Journal articles on the topic 'White Citizens' Councils'
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Rolph, Stephanie R. "The Citizens’ Council and Africa: White Supremacy in Global Perspective." Journal of Southern History 82, no. 3 (2016): 617–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/soh.2016.0178.
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Thijssen, Peter, and Danny Van Assche. "In het oog, in het hart ? : De Antwerpse districtsraadsverkiezingen en de kloof tussen burger en bestuur." Res Publica 44, no. 4 (December 31, 2002): 523–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v44i4.18433.
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Together with the city council elections, the citizens of Antwerp elected on 8 October 2000 nine district councils. This new decentralised political level is primarily initiated to restore the confidence of the citizens in the city (and district) government(s). By analysing the results of the city and the district elections we try to find indications whether citizens feel closer to their new district governments or not. Apparently district elections resulted neither in a higher voter turn-out, nor in less blank votes. Nevertheless, there is a significant correlation of voter turn-out and blank votes with population (density) of the districts. And although the differences between the electoral results of the city elections and the district elections are not huge, a different political landscape comes more or less into existence in the several districts. Quite surprisingly the number of list votes is higher on the district elections than on the city elections, while we would have expected a higher number of preferential votes. Correctingfor incumbents and famous candidates on the lists, our initial expectations hold much better. Generally spoken, we can conclude that the district elections do not give much proof of a closer connection between the citizens and the city government. Nevertheless we find some important differences between the districts.
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Alonso-Muñoz, Laura, and Andreu Casero-Ripollés. "Does population size matter? Political participation of citizens through mobile instant messaging services depending on the place of residence." Catalan Journal of Communication & Cultural Studies 14, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 249–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cjcs_00071_1.
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The use of mobile instant messaging services is increasing among citizens. Applications like WhatsApp, with more than 2 billion users around the world, have changed the way we communicate. The objective of this research is to know how citizens make use of the WhatsApp service launched by the town hall of their municipality of residence. To do so, an online survey was carried out on 1202 citizens residing in Spain. The sample has been stratified considering the size of the municipality of residence of the respondents. The results show that the City Council’s WhatsApp service has greater penetration in smaller municipalities (up to 10,000 inhabitants). Therefore, these citizens would show more serious concern for local politics than the rest. Regarding its use, it stands out how residents in small municipalities use it more for informational purposes, while residents in medium municipalities (from 10,001 to 100,000 inhabitants) and large municipalities (more than 100,001 inhabitants) participate more and use it more frequently to register for the services offered by the City Council, as well as to raise doubts about the management run by the municipal corporation.
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Lázaro, Marila, Isabel Bortagaray, Micaela Trimble, and Cristina Zurbriggen. "Citizen deliberation in the context of Uruguay's first National Water Plan." Water Policy 23, no. 3 (April 27, 2021): 487–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2021.199.
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Abstract As part of the formulation of the first National Water Plan (NWP) in Uruguay, a mini-public process called ‘Citizen Deliberation on Water (Deci Agua)’ was developed in 2016. While the draft of the plan was being discussed in the formal arenas of water governance (Basin Commissions and Regional Water Resources Councils), a University research team (led by the authors), in coordination with the national water authority, adapted the mechanism of consensus conferences in order to incorporate the citizens’ visions and to contribute to public understanding of the NWP challenges. This article analyses the main aspects of the developed participation strategy and discusses them regarding a set of quality criteria used to evaluate deliberative processes. Although the final version of the NWP (passed by decree in 2017) incorporated some of the contributions of the Citizen Panel, an in-depth analysis of the scope of the deliberative process of Deci Agua allows us to delve into some key aspects related to the quality of participation processes and the challenges. A mixed approach that combines stakeholder participation and lay citizens is novel and desirable in water governance since it increases the scope of participation, deepens the legitimacy of decision-making and improves the public debate.
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Kazi Nazmul Huda, M. Jamir Uddin, and Moslehuddin Chowdhury Khaled. "Citizen Engagement Challenges in Urban Disaster Management Programs with Special Reference to Fire, Waterlogging and Pandemics." Society & Sustainability 2, no. 1 (June 13, 2020): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.38157/society_sustainability.v2i1.101.
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The main objective of this study is to explore the challenges of engaging citizens in urban disaster management (UDM) in the urban fire, waterlogging, and pandemic like COVID 19. A qualitative research approach, mainly in-depth interview method was applied to gain insights from different government officials of civil defense, police force, and ward councilors of Dhaka and Chattogram City Corporations, who were experienced in working at the field level UDM. The study tried to investigate the challenges faced by the officials during disaster rescue operations with special reference to the role of urban citizens. The findings of the study capture, in detail, the challenges faced by different personnel involved in UDM operations. While citizen engagement is expected to be a positive notion, in most cases, citizens themselves become the main obstacle of disaster management, due to their ignorance, negligence, and lack of patience in the given disastrous and pandemic situation, and thus, hinders UDM operations and crisis management. The lessons learned from contemporary urban disasters like fire and the COVID 19 pandemic are recorded elaborately. Based on that, different recommendations are made to ensure the active engagement of citizens to facilitate UDM activities in an orderly manner.
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Wallace, Robert W. "Greek Oligarchy, and the pre-Solonian Areopagos Council in [Aristotle] Ath. Pol. 2.2-8.4." Polis 31, no. 2 (August 15, 2014): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340014.
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Unlike the Senate of Republican Rome, this essay argues that councils were not the dominant or governing power in Greek oligarchies. Together with powerful officials and other powerful individuals, citizen assemblies mainly governed oligarchies, but admission to oligarchic assemblies was restricted by wealth. Before Solon, did the Areopagos Council govern oligarchic Athens? The principal source for this claim, [Arist.] Ath. Pol. 2-8, at least assigns the early Areopagos a broad judicial competence. Where did Ath. Pol.’s notion come from, and what is it worth? Although ‘some people’ (Aristotle) or ‘most people’ (Plutarch) believed that Solon established the Areopagos Council, Ath. Pol. (and also Aristotle and Plutarch) rejected that notion, possibly because along with others, Ath. Pol. and Aristotle thought that Solon founded Athens’ democracy, while for fourth century conservatives the early Areopagos was non-democratic. In part the competence of Ath. Pol.’s pre-Solonian Areopagos derives from and expanded its Solonian competence in Ath. Pol. 8.4, so that for Ath. Pol. democratic Solon will have reduced the Areopagos’ powers. In part it derives from fourth century conservative propaganda. This evidence is inadequate to claim that the Areopagos Council governed oligarchic Athens.
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Kissling, Mark T., and Angela Calabrese Barton. "Interdisciplinary Study of the Local Power Plant: Cultivating Ecological Citizens." Social Studies Research and Practice 8, no. 3 (November 1, 2013): 128–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ssrp-03-2013-b0010.
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People rely on power plants to generate the electricity needed to run much of their lives. Power plants, though, are typically not the domain of the average citizen. Even if they stand near homes, schools, and other important places, the operations inside, not to mention the many social and environmental impacts outside, largely lack the scrutiny of most citizens. Is this a problem, especially when some governmental oversight already regulates the plants’ operations? The National Council for the Social Studies (NCSS) defines the main purpose of social studies education as creating effective citizens. This article describes an interdisciplinary unit of study by middle-grades youth about a proposed power plant in their city of Lansing, Michigan. It shows students scrutinizing the complex power plant issue through a variety of experiences and from different angles. While supporting NCSS’ stance on the teaching of citizenship, we call for a conception of citizenship extending beyond human communities and structures to the community of the earth and all living beings. We also encourage social studies teachers to take up the work of teaching for ecological citizenship.
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Uddin, Shahzad, Yuji Mori, and Pawan Adhikari. "Participatory budgeting in a local government in a vertical society: A Japanese story." International Review of Administrative Sciences 85, no. 3 (November 6, 2017): 490–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852317721335.
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This article examines a case of participatory budgeting in Japanese local government. The article demonstrates how cultural values interact with stages of budgeting (in our case, the co-planning or consultation phase of budgeting). We find three key stakeholders – councillors, administrators and citizens – have varying degree of participation in the budget process. While direct citizen participation has been limited and challenging, we find that local associations and councillors work as lobbyists to influence the budget less publicly. The budget desk led by the mayor plays the dominant role. This article contributes to the broader debate on local government reforms and their translation into varied contexts by problematising such a linear adoption of knowledge from a cultural perspective. Points for practitioners We offer caution to policymakers about the wholesale adoption of knowledge from one context to the other. In the Japanese context, we urge them to draw on the strengths of grouping behaviour. Hence, engagement with associations, communities and various interests groups must be emphasised instead of simply relying on direct yet remote communications to citizens. Political engagements by the departments – perhaps via political parties – can be adopted before budget proposals are made to the local authority council. This will allow more space for the councillors to make their case to citizens, and maintain harmony ( wa) within and between political groups.
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Indrayati, Tri, and Marzuki Marzuki. "Strengthening Democratic Characters in Young Citizens." Jurnal Ilmu Pendidikan 27, no. 2 (December 24, 2021): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um048v27i2p52-57.
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This study aims to strengthen the democratic character of young citizens in an educational environment. In detail, this study's objectives are to (1) establish a democratic character for young citizens in schools, and (2) strengthen democratic character in young citizens in the classroom. This article is a descriptive study with a qualitative approach investigating the reinforcement of the democratic character of young citizens. The data were gathered using in-depth interview techniques. The validity tests consisted of three activities, namely: 1) data reduction, 2) data presentation, and 3) drawing conclusions or verification. The research results suggest that the strengthening of democratic character for young citizens has been provided through school and classroom activities. Schools play a role in strengthening students' democratic character through activities such as student council and extracurricular activities that facilitate students to develop their democratic character. Simultaneously, the teacher reinforces students’ democratic character in class while teaching. The reinforcement of democratic character is carried out so that students know that they have equal rights as students in the classroom and school
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Gold, Steven J. "Israel’s evolving approach to citizens who have returned to the diaspora." Review of Nationalities 12, no. 1 (December 1, 2022): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2022-0001.
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Abstract This article examines the means by which Israel has sought to fulfill the contradictory goals involved with maintaining contacts with emigrants while simultaneously sustaining a national mission that asserts Jews can only achieve fulfilment, security, and self-determination by residing in their own country. It describes three successive approaches by which Israel and the larger global Jewish community have addressed the challenges associated with Israeli emigration. These are condemnation, pragmatic acceptance, and the assent of the Israeli American Council.
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Lubinga, S. N., and L. M. Du Plessis. "Exercising Democratic Rights and Obligations as a Mechanism for Improved Service Delivery: The Case of Kampala City, Uganda." Africa’s Public Service Delivery and Performance Review 4, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/apsdpr.v4i1.107.
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Emanating from literature (Ministry of Local government 2013:10; Gaventa 2002: p.26; Odero 2004: p.2), it is apparent that participatory frameworks exist in Uganda. However, in spite of a two decade-plus long prevalence these democratic participatory frameworks, the services rendered to the citizens are still poor. For instance, the delivery of health services has remained pitiable and the majority of people have turned to private hospitals. The provision for adequate infrastructure for the children enrolled in primary schools remains a challenge to the education sector. Yet, access to safe water is estimated at as low as 9% in some districts, while an estimated 19% of the improved water supply systems are still not functioning (UBOS, 2010: pp.33-57). This is not only attesting the statement that participatory initiatives in Uganda are more like “wish lists” than substantive statements that are guaranteed in practice, but also raising the research question as to what extent does the exercise of democratic rights and obligations of citizens by citizen’s impact on public service delivery in Uganda? In answering this question, this paper applied a quantitative research method in which aself-administered questionnaire survey based on three variables used to measure the exercise of democratic rights and obligations was distributed to a representative sample of 100 participants from Kampala city selected from three urban division councils (Kawempe, Makindye and Kampala Central). Thereafter, using the ordered logistic regression model of analysis, constructed on the findings the paper divulges that the exercise of democratic rights and obligations by citizens has a positive implication towards quality service delivery. <br /><br />
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Diop, Abdoulaye, Yaojun Li, Majed Mohammmed H. A. Al-Ansari, and Kien T. Le. "Social Capital and Citizens’ Attitudes towards Migrant Workers." Social Inclusion 5, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v5i1.798.
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This study examines Qatari citizens’ attitudes toward migrant workers. While much research has been conducted on citizens’ attitudes toward the abolition, tightening, or loosening of the Kafāla system in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries with regard to migrant workers’ residency rights, and on their contribution to the economic development of these countries, little is known about how citizens’ religiosity and social engagement impact their acceptance of migrant workers. In the present study, we address this question by examining the effects of religious and social capital on Qatari citizens’ preferences for having Arab and Western migrant workers as neighbours, drawing on data from two nationally representative surveys in Qatar. The results indicate that, even after controlling for a wide range of socio-demographic attributes, social capital in terms of trust and bridging social ties has a strong effect on the Qatari nationals’ preferences.
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Simoncini, Kym, and Michelle Lasen. "Support for quality delivery of outside school hours care: A case study." Australasian Journal of Early Childhood 37, no. 2 (June 2012): 82–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/183693911203700212.
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THERE HAS BEEN LITTLE research investigating Outside School Hours Care (OSHC) despite the growing demand for it in Australia. OSHC services can be managed by schools, Parents and Citizens' Associations, local councils, non-profit organisations or for-profit companies, and have varying levels of support available to them. This study investigates the different models of OSHC adopted by seven schools in a regional city in Queensland, with the aim of identifying elements that enhance quality of care. The schools—including two state, three Catholic and two independent—were all located in middle-to-high socioeconomic status (SES) suburbs in a small geographical area. In all seven, the OSHC services were on school premises. Data collection methods included interviews with principals, OSHC coordinators and area coordinators, as well as researcher observations. Quality Profiles awarded by the National Childcare Accreditation Council (NCAC) and themes emerging from an interview with the director of the Queensland Network of Children's Activities (QCAN) were used for triangulation and validation of results. Findings suggest that models of OSHC that provide coordinators with additional levels of support are more likely to deliver quality care to children. While support from the principal is important, that from outside the school in the form of area coordinators is vital in providing assistance with accreditation, professional development and networking. One key recommendation for services managed by Parents and Citizens' Associations is the additional support of an area coordinator.
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Kokotova, M. A. "Criteria for Selecting Members of Municipal Public Chambers and Councils in Russia and Economic, Social and Environmental Councils in France." Lex Russica 73, no. 6 (June 26, 2020): 149–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2020.163.6.149-159.
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he paper considers the goals implemented in the legal regulation of the formation of public chambers (councils) inArkhangelsk, Barnaul, Volgograd, Yekaterinburg, Surgut (Russia) and social, economic and environmental councils of the Auvergne-Rhone-Alpes, Hauts-de-France, New Aquitaine, Brittany, Normandy regions (France). It is suggested that the main possible goals are to ensure that citizens represent their interests and the city authorities receive assistance from citizens when solving their tasks. There is a similarity between the requirements for candidates for membership in Russian public chambers and French social, economic and environmental councils (the need for representation of those whose lives depend on the level of development of the territorial unit in which the Advisory body operates; the ban on membership for those having been involved in offenses; the need for representation of public organizations). The requirements, both identical and different, are primarily aimed at ensuring the representation of the local population. At the same time, the French legislature sets a requirement for mandatory representation not of any local resident, but of particular groups defined for various reasons and a certain numerical ratio of representatives of these groups. As for the formation procedure, the composition of the considered Russian Advisory bodies is determined by local self-government bodies, while the French ones are determined by state authorities, besides local organizations are involved both in Russia and France. This procedure (as well as part of the requirements for candidates) is aimed at selecting individuals who are qualified enough to help local governments in the implementation of their functions, in case there are guarantees that these individuals will be representatives of the local community. At the same time, it is stipulated that elections are not the only way to ensure the representation of citizens; alternative methods include, in particular, the division of members of the Advisory body into groups based on the categories of the population they represent, provided for in the French law.
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Kimengsi, Jude Ndzifon, and Zephania Nji Fogwe. "Urban Green Development Planning Opportunities and Challenges in Sub-Saharan Africa: Lessons from Bamenda City, Cameroon." International Journal of Global Sustainability 1, no. 1 (June 23, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijgs.v1i1.11440.
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World urban areas are increasingly dabbling with the triple challenge of pollution, congestion and environmental degradation. The quest for sanity and healthy urban living led to the introduction of urban green space initiatives. Green space has become primordial in urban areas as it enhances public health, recreation, amenities and property values through its location, accessibility, proximity and serviceability. In a bid to develop an urban green space in Bamenda, the City Council identified the Bamenda escarpment in 2011 for protection. This was followed by a Green City Initiative now captioned the Green City Project. The Bamenda City Council partnering with the UN-Habitat and the Dordrecht/Gorinchem City Councils of the Netherlands seeks to implement an urban greening project with major focus to map out potential areas for creating parks in Bamenda. This project which is a novelty in the rapidly changing urban landscape of Cameroon seeks to contribute to building a green economy that enhances nature, environmental protection and at the same time offers economic and social benefits to its citizens. In this study, we examine the opportunities and challenges of urban greening in Bamenda. Some 50 inhabitants around the escarpment were purposively sampled while council authorities and other stakeholders were interviewed in the Bamenda I municipality in order to assess the opportunities, challenges and prospects for the project. This was complemented by secondary data obtained from the Bamenda City Council. The conclusion drawn is that the initiative will provide opportunities for employment, generate revenue for the City Council and prevent uncontrolled city sprawl against the backdrop of the relatively unstable nature of the foothills (due to mass wasting processes) and land use competition, largely driven by population growth and the daunting task of relocating prior users. We therefore argue in favour of the effective application of urban development policies to restrict encroachment around the area and to engage in slope stabilization where necessary.
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Bejtja, Merita. "Asymmetry in Priority Perception Form Local Community to PA – Budgeting through Citizen Participation (Municipality of Elbasan)." Journal of Educational and Social Research 8, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jesr-2018-0039.
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Abstract Considering several developments recently, especially at local self-government level, on budget design and application, we can notice that citizens have a deeply different perception on local PA performance than this last itself. Local government continuously claims their increasing performance, especially on accountability processes, even measuring it through effectiveness and efficiency of their investments as well as number and size of public services offered to the local community. Their pay-offs are not far of being glorious and making happy everybody taking notice on the presentation. While, on the other side, citizens of the same community have a far different view and estimation on this regard. They complain on communication, quality of public services, distribution quality of investments, division of local budget through sectors, till that point to refuse paying local taxes and tariffs, as well as burning career of “highly performance” local leaders (mayors) voting ‘no’ on elections not considering their ‘glorious increasing performance’ during the governmental mandate. Introducing citizen participation in a process of budget decision making in local self-government, especially during priority selection stage, as well as budgeting an important part of the local budget through common decision making – PA and community representativeness, analysing, first, the state of nature through adverse pricing or asymmetry reduction, both in their perception on prioritization, as well as estimating investments to each priority through independent estimation by each participator in a common Committee PA&citizens, Participatory Budgeting Committee, and second, presenting their project proposal, as well as defending it in front of the City Council, could produce a far better perceived performance by both sides.
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Lefkofridi, Zoe, and Nathalie Giger. "Democracy or Oligarchy? Unequal Representation of Income Groups in European Institutions." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (February 13, 2020): 19–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2526.
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In this study we examine the representation of income groups in two EU-level institutions, the Council and the European Parliament. We find that the political positions of these institutions, and especially of the Council, are always on the right compared to European citizens, though closer to the wealthy among them. However, a more systematic analysis of congruence between different income groups and the Council reveals that while the poor are systematically underrepresented, the rich are not systematically over-represented. This holds both when we examine the poor and the rich across the EU as a whole and when we cluster them according to their respective member states.
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Schmidt, Steven. "Evaluating Informal Politics in Mexico City." Sociology of Development 6, no. 4 (2020): 437–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sod.2020.6.4.437.
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The rise of participatory democracy in urban Latin America has increased citizen deliberation in local politics, improved access to state officials and given residents greater control over municipal budgets. Simultaneously, welfare state retrenchment across the region has ensured the continued importance of the informal sector in securing citizen livelihoods, including informal political arrangements such as clientelism. Given their documented co-existence, how do informal political strategies operate in this new landscape of formal, local democracy? To answer this question, this article analyzes 21 semi-structured interviews with urbanists in Mexico City who evaluate the informal tactics of two groups that mobilize through participatory democratic initiatives: street vendor unions and white collar neighborhood councils. Urbanists regularly denounce informal, corporatist-clientelistic political strategies when they are used by street vendor groups. However, when deployed by white collar neighborhood councils, these tactics are tolerated and even celebrated. The differential reception of informal political tactics by city officials draws attention to how they construct the legitimacy or illegitimacy of informal political action. I argue that considering legitimacy adds a new analytical category to studies of informal politics that captures which groups are able to use informal tactics to advance their claims in local participatory democracy.
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Stole, Inger L. "The business of government is advertising." Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 10, no. 4 (November 19, 2018): 358–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-01-2018-0005.
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PurposeThe purpose of this study is to analyze the increasingly congenial relationship between business and government that developed in the immediate post Second World War period. This study explores the subtle, but systematic, uses of advertising for propaganda purposes to secure American political and commercial world dominance. It locates the relationship between the US Government and the Advertising Council as key components in a strategy to blur the lines between political and commercial messages. In addition to study the relationship between the two stakeholders, the study identifies some of the implications for both. Design/methodology/approachScholarship on the government’s postwar relationships with other organizations is relatively scant and few other scholars have focused on the advertising industry’s role in this transformation. This paper draws on trade periodicals and newspaper accounts, and relies on archival material from the Arthur W Page and the Thomas D’Arcy Brophy collections at the Wisconsin State Historical Society and the Advertising Council’s papers at the University of Illinois. Charles W. Jackson papers, located at the Harry S. Truman Library, and the papers of Office of War Mobilization and Re-conversion, deposited at the National Archives, have also been consulted. FindingsThe Advertising Council’s “Peace” and “World Trade and Travel” demonstrate an acceleration of collaboration between business and government that continued into the postwar era. It shows the government’s willingness to trade on the Advertising Council’s goodwill and to blur the lines between political and commercial messages, in what can accurately be characterized as a duplicitous manner. Key conclusion includes a willingness among Washington’s policymakers to propagandize its own citizens, a strategy that it commonly, and disparagingly, ascribed to the Soviet Union, and a Council so willing to appease Washington, that it was putting its own reputation at considerable risk. Research limitations/implicationsThis paper is based on a study of two campaigns (“Peace” and “World Trade and Travel”) that the Advertising Council conducted in collaboration with the US State Department. While these were the first campaigns of this nature, they were not the only ones. Additional studies of similar campaigns may add new insights. Social implicationsRecent political events have brought propaganda and government collusion back on the public agenda. In an era of declining journalism credibility, rising social media and unprecedented government and commercial surveillance, it is argued that propaganda demands scholarly attention more than ever and that a historical study of how the US Government collaborated with private industry and used advertising as a propaganda smokescreen is particularly timely. Originality/valueThis study adds to the scholarship on advertising, PR and propaganda in several ways. First, it contributes to the understanding of the advertising industry’s important role in the planning of US international policy after the Second World War. Second, it demonstrates the increasingly congenial relationship between business and the US Government that emerged as a result. Third, it provides excellent insights into the Adverting Council’s transition from war to peacetime. The heavy reliance on archival material also brings originality and value to the study.
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Cheri, Lawan. "Perceived Impact of Border Closure due to Covid-19 of Intending Nigerian Migrants." Social Inclusion 9, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 207–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v9i1.3671.
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With few exceptions, the European Council closed Europe for non-citizen travellers on 17 March 2020 because of the Covid-19 pandemic. Many African countries, including Nigeria, have placed travel restrictions on or completely shut their borders to both travellers who want to enter the country and citizens who want to leave. These decisions affect many intending migrants seeking a way to reach Europe. Health and socioeconomic uncertainties related to lockdowns, border closure, and in some cases travel restrictions directly affect the dynamics of decision-making by migrants. This article employs in-depth interviews and focus group discussions to explore the perception of Nigerians who intend to migrate considering the influence of Covid-19. The study focuses on Nigerian migrants but touches on Nigerians in transit who are trapped in Niger en route to Europe through Libya and Morocco. While border closure by most of the sending and receiving countries led to a decrease in the intention of migrants to travel, Covid-19 as a pandemic does not significantly influence migrants’ decisions primarily because of its global presence, merely leading to delays. In conclusion, after border reopening, intercontinental migration is expected to increase in both volume and intensity.
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Dokmanovic, Mirjana. "Corruption as a 'white-collar crime': International legal instruments on public accountability of public officials." Temida 12, no. 4 (2009): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem0904007d.
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Corruption within public services has devastated negative impact on a state, a society, its economy and its citizens. It represents a major threat to the rule of law, democracy, enjoyment of human rights, fairness and social justice. It hinders economic development and endangeres sustainable development, empowerishes national economies, and facilitates the emergence of other threats, such as organized crime. Fighting corruption has become more urgent than ever. This paper deals with the public liability of domestic public officials, highlighting the substantive main international standards for fighting corruption in public services in the international legal instruments adopted by the United Nations and the Council of Europe, such as the United Nations Conventions against Corruption, and the two Convention of Council of Europe, on Civil Law and on Criminal Law. The paper argues that corruption can be prosecuted after the fact, but first and foremost it requires prevention. Preventive policies include the establishment of anti-corruption bodies and enhanced transparency in the financing of election campaigns and political parties. States must endeavour to ensure that their public services are subject to safeguards that promote efficiency, transparency and recruitment based on merit. Once recruited, public servants should be subject to codes of conduct, requirements for financial and other disclosures, and appropriate disciplinary measures. Transparency and accountability in matters of public finance must also be promoted, and specific requirements are established for the prevention of corruption in particularly critical areas of the public sector such as the judiciary and public procurement. Those who use public services must expect a high standard of conduct from their public servants. Preventing public corruption also requires an effort from all members of society at large.
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Miežanskienė, Ramunė. "Non-economic Emigration Factors that Might be Pushing Citizens Out of Lithuania." Public Policy And Administration 19, no. 1 (May 6, 2020): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.19.1.25114.
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Based on a systematic and comprehensive review of literature on emigration, we identify potential non-economic push factors that might drive Lithuanian citizens to emigrate. Based on a random sample nationwide survey conducted in spring 2019 with Lithuanian citizens living in Lithuania, two categories have emerged as most critical non-economic drivers to lead to higher intention to emigrate: quality of working life and confidence in the future. Further research can add necessary nuance to understanding these factors while also experimenting with possible policy and project interventions that can reduce intent to emigrate and/or encourage return migration. This research is implemented under the project "The importance of non-economic factors to the emigration of the Lithuanian population", funded by the Research Council of Lithuania under the Programme "Improvement of researchers' qualification by implementing world-class R&D projects" (Agreement No. 09.3.3-LMT-K-712-01-170).
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Cope, Graeme. ""Honest White People of the Middle and Lower Classes"? A Profile of the Capital Citizens' Council during the Little Rock Crisis of 1957." Arkansas Historical Quarterly 61, no. 1 (2002): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40031037.
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Grad, Franc, and Igor Kaučič. "The Constitutional Basis of Local Democracy." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 13, no. 3 (July 31, 2015): 809–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/13.3.809-825(2015).
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The Constitution of Slovenia guarantees local government, nevertheless it does not regulate forms of local democracy. Thus, the legislation envisages numerous different ways of citizens' participation, both direct and indirect, in decision-making in local communities. Still the local elections remain the most important way of citizens’ influencing decision making in local communities. The right of the people living in local communities to vote local authorities and to be elected for local offices is certainly the core of modern understanding of local democracy. In Slovenia, both members of municipal council and mayor are directly elected. Right to vote and to be elected have also EU citizens while other foreigners have only right to vote. Among forms of direct participation, the most important ones are the town meeting, referendum, popular initiative and right to petition. They enable the citizens to participate in the processes of deliberation, proposing and formulating decisions, stating preliminary positions with regard to decisions to be made as well as decision-making itself or confirming the solutions adopted.
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Yakubu, Aminu, Titus Gandu Obadiah, Abdulrahman Abubakar, and Sani Adamu Nidiya. "CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS OF FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT IN LOCAL GOVERNMENT COUNCILS IN NIGERIA." IJRDO - Journal of Business Management 8, no. 12 (December 27, 2022): 32–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.53555/bm.v8i12.5308.
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Globally, government pursued various form of public Financial Management (FM) reforms to
enhance Local Government (LG) performance. A poor FM has contributed to the failure and inefficiency of LG in achieving substantial development, while most LG faces the problems of wide gap between citizens’ needs and the financial resources. It is against this background that the study examined FM in LG with a view to determining its contribution to the economy, efficiency and effectiveness of LG administration. The study employed an exploratory research design with focus on relevant literatures. The study concluded that LG administrators should act in the same manner as their counterparts in the private sectors based on modern FM practices, this will increase efficiency, financial capability, transparency and accountability in goods and services delivery. In addition, a sound internal control system should be put in place to minimise the level of fraud, corruptions and wastages affecting LG. Besides, LG should always prepare accurate and reliable annual budget, while financial planning and control should be seen as an important aspect of an effective FM.
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Blokhin, Pavel. "Two “Identical” Freiburg Charters of 1275. Short Draft." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (May 2021): 56–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.2.4.
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Introduction. In 1275, two drafts of town law of Freiburg im Breisgau were created. This article presents an analysis of one of these texts, namely the short draft. Methods and materials. The main research method is comparative historical analysis. The contents of two charters are compared, namely the 1218 Rodel draft and the short draft of 1275. Analysis. There are 6 thematic clusters uniting the laws by branches of law: 1) privileges of citizens and rights of the Town Lord; 2) criminal procedure law; 3) civil law; 4) town administration; 5) trade law; 6) various laws. The first part of the laws from the short draft is a translation of the Rodelian laws, the second one represents reformulated Rodelian norms, while the last one contains new laws in the legislation of Freiburg. Results. Though the document did not become an official town charter, it manifested the changes in the town law of the 13th century, compared to the previous 1218 Town Charter. In addition, the laws in the draft reflected the political struggle for power between the Town Lord of Freiburg, the City Council of 24 and the town community. The Town Lord regained his previously lost rights, in particular the legislative initiative. However, at the same time, the short draft significantly limited Lord’s arbitrariness towards the property of citizens as well as Freiburg citizens themselves. According to the short draft, the City Council of 24 strengthened and expanded its power in the town, becoming a full-fledged legislative and executive body of the town administration. The town community, on the other hand, was losing its privileges and rights, for example, it lost the opportunity to elect some of the civil servants and members of the Council of 24.
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Carrington, Paul. "Protecting the Right of Citizens to Aggregate Small Claims against Businesses." University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, no. 46.2 (2013): 537. http://dx.doi.org/10.36646/mjlr.46.2.protecting.
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Two years ago I ranted against the Supreme Court's subversion of the Rules Enabling Act and its opposition to the benign aims of the twentieth-century progressive law reformers expressed summarily in Rule 1 of our Federal Rules of Civil Procedure. I observed then that the majority of the Justices of the Supreme Court appeared to have joined the Chamber of Commerce, aligning themselves also with Vice President Dan Quayle's 1989 Council on Competitiveness that denounced effective civil procedure as an enemy of economic development. I was then commenting adversely on what the Court had done to transform Rule 8. I renewed my accusation last year in South Carolina while commenting on the Court's ruling protecting a manufacturer from the local enforcement of New Jersey tort law by shortening the reach of that state's courts' jurisdiction over the claim of a local plaintiff who sought compensation for an injury caused by the defendant's negligent construction of a tool shipped to New Jersey with the help of its insolvent marketing distributor. Now, for the third time in two years, I find myself protesting the Court's identification with the Quayle Commission and the Chamber of Commerce in its 2011 subversion of Rule 23(b) (3), which provides for the aggregation of small claims.
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Young Min, Oh, and Park Jong Sun. "The Effect of Political Institutions on the Use of Citizen Participation Programs." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 28, no. 2 (August 31, 2013): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps28202.
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Local governments` use of citizen participation programs is influenced by external environments, especially in the form of political institutions. Local governments decide to expand or limit citizen participation in administrative decision-making processes in response to political uncertainties created by different types of political institutions. Despite the importance of institutional contexts, few studies have examined the effects of these political institutions on the use of citizen participation programs. This study empirically tested whether political institutions affect the adoption of citizen participation programs. The results suggest that the council-manager form of government increases both the adoption of citizen participation mechanisms and the use of citizen participation programs in functional areas, while nonpartisan elections are associated only with the adoption of citizen participation mechanisms. At-large elections show no statistical association with either type of citizen participation. These findings suggest that local political contexts play important roles in the adoption of bureaucratic practices such as citizen participation programs and still support the classical assertion that public administration is closely connected to politics.
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Herzig, Arno. "Zwischen Ausweisung und Duldung. Die Situation der Breslauer Juden in der 1. Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts." Aschkenas 30, no. 1 (May 26, 2020): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asch-2020-0002.
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AbstractThe situation of the Jews in Breslau in the first half of the 18th century was determined by various interested parties, from the Habsburg emperor as city lord to the council of the city and the monasteries in the suburbs. While the city council had not tolerated Jews in its area since the pogrom of 1453, the monasteries in the suburbs used the economic power of the Jews living there. The Emperor as King of Bohemia was interested in trading with Poland, allowing Polish Jewish merchants to settle in the city. While the emperor allowed Jewish citizens to trade within the city by passing a tax law in 1713, the city council tried to keep the Jews as much as possible away from the market. The situation remained undecided until 1742, when the annexation of Silesia created a new situation in Prussia. A law of 1744 guaranteed the establishment of the Jews in the city and the formation of a community, but the number of Jewish residents permitted in the city was kept very low.
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Dumenil, Lynn. "Women's Reform Organizations and Wartime Mobilization in World War I-Era Los Angeles." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 10, no. 2 (March 29, 2011): 213–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781410000162.
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During World War I, the Woman's Committee of the Council of National Defense served as an intermediary between the federal government and women's voluntary associations. This study of white middle- and upper-middle-class clubwomen in Los Angeles, California reveals ways in which local women pursued twin goals of aiding the war effort while pursuing their own, pre-existing agendas. Women in a wide variety of groups, including organizations associated with the General Federation of Women's Clubs, the Young Women's Christian Association, the Women's Christian Temperance Union, and the Red Cross, had different goals, but most women activists agreed on the need to promote women's suffrage and citizenship rights and to continue the maternalist reform programs begun in the Progressive Era. At the center of their war voluntarism was the conviction that women citizens must play a crucial role in protecting the family amidst the crisis of war.
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Ibrahim, NDAGIJIMANA. "Imihigo/Performance Contract: A Results of Decentralization and Effective Tool for Orgnizational Performance, Case Study of Rwanda." Journal of Public Policy & Governance 6, no. 1 (August 4, 2022): 116–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.53819/81018102t4061.
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This study intends to cover the relationship between decentralization introduced since 2000 and Imihigo/performance contract launched in 2006 in all government institutions from the context of Rwanda. The Decentralization Policy is explicit on the process of Imihigo planning, which follows through the existing Local Government structures from Village to District level. The spirit of the policy visualizes a systematic bottom-up process where Imihigo at each Sub-District entity are strengthened at the next layer in the administrative hierarchy up to the District level. Alternatively, the system of Imihigo and decentralization in Rwanda have close interlink and this one enhanced Rwanda’s decentralization, ensuring that local leaders are accountable and that achieve annual targets they set themselves. It is an important mechanism for implementing national and local development strategies in order to improve the lives of citizens. Rwanda’s Decentralization reforms have focused on transferring power, resources and responsibilities for decision-making to citizens and elected leaders, creating enabling environment for citizens’ participation in governance and development, as well as establishing systems and structures for effective, efficient, equitable and accountable service delivery. Imihigo/performance contract concerns to all Government institutions, from households at right from isibo/village level to Ministries and agencies, are required to design and prepare their Imihigo (performance contracts), implement them effectively and to have them evaluated. Mostly, Ministers, Mayors and government agencies leaders develop Imihigo/performance contract in consultation with their staffs and therefore, sign it with the staffs concerned. District performance contract/Imihigo are resulting from consultative meetings from households where citizens, council at al level, JADF members are expressing their needs/priorities and analyze them where District consolidate the needs compare to the available budget but also link them to national priorities under strategic documents such as Vision 2050, NST 1 and District Development Strategy as well as Action Plan. To address this objective, imihigo/performance contract is perceived as the core independent variable while decentralization policy is considered as dependent variable. A questionnaire was developed and disseminated to sampled respondents used purposive sampling dealing directly or indirectly with the selected subject. Again, this purposive sampling technique was used to select the respondents and participants in focused group discussions basing on the knowledge, expertise and familiarity they have in imihigo from expression of needs to evaluation of District. The primary data is composed of information got from questionnaires respondents and interview held with selected respondents among them those who retired from District leadership at various level but also those who still in the government office. The secondary data of this research was extracted from textbooks on performance contracts or management, concept notes on performance contracts-imihigo, evaluation reports and published papers, article and books. A sample of 78 out of 80 respondents were finalized with no missing values. Empirical findings suggest that for the institutions with focus on local government or decentralized entities performance depends mainly with diverse factors includes but not limited to financial constraints, ineffective coordination and collaboration between institutions both public and private including JADF and other supporting organs. While decentralization and performance contract/imihigo are well aligned and interlinked but seems there is a disconnect which affect expected outcomes therefore, government programs and actions are not effectively implemented to the extent some of the social, economic development of citizens might be humped by the aforementioned challenges. Findings of the study are vastly recommended for the active participation of both citizens but also staff (in charge, professional, expert and director/DG) responsible for umuhigo/ performance contract for them to ensure they understand effectively the nature of umuhigo, partner’s, design both implementation plan, concept note and reporting as well as the availability of all supporting documents for the smooth organizational performance and effective implementation of imihigo/performance contract. However, more have been achieved in social, economic development pillars due to performance contract and details will be discussed at later stage. However, future studies can be conducted with more explanatory factors for persisting low citizen participation and yet, decentralization policy objective aims at empower citizens, engage them to actively participate in the local government affairs, consider them at center of governance, hold accountable leaders. Managerial implication of the study defines that different government institutions, should reconsider the stated factors for tangible outcome or results from effective implementation of performance contract/imihigo through being closer to citizen’s, engaging them actively to the local government affairs as decentralization policy expected it. Furthermore, there is a need to analyze deeper how decentralization influences performance contract since its adoption and also the tangible facts and great achievements in pillar of social, economic and development.
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Alsaadi, Meiaad Rashid, Syed Zamberi Ahmad, and Matloub Hussain. "A quality function deployment strategy for improving mobile-government service quality in the Gulf cooperation council countries." Benchmarking: An International Journal 25, no. 8 (November 29, 2018): 3276–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/bij-12-2017-0333.
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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to derive mobile-government (m-government) service-quality factors in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and develop an integrated strategic plan for improving the quality of m-government services from a customer perspective in the GCC.Design/methodology/approachA quantitative approach was used in this case study of m-government services in the GCC. Data were collected using focus groups and questionnaires for three similar m-government applications (one from the United Arab Emirates, one from the Saudi Arabia and one from Oman). The house of quality tool, including technical benchmarking, was applied as part of the quality function deployment (QFD) approach to identify customer requirements, translate them to technical requirements and develop a strategic plan for improving the quality of m-government services.FindingsThe results revealed that “real time” had the highest priority for deployment, while “tangible service,” contrary to expectations, had the lowest priority for deployment.Research limitations/implicationsStudy findings are limited to the m-government services delivered to citizens. There is scope for further study into m-government services delivered both to businesses and other governments.Practical implicationsThe findings imply that the m-government decision makers must involve citizens in all service-development processes to ensure that service delivery meets citizens’ expectations.Originality/valueMost previous studies regarding m-government service-quality dimensions have used information system service-quality dimensions. This study is one of the pioneering studies to have successfully derived m-government service-quality factors using the QFD matrix.
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Benzehaf, Bouchaib. "A study of the impact of citizenship education in Morocco." Citizenship Teaching & Learning 15, no. 3 (October 1, 2020): 357–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ctl_00039_1.
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Global changes taking place in today’s world have brought about an unprecedented crisis in citizenship values. For instance, violence, conflict and radicalization have become rampant in our society. Such crisis has brought to the limelight the role of education in sensitizing students about their rights and duties in order to promote peace, tolerance and mutual respect. In Morocco, educational reforms have given much importance to citizenship education in the belief that it can help raise students’ awareness about their rights and duties, anchor them to their communities, and provide them with the knowledge and skills necessary for active participation in society. The National Charter for Education and Training and the Higher Council for Education, Training and Scientific Research have created a roadmap for citizenship education. This study aims to investigate the impact of such attempts to train good citizens. The participants are 73 semester-two students of the department of English from the faculty of humanities, Chouaib Doukkali University. The main data collection tool is questionnaires. The data obtained are fed into SPSS to generate frequencies besides identifying main themes obtained from answers to open-ended questions. Findings show that the impact of such educational reforms is rather limited. While the majority of students expressed their feeling of belonging to their community as well as an accepted level of awareness of their rights and duties, they failed to act on the self-reported qualities of a good citizen. Such low level of engagement in their community affairs betrays weak links between students and their communities. In light of these findings, several recommendations are made to improve citizenship education and reduce the gap between the goals of national educational reforms and their actual implementation in schools. One such recommendation is that textbooks need to emphasize critical thinking and analysis so that students are empowered to become critical thinking global citizens and agents of change.
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Meriläinen, Jaakko, and Janne Tukiainen. "Public Procurement versus Laissez-Faire: Evidence from Household Waste Collection." CESifo Economic Studies 65, no. 4 (February 20, 2019): 446–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cesifo/ifz001.
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Abstract We document that switching from laissez-faire production to public procurement in residential waste collection in Finland reduces the number of firms active in the local market, but induces a statistically significant and large decrease in unit prices on average. While public procurement, thus, seems to be desirable from the citizens’ perspective, not all municipalities adopt public procurement. We provide descriptive evidence that municipal council composition is associated with the chosen regime. This suggests that local politics may be one obstacle for the efficient provision of local public goods. (JEL codes: C23, D72, H76, L13, and L85).
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Zafarullah, Habib, and Jannatul Ferdous. "Cyberspace at the Grassroots: E-Governance and Citizen/Stakeholder Perceptions at the Local Level in Bangladesh." Journal of Development Policy and Practice 6, no. 2 (July 2021): 168–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/24551333211034082.
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Bangladesh has experimented with e-governance since the early 2000s and currently ranks among the top 10 least developed countries. The deployment of e-governance at the local level has provided benefits to the rural people, with local councils increasingly using information and communications technology (ICT) to expand community-based delivery systems and augment rural service delivery. One-stop cyber centres provide a range of services that are user-friendly, cost-effective and less time-consuming. This study focuses on five sub-districts to inquire about the range of services provided by the e-service centres there. It has recorded citizen perceptions and the level of their satisfaction and the observations of service providers about the e-service mechanism. It also identifies key challenges in service delivery. Citizen satisfaction was measured using 12 indicators, while the service provider observations focused on social issues, governance, resource and technical issues. The study found several issues requiring attention to consolidate the e-governance system in the country.
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Murugasu, Sheila. "DEMOCRATIZING LOCAL GOVERNMENT: WHAT MALAYSIA CAN LEARN FROM MEXICO AND INDIA." Journal International Studies 16 (December 30, 2020): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jis2020.16.11.
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The Pakatan Harapan 2018 election manifesto, had as one of its commitments, to strengthen the authority of local government and to make local councils more accountable. Many took this to mean that local government elections would resume, after an absence of more than 60 years. While Pakatan Harapan’s tenure as Malaysia’s ruling government was short-lived, their rise to power did put local government back in the spotlight, as well as raise the prospect of the resumption of local government elections in the country. There are a number of reasons why a more democratic and participatory approach to local government is to be hoped for in Malaysia. These include the view that it discourages public malfeasance and produces local officials that are more responsive to the needs of the citizens they serve. There are however challenges that come with introducing a more democratic form of local government, especially for countries which are attempting to transition from authoritarianism to a democracy at the national level and which have a diverse multi-ethnic population of differing socio-economic backgrounds. In order to better understand what these challenges are and how they can be overcome, I examine two case studies, that of Mexico and India, which have some similarities to Malaysia in terms of regime-type and demographics. I consider the evolving approach taken by these two countries towards local government, in terms of their structure and practices, with a view to gleaning potential lessons for Malaysia. This paper begins with a brief historical overview of the system of local government in Malaysia up to the present day. This is then followed by a discussion of Mexico and India’s own uneven experience with democratizing their local governments. What these case studies reveal is the manner in which countries with an authoritarian past often undergo a transitional period, in which even as structures of local governance become more democratic, local officials and citizens remain trapped in old authoritarian modes of behavior. And that unless interventionist steps are taken, democratizing local government structures alone, does not necessarily lead to greater citizen empowerment, especially for those from the more marginalized sections of society.
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Roy A.S, Ashwini. ""Panchayats and Ward Committees; Assessing India's Decentralised Institutions "." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 7, no. 2 (June 1, 2008): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.13.5.
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India adopted an ambitious reform policy of rural and urban decentralization in 1992, under which powers and finance are transferred to new local and regional bodies. These are governed by elected councils, in which women and members of disadvantaged groups/castes have a fixed quota of seats. While the legislation is still relatively new, some states have been able to make fast progress in decentralizing tasks, power and funds, while others have been much slower. This article presents an initial review of the decentralization efforts, exploring administrative, fiscal and political dimensions, and the implementation problems at central, state and local levels. Most emphasis is given to development at the local level: the panchayats in rural areas and the ward committees in urban areas, which is where the impact of decentralization should be felt. This article assesses whether increased proximity between citizens and government leads to increased transparency, accountability and participation.
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Connolly, Jennifer M., Leticia Bode, and Ben Epstein. "Explaining the Varying Levels of Adoption of E-government Services in American Municipal Government." State and Local Government Review 50, no. 3 (September 2018): 150–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160323x18808561.
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Technological innovations offer opportunities for governments to connect with citizens and improve service provision efficiency and effectiveness, but why do some governments adopt these innovations while others do not? Using a mixed methodological approach, including interviews with city officials and multivariate analysis of a novel data set of municipal e-government service offerings, we examine what factors motivate or impede city officials from innovating. Overall, we find that cities with the council–manager form of government, with larger populations, and with more financial resources adopt more e-government services. Specifically, as total revenue per capita increases, cities are more likely to adopt payment-based services and informational services. Increased spending on central staff is associated with higher rates of adoption of interactive services and social media. The results suggest that council–manager governments are more innovative and that local governments consider both the up-front costs and the need for ongoing staff associated with particular innovations.
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Batyrgareieva, Vladyslava S., Oleh A. Zaiarnyi, and Sabriie S. Shramko. "PREVENTION OF THE STIGMATIZATION OF INDIVIDUALS IN RESPONSE TO DIGITAL TRACKING (CONCIDERING COVID-19 ISSUE)." Wiadomości Lekarskie 73, no. 12 (2020): 2715–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.36740/wlek202012203.
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The aim of the research is to identify possible manifestations of the stigmatization of individuals stemming from the use of digital applications while conducting anti-epidemic measures in Ukraine and developing measures to prevent stigmatization caused by the introduction of such applications. Materials and methods: The study is grounded on dialectical, analytic, synthetic, comparative, statistic, sociological and criminological research methods. More than 120 citizens were interviewed to find out their attitude to Act at Home mobile application. The calculations were performed with the use of Excel spreadsheets of Microsoft Office 2016. The theoretical basis of the article is the specialized literature on medicine, law and computer science. Results: The paper substantiates the connection of the mechanism for the prevention of stigmatization of people who use mobile applications to track their contacts in the conditions of COVID-19 with the positive and negative obligations of member states of the Council of Europe on insuring of non-interference in private and family life. A system of general and special means of prevention of this antisocial phenomenon has been developed. The authors also identify the requirements for mobile applications that could reduce the risk of stigma. Conclusion: The conclusions suggest the ways of further prevention of stigmatization of people who use mobile applications to track their contacts. The paper outlines the content of the positive and negative obligations of the member states of the Council of Europe to ensure non-interference in the private and family life of citizens who are under observation or self-isolation due to COVID-19 pandemic.
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Ivanyuk, Oleh, and Yana Martianova. "ELECTIONS TO THE KYIV CITY COUNCIL IN 1906: BASED ON PERIODICALS." Kyiv Historical Studies, no. 1 (2020): 67–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2020.1.9.
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The article is devoted to the elections to the Kyiv City Council in 1906, which unfolded on the backdrop of revolutionary events and were characterized by a fierce struggle between two political projects — the “New Duma” and “Old Duma” parties. Particular attention is paid to the main stages of elections’ conduct and violation of electoral law by the race participants. On the background of the revolutionary events, the citizens formed a request for “new faces” and fundamental changes in management methods. The expression of dreams of the residents of Kyiv was the “New Duma Party”, which positioned itself as a team of executives who understand the needs of the city. During the elections, significant violations of the current legislation were registered that did not allow to form the fully the all members of the Kyiv City Council. In the course of the research, it is found that the most informative materials, in terms of Kyiv City Council elections, were the materials of the newspapers “Gromadska Dumka” and “Kievlianin”. These periodicals, while supporting the ideologically opposed political forces, covered the race in detail. Newspapers’ editorial staff paid particular attention to sensational materials related to electoral law violations, which were of most interest to readers. If the “Gromadska Dumka” tried to cover the race objectively, “Kievlianin” published not only facts, but also insults and campaign materials, retranslating the ideologues of Russian nationalists.
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McMahon, Joe. "I. Fundamental Rights." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 55, no. 4 (October 2006): 973–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei138.
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The goal of constructing an Area of Freedom, Security and Justice across the Union was agreed at the Tampere EU Summit of 1999. The objective was to create the conditions in which EU citizens could exercise their rights of free movement while at the same time addressing legitimate security concerns. Central to this debate has been the need to ensure that not only are the free movement rights granted by the Treaty protected, but that more broadly, the fundamental rights of EU citizens are not infringed. The Tampere programme was a five-year agenda that concluded in 2004. In June 2004, the Commission presented a Communication taking stock of the implementation of the Tampere agenda and setting future guidelines for a new justice and home affairs strategy for the years to come. Following Council discussions in July and October 2004, the Dutch Presidency produced a new programme for justice and home affairs (subsequently renamed as ‘freedom, security and justice’). This will cover the period for the years 2005–2010, and is known as ‘The Hague Programme: Ten priorities for the next five years— The Partnership for European Renewal in the field of Freedom, Security and Justice.’1
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Gegout, Catherine, and Shogo Suzuki. "China, Responsibility to Protect, and the Case of Syria." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 26, no. 3 (September 17, 2020): 379–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02603002.
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Abstract Will the rise of China, an authoritarian, party-state with a poor record of protecting its citizens’ human rights, undermine humanitarian intervention? This question has been particularly pertinent since China’s “assertive turn” in foreign policy. Drawing on the case of Chinese reactions to the humanitarian crisis in Syria, this article argues that China’s attitude toward humanitarian intervention remains ambiguous and contradictory. While China has at times prevented the UN Security Council from threatening sanctions on Syria, it has not necessarily denied that a humanitarian crisis exists. The article shows that the People’s Republic of China is beginning to act more as a norm maker than norm taker, and is offering its own vision of humanitarian intervention, coined as “responsible protection.”
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Capdevila, Ignasi, and Matías I. Zarlenga. "Smart city or smart citizens? The Barcelona case." Journal of Strategy and Management 8, no. 3 (August 17, 2015): 266–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jsma-03-2015-0030.
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Purpose – In recent years, the term “smart city” has attracted a lot of attention from policy makers, business leaders and citizenship in general. Although there is not a unique definition of what a smart city is, it is generally accepted that “smart” urban policies refer to local governments’ initiatives that use information and communication technologies in order to increase the quality of life of their inhabitants while contributing to a sustainable development. So far, “smart city” approaches have generally been related to top-down processes of technology diffusion. The purpose of this paper is to present a broader view on “smart” initiatives to analyze both top-down and bottom-up dynamics in a smart city. The authors argue that these two perspectives are complementary and its combination can reinforce the collaboration between different city stakeholders. Top-down and bottom-up initiatives are not opposed forces but, on the contrary, can have a synergistic effect on the innovation capacity of the city. Both perspectives are illustrated by providing examples of different “smart” aspects in the city of Barcelona: smart districts, open collaborative spaces, infrastructures and open data. Design/methodology/approach – To illustrate the arguments, the authors analyze the case of the city of Barcelona providing examples of top-down and bottom-up initiatives in four different smart city aspects: smart districts, open collaborative spaces, infrastructures and open data. The research method is based on a case study (Yin, 1984). The primary data consisted on interviews to city council representatives as well as managers of local public institutions, like economic development offices, and local organizations like for instance coworking spaces. The authors interviewed also specialists on the innovation history of the city in order to validate the data. In addition, the authors used secondary data such as reports on the 22@, and documentation on the Barcelona innovation policies, as well as doing a compilation of press articles and the online content of the institutional webpages. All together, the authors have followed a data triangulation strategy to seek data validation based on the cross-verification of the analyzed data sources. Findings – The analysis suggests that the top-down and bottom-up perspectives are complementary and their combination can reinforce the collaboration between different city stakeholders. Top-down and bottom-up initiatives are not opposed forces but, on the contrary, can have a synergistic effect on the innovation capacity of the city. Both perspectives are illustrated by providing examples of different “smart” aspects in the city of Barcelona: smart districts, open collaborative spaces, infrastructures and open data. Research limitations/implications – Nevertheless, the analysis has its limitations. Even if the authors have emphasized the importance of the bottom-up initiatives, citizens do not have often the resources to act without governmental intervention. This is the case of services that require high-cost infrastructures or regulatory changes. Also, as it usually happens in the case of disruptive technology, it is hard for citizens to understand the possibilities of its use. In these cases, firms and institutions must play an important role in the first phases of the diffusion of innovations, by informing and incentivizing its use. It is also important to note that some of the emerging usages of technology are confronted to legal or regulatory issues. For instance, distributed and shared Wi-Fi networks might be in opposition to economic interests of internet providers, that often difficult its expansion. It is also the case of services of the sharing economy that represent a menace to established institutions (like the tensions between Uber and taxi companies, or Airbnb and hotels). In these cases, city halls like it is the case in Barcelona, tend to respond to these emergent uses of technology by regulating to ensure protection to existing corporate services. Practical implications – In conclusion, the transformational process that leads a city to become a smart city has to take in consideration the complexity and the plurality of the urban reality. Beyond considering citizens as being users, testers or consumers of technology, local administrations that are able to identify, nourish and integrate the emerging citizens’ initiatives would contribute to the reinforcement of a smart city reality. Originality/value – The contribution of the paper is to go beyond the generalized technologic discourse around smart cities by adding the layer of the citizens’ initiatives.
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Fernández-Bessa, Cristina. "A theoretical typology of border activism: From the streets to the Council." Theoretical Criminology 23, no. 2 (February 13, 2019): 156–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480619827522.
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Based on a case study of border struggles within the city of Barcelona since the beginning of the 21st century, this article examines diverse types of border activism. Border activism refers to collective efforts by ordinary people to modify, mitigate or even dismantle a border regime. While several migration and citizenship scholars have analysed migrant protests and struggles, these accounts have been hardly taken into consideration within the field of criminology. My work contributes to this vacuum. Specifically, this article develops a theoretical typology for analysing four different forms of border activism: migrant struggles; de facto citizen struggles; border protests; and institutional border activism. For each form of activism, I consider its framework, the subject position of the political actors involved, the repertoires of contention utilized to achieve change and the impact of the different kinds of local actions for reshaping the border regime and the lives of migrants.
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Ricci, Annarita. "E-Government, transparency and personal data protection." Central and Eastern European eDem and eGov Days 325 (March 1, 2018): 125–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/ocg.v325.11.
Full textAbstract:
In recent years, many governments increased transparency, publicity and free access in their activities. Information and communication technologies (ICTs) are seen as a powerful tool to reduce “public diseases” such as low citizen trust, bad performance, low accountability and corruption. While some of these efforts have received a considerable attention, the balance between the value of transparency and the necessity of protecting individual’s personal rights has not been widely considered. It is an obvious fact that administrative records and documents may contain personal data, so it has become necessary to guarantee citizens’ privacy and respect the principles set forth in the European legislation. Information can indeed become more damaging if spread on the web rather than through conventional channels. Therefore, personal identity has to be protected through the removal of information which it is no longer necessary to process.
In this scenario, the present work analyses the main measures public administrative bodies are required to implement, regardless of the purposes for which the information is posted online.
The analysis conducted will be a scholar reflection based on Directive 95/46/EC and recent “Regulation (EU) 2016/679 of the European Parliament ad of the Council of 27 April 2016 on the protection of natural persons with regard to the processing of personal data and on the free movement of such data, and repealing Directive 95/46/EC (General Data Protection Regulation)”. The paper will introduce a perspective concerning three different topics, namely the right to personal data protection, the data quality and the principle of proportionality. The road map will be as follows: to clarify the notion of data quality, to analyze the link between this principle and the value of transparency of public administrative activities and finally to introduce the dimension of the protection of personal data as a relative and not as an absolute right.
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Brown, Rafael, Jon Truby, and Imad Antoine Ibrahim. "Mending Lacunas in the EU’s GDPR and Proposed Artificial Intelligence Regulation." European Studies 9, no. 1 (August 1, 2022): 61–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eustu-2022-0003.
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Summary The European Union (EU) is leading in the regulation of data privacy and artificial intelligence through the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), the proposed European Commission (EC) regulation, and the proposed European Parliament (EP) regulations concerning Artificial Intelligence (AI). The EU also regulates AI through ethical aspects and Intellectual Property Rights as well as the Council of Europe’s conclusions concerning the use of sandboxes regulations and experimentation clauses. This article highlights the EU’s missed opportunities to create synergies between the GDPR and the proposed AI regulations, given that in several instances they deal with issues that must be regulated from an AI perspective, while simultaneously ensuring data protection of EU citizens. In particular, the EU’s ad hoc approach to AI regulation creates lacunas because of its failure to fully integrate the essential components of AI data and algorithm within a regulatory framework.
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Selmayr, Martin. "„One too much“: Europa braucht einen (nicht zwei) Präsidenten – ein Plädoyer für mehr Effizienz, geopolitische Glaubwürdigkeit und demokratische Legitimation an der Spitze der Europäischen Union." integration 44, no. 4 (2021): 318–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2021-4-318.
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The executive of the European Union (EU) is currently led by two Presidents: the President of the European Commission and the President of the European Council. This double Presidency is the result of a compromise between the supranational and the intergovernmental schools of thoughts at the European Convention 2002/2003. However, in practice, the interplay of the two Presidents and their competencies, which are not always clearly separated by the provisions of the Treaty of Lisbon, occasionally leads to inefficiencies or even conflict in the external representation of the EU. This is why former Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker proposed, on 13 September 2017, to merge the functions of the two Presidents by always electing the President of the Commission as President of the European Council. The article explains the rationale of the Juncker proposal, which has the potential to make the EU easier to understand for its citizens and more efficient geopolitically, while overcoming the artificial distinction between national and European interests in the leadership of the Union. The current debate about the future of the EU and its more effective positioning in global affairs appears to be a good moment to look again at the Juncker proposal, which could be implemented without the need to change the Treaties.
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Stefán, Ibolya. "Challenges of consumer protection regarding artificial intelligence." Multidiszciplináris tudományok 11, no. 5 (2021): 325–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.35925/j.multi.2021.5.36.
Full textAbstract:
Artificial intelligence has gained more significance in the past few years because of the advanced algorithms, increased data storage and computing power. On the contrary, the novelty has several disadvantages, such as lack of transparency or the possibility of data protection problems. Thereby, there is an urgent need to regulate it properly. As a result of the phenomenon, the European Commission has created a Proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council Laying Down Harmonised Rules on Artificial Intelligence and Amending Certain Union Legislative Act’ in order to protect EU citizens, consumers. The so-called ‘Artificial Intelligence Act’ highlights the importance of consumer protection, as it was established in a previous EU document, the White paper on Artificial Intelligence. This paper aims to examine the regulatory framework of AI on the level of the European Union and to describe the challenges of consumer protection in this new digital era.
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Padgett, Charles S. "“Without Hysteria or Unnecessary Disturbance”: Desegregation at Spring Hill College, Mobile, Alabama, 1948–1954." History of Education Quarterly 41, no. 2 (2001): 167–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2001.tb00083.x.
Full textAbstract:
Spring Hill College is Alabama's oldest institution of higher learning, one year older than the University of Alabama. Founded in 1830 by Michael Portier, the Catholic bishop of Mobile, it has been run by the Jesuits since 1847. When it desegregated in September, 1954, the four-year liberal arts college claimed 1,000 students, including its evening division in downtown Mobile. The desegregation of Spring Hill College (SHC) came just before the increased Ku Klux Klan (KKK) and White Citizens Council activity which led the backlash to the Supreme Court'sBrown v. Board of Educationdecision. Although volumes have been written about resistance to desegregation in the Deep South, almost no published research exists on the peaceful desegregation of white southern colleges, which anticipated and complied with Supreme Court rulings. This essay will place SHC's unique story in the context of the desegregation of higher education in the South and of race relations in Mobile, Alabama, in the decade before massive resistance. It will examine models for desegregation of Catholic colleges before theBrowndecision and, finally, will detail SHC's desegregation as a gradual process that occurred between 1948 and 1954.
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KAKAGASANOV, Gadzhikurban Ibraghimovich, and Yulia Mikhaylovna LYSENKO. "MAKHACHKALA IN THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR: THE MAIN INDUSTRIAL AND TRANSPORT CENTER OF THE CAUCASUS." Herald of Daghestan Scientific Center of Russian Academy of Science, no. 81 (June 30, 2021): 42–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31029/vestdnc81/6.
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The article reviews the role of Makhachkala - the capital of the Daghestan ASSR - as an industrial, transport and evacuation center in the years of the Great Patriotic War (1941-1945). The authors highlights the labor excellence of the city’s residents, especially those who worked at industrial enterprises, at the sea-port, on the railway. The importance of the city workers in strengthening the country's defense is shown. During the war, a number of factories in Makhachkala started the production of ammunition and equipment for ships and transport. The paper provides the analysis of the manufactured products, notes the joint work with the evacuated enterprises. The workers of the Makhachkala Factory named after M. Gadzhiev, for example, during the war increased the output of products by 4 times; in 1945 they 7 times won the Red Banner of the State Defense Committee and 2 times - the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions and the People's Commissariat of the USSR Navy. The work of the citizens of Makhachkala on the construction of defensive lines, the activities of evacuation hospitals located in the city are described. In the summer of 1942, the Makhachkala special defensive line was created, while the construction of defensive structures in the city itself (barricades, firing points, shelters) was underway, in which more than 20 thousand of citizens and residents of neighbouring regions took part.