuel, insurance, etc. In addition, the WFMS had covered the cost of rebuilding and reequipping the dispensary.
But Jahye Clinic, a colonial medical center, opened in 1910 and competed with KoangHyoeNyoWon, which explains why the dispensary for women had to make changes. By the 1910s, gender discrimination in Joseon had lessened and women were more likely to use hospitals such as Jahye Clinic and Giholbyeowon; at the same time, demands for KoangHyoeNyoWon to become financially independent increased as the financial situation of the WFMS deteriorated. By 1914, there was talk of closing KoangHyoeNyoWon. However, it began to seek solutions to overcome the crisis and to gain financial independence. Several attempts were made to improve medical facilities, support medical education to supply independent manpower, and diversify medical services. Gradually, KoangHyoeNyoWon became a maternity clinic and offered medical care in conjunction with other clinics.
In the 1920s, KoangHyoeNyoWon was merged with other hospitals—Giholbyeowon (Methodist Church) and Caroline Memorial Hospital (Presbyterian Church). It resulted from the willingness of the missionary society in Joseon to build a large and strong Christian hospital in order to compete with the colonial and national hospitals that wereexpanding aggressively. As a result, KoangHyoeNyoWon became the women’s ward of the United Christian Hospital. Through the merger, women were able to receive better and more comprehensive medical services, making KoangHyoeNyoWon the best choice for women in need. Now it was time for the question of why and how there should be a women’s clinic.
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Rossinow, Doug. "The Radicalization of the Social Gospel: Harry F. Ward and the Search for a New Social Order, 1898–1936." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 15, no. 1 (2005): 63–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2005.15.1.63.
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AbstractA vigorous Protestant left existed throughout the first half of the twentieth-century in the United States. That Protestant left was the left wing of the social gospel movement, which many historians restrict to the pre-1920 period and whose radical content is often underestimated. This article examines the career of one representative figure from this Protestant left, the Reverend Harry F. Ward, as a means of describing the evolving nature and limits of social gospel radicalism during the first four decades of the twentieth century. Ward, the main author of the 1908 Social Creed of the Churches, a longtime professor at Union Theological Seminary (UTS) in New York, and a dogged activist on behalf of labor and political prisoners through his leadership of the Methodist Federation for Social Service, sought a new social order from the early years of the century through the Great Depression of the 1930s. This new order would be the Kingdom of God on earth, and, in Ward's view, it would transcend the competitive and exploitative capitalism that dominated American society in his time. Before World War I, Ward worked to bring together labor activists and church people, and, after the war, he shifted his work toward less expressly religious efforts, while continuing to mentor clerical protégés through his teaching. Ward's leftward trajectory and ever-stronger Communist associations would eventually bring about his political downfall, but, in the mid- 1930s, he remained a respected figure, if one more radical than most, among American Protestant clergy. Organic links tied him and his politics to the broader terrain of social gospel reform, despite the politically driven historical amnesia that later would all but erase Ward from historical memory.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "White Hall United Methodist Church"
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Dunagin, Richard L. (Richard Lee). "Black and White Members and Ministers in the United Methodist Church : A Comparative Analysis." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279407/.
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Two primary sources of data were utilized: official church records, and a questionnaire survey administered to a random sample of Anglo and African-American United Methodists in the North Texas area. Questions covered socio-demographic and theological matters as well as perceptions of racism in the church. Ministers and lay members were surveyed separately.
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Katembue, Kamuabo Jean Pierre. "Strategies employed by historically white denominations to plant churches among black Americans." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1999. http://www.tren.com.
Full textBooks on the topic "White Hall United Methodist Church"
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Cox, Billy Joe. Growing up white: Encounters along the road to racial justice. Prospect, Ky: Harmony House Publishers, 2003.
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Swart, Diane Evans. From a little white church: The history of Fairfax United Methodist Church (formerly Duncan Chapel), Fairfax, Virginia. Baltimore, MD (1001 N. Calvert St., Baltimore, 21202): Published for Fairfax United Methodist Church by Gateway Press, 2001.
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T, Clemons James, and Farr Kelly L. 1970-, eds. Crisis of conscience: Arkansas Methodism and the civil rights crisis. Little Rock, AR: Butler Center for Arkansas Studies, 2007.
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Deep Denial: The Persistence of White Supremacy in in United States History andLife. Crandall, Dostie & Douglass Books, Inc., 2016.
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(Editor), James T. Clemons, and Kelly L. Farr (Editor), eds. Crisis of Conscience: Arkansas Methodists and the Civil Rights Struggle. University of Arkansas Press, 2007.
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Campbell, James T. "“The Seed You Sow in Africa”." In Songs of Zion, 249–94. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195078923.003.0008.
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Abstract During the height of the Ethiopian panic in the early twentieth century, white South Africans leveled every variety of charge against the AME Church. The church was blamed for the Bambatha rebellion in Natal, for impertinent farm laborers in the Free State, and for restive domestic servants on the Rand. Nothing so exercised white observers, however, as the spectacle of guileless young Africans being dispatched to the United States for education. A European missionary, writing in 1904, admirably summarized the case, packing a universe of racist assumptions into two short paragraphs: Each year an increasing number of young men and women are sent from Africa, at the expense of the American Methodist Episcopal body, to study in the Negro universities of the United States. There they obtain a superficial veneer of knowledge, while breathing the atmosphere of race hatred which pervades these so-called seats of learning. After the attainment of a more or less worthless degree, these students return to their own country to preach, with all the enthusiasm of youth and the obstinate conviction of the half-taught mind, a gospel usually far more political than religious.
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"Methodist Population Report." In New York's Burned-over District, edited by Spencer W. McBride and Jennifer Hull Dorsey, 177–78. Cornell University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501770531.003.0023.
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This chapter talks about how the American Journal of Ithaca published a table with the Methodist population in the United States, which reported nearly fifty thousand Methodists in New York that were divided between the New York and Genesee conferences. The chapter highlights the difficulty in giving a precise number of the Methodists in New York as the boundaries of the two conferences crossed state lines. It also reviews the table, which suggests that more Methodists lived in New York than in any other state at the time. The chapter highlights how the table lists separately the number of white Methodists and the number of Black Methodists. It points out that the number of Black men and women constituted less than 3 percent of Methodist church membership in both New York and Genesee conferences.
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Foster, Travis M. "Epilogue." In Genre and White Supremacy in the Postemancipation United States, 111–12. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198838098.003.0006.
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On June 27, 2015, ten days after the massacre at the Emmanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church, Claudia Rankine published an essay on black loss in the New York Times’ Sunday magazine: “the white liberal imagination likes to feel temporarily bad about black suffering,” Rankine writes; yet “[w]e live in a country where Americans assimilate corpses in their daily comings and goings. Dead blacks are a part of normal life here.”...
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Harris, Fredrick C. "Introduction." In Something With in Religion In African-American Political Activism, 3–11. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195120332.003.0001.
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Abstract On a warm saturday morning in August 1992, on Chicago’s South Side, several hundred people gathered in the basement of the Carter Temple CME Church. Carter Temple, which borders Wabash and Michigan avenues along the Seventy-ninth Street corridor, is a part of the Christian Methodist Episcopal (CME) Church, a majority black denomination historically connected to the United Methodist Church South. This formerly all-white denomination broke with northern United Methodists over the issue of slavery on the eve of the Civil War. On this particular morning, before the regular Sunday service, the church’s parking lot was packed with cars, many with stickers proclaiming their faith with such phrases as “God, my co-pilot,” “Jesus on Board,” and “Christ: Try Him, You’ll Like Him.” Surrounding streets provided parking spaces for latecomers.
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Newman, Mark. "Southern Catholics and Desegregation in Denominational Perspective, 1945–1971." In Desegregating Dixie, 201–36. University Press of Mississippi, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496818867.003.0009.
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The chapter compares the response of the Catholic Church in the South to desegregation with that of the region’s larger white denominations: the Southern Baptist Convention, the Methodist Church, the Presbyterian Church in the United States, the Protestant Episcopal Church, and the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America. It also makes comparisons with Catholics outside the South and with southern Jews, a minority, like Catholics, subject to suspicion and even hostility from the Protestant majority, and with the Northern (later American) Baptist Convention and the Disciples of Christ, both of which had a substantial African American membership. The comparison suggests that white lay sensibilities, more than polity or theology, influenced the implementation of desegregation in the South by the major white religious bodies. Like the major white Protestant denominations, Catholic prelates and clergy took a more progressive approach to desegregation in the peripheral than the Deep South.
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Jemison, Elizabeth L. "Reconstruction." In Christian Citizens, 45–74. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659695.003.0003.
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When Reconstruction brought legal recognition of black citizenship and civil and political rights, causing stronger reactions from white southerners, Black and white Christians articulated divergent concepts of Christian citizenship. Black citizens argued that Christian citizenship united their religious and political identity behind their claims to equal civil and political rights. Their independent churches supported Republican politicians, and Black clergy argued that religious and civic duty demanded political engagement. At the same time, white southerners reimagined Christian citizenship as a white-run paternalism, rooted in proslavery ideals, that promised an apolitical path to godly social order. The creation of the Colored Methodist Episcopal Church attempted to bring these distinct models of black and white Christian citizenship together in a tenuous partnership.
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Allured, Janet. "Theressa Hoover." In Activism in the Name of God, 181–211. University Press of Mississippi, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781496845672.003.0008.
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This chapter highlights the work of native Arkansan Theressa Hoover, a leading Black laywoman who challenged racial and gender barriers in both church and society. As chief executive of the financially independent 1.2-million-member United Methodist Women (1968-1990), Hoover provided direction, voice, and vision to one of the largest Christian women's organizations in the world. This role was both a locus for a career and a platform for articulating resistance to white patriarchy. An outspoken proponent of women's full participation in church policy-making bodies, and in her positions on the national boards of ecumenical organizations like Church Women United, the YWCA, the NCNW, and the National and World Council of Churches, Hoover advocated for anti-racism, feminism and LGBTQ+ rights. As much a theologian as many ordained preachers, Hoover critiqued the male-defined systems that impacted Black women in particular, showing that white feminist theology, though illustrative, was incomplete.
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Magnarella, Paul J. "Black Panther Party–Community Relations." In Black Panther in Exile, 54–65. University Press of Florida, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813066394.003.0004.
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Pete O’Neal describes the Black Panther Party’s various community support programs in Kansas City, Missouri. They include a pre-school breakfast program for inner-city children, as well as clothing, food, medical support, and job and family counseling for people in need. O’Neal explains how these programs were supported by local churches and businesses. O’Neal describes ways the Panthers joined forces with other civil rights organizations such as Soul Inc., the Black Youth of America, and Students for a Democratic Society to protest city policies they deemed to be unfair to inner-city residents and to expose persons who took advantage of these same people. O’Neal also describes the Panthers’ confrontation with a “white” inner-city church (Linwood United Methodist Church) and the resulting reconciliation between the church and the Black Panther Party.
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Gravely, Will B. "African Methodisms and the Rise of Black Denominationalism." In Reimagining Denominationalism, 239–63. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195087789.003.0014.
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Abstract At least since 1921, when Carter G. Woodson published his classic survey, History of the Negro Church, it has been commonplace to refer to religious separatism in the free black communities of the post-Revolutionary generation as “the independent church movement.”1 A quarter century earlier, Bishop James W Hood of the African Methodist Episcopal, Zion Church used a similar idiom to describe the origins of northern black congregations. Discounting denominational differences among antebellum black Protestants, Hood argued that a common racial bond made for “a general, grand, united and simultaneous Negro movement.” Regretting the scarcity of early sources and the absence of comprehensive histories, the bishop declared, “there was more in it than what appears on the surface,” for “it was a general exodus of colored members out of white churches.”2
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Mehta, Samira K. "Family Planning Is a Christian Duty." In Devotions and Desires. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469636269.003.0009.
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Throughout the 1960s, the Protestant mainline developed a theology of “responsible parenthood,” grounded in scripture and Christian thought that turned the use of contraception within marriage into a site of Christian moral agency. Responsible parenthood language offered religious responses to scientific advances and scientifically articulated social problems like population explosion. Protestant clergy, nationally and locally, deployed it to encourage birth control among married couples. These leaders were often members of what is called “mainline” Protestantism, encompassing such moderate, non-evangelical denominations such as the United Methodist Church, the United Church of Christ, the Presbyterian Church (USA), the American Baptist Church, and the Episcopal Church. They eschewed fundamentalism and valued ecumenical cooperation, particularly among liberal white Protestants, building alliances through groups such as the National Council of Churches (NCC). While the number of mainline Protestants has declined since the middle of the twentieth century, in the 1960s mainline Protestants constituted a prominent voice in public conversations. Their influence was so great that much of what historians tend to see as secular was actually deeply inflected with liberal Protestant values.