Journal articles on the topic 'White Australia policy – History'
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1
Clyne, Michael. "Australia’s language policies are we going backwards?" Language Planning and Language Policy in Australia 8 (January 1, 1991): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aralss.8.01cly.
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The recent White Paper, Australia’s Language – The Australian Language and Literacy Policy, is the latest contribution to the history of language policies in Australia. This article explores that history, giving particular attention to each of the string of policy documents released since the early 1980s. Features of the current debate in Australia are drawn out, and a comparative assessment is made of Australia’s policies and those of other countries.
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YARWOOD, A. T. "The “White Australia” Policy: Some Administrative Problems, 1901-1920." Australian Journal of Politics & History 7, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 245–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1961.tb01074.x.
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Cruickshank, Joanna. "Race, History, and the Australian Faith Missions." Itinerario 34, no. 3 (December 2010): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115310000677.
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In 1901, the parliament of the new Commonwealth of Australia passed a series of laws designed, in the words of the Prime Minister Edmund Barton, “to make a legislative declaration of our racial identity”. An Act to expel the large Pacific Islander community in North Queensland was followed by a law restricting further immigration to applicants who could pass a literacy test in a European language. In 1902, under the Commonwealth Franchise Act, “all natives of Asia and Africa” as well as Aboriginal people were explicitly denied the right to vote in federal elections. The “White Australia policy”, enshrined in these laws, was almost universally supported by Australian politicians, with only two members of parliament speaking against the restriction of immigration on racial grounds.
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ELLINGHAUS, KATHERINE. "Indigenous Assimilation and Absorption in the United States and Australia." Pacific Historical Review 75, no. 4 (November 1, 2006): 563–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2006.75.4.563.
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Using a comparative mode of analysis, this article offers a new perspective on Indian assimilation policy in the United States. It focuses on one aspect of assimilation policy common to the United States and Australia in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries-the practice of removing indigenous children from their families and communities and placing them in institutions. The article argues that there is a subtle difference in the way that Americans and Australians described "assimilation"taking place-namely, the extent to which white Americans and white Australians openly planned to "whitewash" indigenous identity through interracial relationships. Nevertheless, while children of mixed descent played a very different role in the grandiloquent words used by reformers and politicians to describe their nation's policies,similar ideas about their role in the absorption and eventual disappearance of the indigenous population into the white one can be discerned in both contexts.
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Choo, Christine. "The Impact of Asian - Aboriginal Australian Contacts in Northern Australia." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 3, no. 2-3 (June 1994): 295–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719689400300218.
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The long history of Asian contact with Australian Aborigines began with the early links with seafarers, Makassan trepang gatherers and even Chinese contact, which occurred in northern Australia. Later contact through the pearling industry in the Northern Territory and Kimberley, Western Australia, involved Filipinos (Manilamen), Malays, Indonesians, Chinese and Japanese. Europeans on the coastal areas of northern Australia depended on the work of indentured Asians and local Aborigines for the development and success of these industries. The birth of the Australian Federation also marked the beginning of the “White Australia Policy” designed to keep non-Europeans from settling in Australia. The presence of Asians in the north had a significant impact on state legislation controlling Aborigines in Western Australia in the first half of the 20th century, with implications to the present. Oral and archival evidence bears testimony to the brutality with which this legislation was pursued and its impact on the lives of Aboriginal people.
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Neumann, Klaus. "Anxieties in colonial Mauritius and the erosion of the White Australia Policy." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 32, no. 3 (September 2004): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0308653042000279641.
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Hall, Robert A. "War's End: How did the war affect Aborigines and Islanders?" Queensland Review 3, no. 1 (April 1996): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600000660.
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In the 20 years before the Second World War the frontier war dragged to a close in remote parts of north Australia with the 1926 Daly River massacre and the 1928 Coniston massacre. There was a rapid decline in the Aboriginal population, giving rise to the idea of the ‘dying race’ which had found policy expression in the State ‘Protection’ Acts. Aboriginal and Islander labour was exploited under scandalous rates of pay and conditions in the struggling north Australian beef industry and the pearling industry. In south east Australia, Aborigines endured repressive white control on government reserves and mission stations described by some historians as being little better than prison farms. A largely ineffectual Aboriginal political movement with a myriad of organisations, none of which had a pan-Aboriginal identity, struggled to make headway against white prejudice. Finally, in 1939, John McEwen's ‘assimilation policy’ was introduced and, though doomed to failure, it at least recognised that Aborigines had a place in Australia in the long term.
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Stratton, Jon. "The Colour of Jews: Jews, Race and the White Australia Policy." Journal of Australian Studies 20, no. 50-51 (January 1996): 51–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443059609387278.
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Lucas, David. "From India to Australia: A Brief History of Immigration; The Dismantling of the 'White Australia' Policy; Problems and Prospects of Assimilation." Population Studies 48, no. 1 (March 1, 1994): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0032472031000147586.
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Stratton, Jon. "The Impossible Ethnic: Jews and Multiculturalism in Australia." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 5, no. 3 (December 1996): 339–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.5.3.339.
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This article discusses the situation of Jews in the context of Australia’s governmental policy of multiculturalism. It is often claimed that the assimilationist and integrationist population management policies of the era of the White Australia policy are thoroughly removed from the practices of multiculturalism.
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Graham, Sarah Ellen, and Alexander E. Davis. "A “Hindu Mystic” or a “Harrovian Realist”? U.S., Australian, and Canadian Representations of Jawaharlal Nehru, 1947–1964." Pacific Historical Review 89, no. 2 (2020): 198–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2020.89.2.198.
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This article analyzes how officials from the U.S., Australia, and Canada represented Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s psychology in diplomatic contexts between 1947 and 1964. Nehru was the representative of a newly sovereign state, whose people were often stereotyped as mystical, spiritual, and irrational. In this article, we show how Nehru was constructed as “irrational,” “primitive,” “effeminate,” and racially resentful by Western diplomats. He was, conversely, also seen as a “Harrovian realist” or “transplanted Englishman” with an attendant air of “superiority.” Cold War imperatives gave these ambivalent cultural and psychological projections a special salience, particularly as each confronted the implications of Nehru’s non-alignment and his global profile as a proponent of Third World nationalism. The ambivalent representations of Nehru that we trace within U.S., Australian, and Canadian foreign policy-making also reveal a shared belief in the “Anglosphere”—the purported transnational unity of white, English-speaking nations—was sustained beyond the decline of the British Empire. Nehru’s “Britishness” demonstrates how he could be tethered to the English-speaking world while simultaneously being seen as its irrational, non-white Other. This ambivalent connection helped to re-draw the boundaries of the transnational Anglosphere in the era of decolonization and to define Cold War assumptions about race, rationality, and foreign policy.
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BIRCH, ALAN. "The Implementation of the White Australia Policy in the Queensland Sugar Industry 1901-12*." Australian Journal of Politics & History 11, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 198–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1965.tb00432.x.
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Martínez, Julia. "The End of Indenture? Asian workers in the Australian Pearling Industry, 1901–1972." International Labor and Working-Class History 67 (April 2005): 125–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547905000116.
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The historical circumstances which led to the end of the indentured labor trade suggest that its abolition was only partially the result of humanitarian concern for the welfare of workers. It was the development of nationalism, both in sending and receiving countries, that prompted a rethinking of the racialized labor organization of indenture. In Australia, the introduction of the White Australia policy in 1901, with its restrictions on non-white immigration and employment, is usually thought to coincide with the abolition of the indentured labor trade. But the Australian pearl-shelling industry continued to employ indentured Asian workers up until the 1970s. This case study extends the historical analysis of indenture well beyond its supposed international abolition. In doing so, it demonstrates a degree of continuity of colonial thought and practice which persisted in the face of global decolonization.
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Haskins, Victoria. "Domesticating Colonizers: Domesticity, Indigenous Domestic Labor, and the Modern Settler Colonial Nation." American Historical Review 124, no. 4 (October 1, 2019): 1290–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz647.
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Abstract The placement of Indigenous girls and young women in white homes to work as servants was a key strategy of official policy and practice in both the United States and Australia. Between the 1880s and the Second World War, under the outing programs in the U.S. and various apprenticeship and indenturing schemes in Australia, the state regulated and constructed relations between Indigenous and white women in the home. Such state intervention not only helped to define domesticity in a modern world, but was integral to the formation of the modern settler colonial nation in its claims to civilizing authority in the United States and Australia. In the context of settler colonialism, domesticity was not hegemonic in this period, but rather was precarious and uncertain. By prescribing and demanding from employers demonstrations of domesticity, the state was engaged in perfecting white women as well as Indigenous women, the latter as the colonized, to be domesticated, and the former as the colonizer, to domesticate.
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Neilson, Briony. "“Moral Rubbish in Close Proximity”: Penal Colonization and Strategies of Distance in Australia and New Caledonia, c.1853–1897." International Review of Social History 64, no. 3 (July 10, 2019): 445–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859019000361.
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AbstractIn the second half of the nineteenth century, the two convict-built European settler colonial projects in Oceania, French New Caledonia and British Australia, were geographically close yet ideologically distant. Observers in the Australian colonies regularly characterized French colonization as backward, inhumane, and uncivilized, often pointing to the penal colony in New Caledonia as evidence. Conversely, French commentators, while acknowledging that Britain's transportation of convicts to Australia had inspired their own penal colonial designs in the South Pacific, insisted that theirs was a significantly different venture, built on modern, carefully preconceived methods. Thus, both sides engaged in an active practice of denying comparability; a practice that historians, in neglecting the interconnections that existed between Australia and New Caledonia, have effectively perpetuated. This article draws attention to some of the strategies of spatial and temporal distance deployed by the Australian colonies in relation to the bagne in New Caledonia and examines the nation-building ends that these strategies served. It outlines the basic context and contours of the policy of convict transportation for the British and the French and analyses discursive attempts to emphasize the distinctions between Australia and New Caledonia. Particular focus is placed on the moral panic in Australian newspapers about the alleged dangerous proximity of New Caledonia to the east coast of Australia. I argue that this moral panic arose at a time when Britain's colonies in Australia, in the process of being granted autonomy and not yet unified as a federated nation, sought recognition as reputable settlements of morally virtuous populations. The panic simultaneously emphasized the New Caledonian penal colony's geographical closeness to and ideological distance from Australia, thereby enabling Australia's own penal history to be safely quarantined in the past.
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Enari, Dion, and Innez Haua. "A Māori and Pasifika Label—An Old History, New Context." Genealogy 5, no. 3 (July 29, 2021): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy5030070.
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The term ‘Māori and Pasifika’ is widely used in Aotearoa, New Zealand to both unite and distinguish these peoples and cultures. As a collective noun of separate peoples, Māori and Pasifika are used to acknowledge the common Pacific ancestry that both cultures share, whilst distinguishing Māori as Indigenous peoples of Aotearoa (New Zealand), and Pasifika as migrants from other lands in the Pacific region. The term ‘Māori and Pasifika’ is a ‘label’ established in New Zealand to combine the minority cultural populations of both Māori, and Pacific migrant peoples, into a category defined by New Zealand policy and discourse. Migration for Māori and Pasifika to Australia (from Aotearoa) has generated new discussion amongst these diasporic communities (in Australia) on the appropriate collective term(s) to refer to Māori and Pasifika peoples and cultures. Some believe that in Australia, Māori should no longer be distinguished from Pasifika as they are not Indigenous (to Australia), while others believe the distinction should continue upon migration. Through the voices of Samoan and Māori researchers who reside in Australia, insider voices are honoured and cultural genealogy is privileged in this discussion of the label ‘Māori and Pasifika’ in the Australian context.
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Vlachos, Alexandra. "Fortress Farming in Western Australia? The Problematic History of Separating Native Wildlife from Agricultural Land through the State Barrier Fence." Global Environment 13, no. 2 (June 15, 2020): 368–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/ge.2020.130206.
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The Western Australia (WA) State Barrier Fence stretches 2,023 miles (3,256 kilometres) and divides Australia's largest state. The original 'Rabbit Proof Fence' fence was built from 1901–1907 to stop the westbound expansion of rabbits into the existing and potential agricultural zone of Western Australia. Starting as a seemingly straightforward, albeit costly, solution to protect what was considered a productive landscape, the fence failed to keep out the rabbits. It was subsequently amended, upgraded, re-named and used to serve different purposes: as Vermin Fence and State Barrier Fence (unofficially also Emu Fence or Dog Fence) the fence was designed to exclude native Australian animals such as emus, kangaroos and dingoes. In the Australian 'boom and bust' environment, characterised by extreme temperatures and unpredictable rainfall, interrupting species movement has severe negative impacts on biodiversity – an issue aggravated by the fact that Australia leads in global extinction rates (Woinarski, Burbidge and Harrison, 2015). The twentieth century history of the fence demonstrates the agrarian settlers' struggle with the novelty and otherness of Western Australia's ecological conditions – and severe lack of knowledge thereof. While the strenuous construction, expensive maintenance and doubtful performance of the fence provided useful and early environmental lessons, they seem largely forgotten in contemporary Australia. The WA government recently commenced a controversial $11 million project to extend the State Barrier Fence for another 660 kilometres to reach the Esperance coast, targeting dingoes, emus and kangaroos – once again jeopardising habitat connectivity. This paper examines the environmental history, purposes and impacts of the State Barrier fence, critically discusses the problems associated with European farming and pastoralism in WA, and touches on alternative land-use perspectives and futures.
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Dragojlovic, Ana. "Haunted by ‘Miscegenation’: Gender, the White Australia Policy and the Construction of Indisch Family Narratives." Journal of Intercultural Studies 36, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256868.2014.990363.
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Nevile, John. "Learning from full employment history: The 1945 Australian White Paper in practice." Economic and Labour Relations Review 29, no. 4 (November 19, 2018): 446–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304618810973.
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The part played by unemployment in the rise to power of Hitler weighed on the minds of leaders in Western democracies. There was a determination to create a world in which large-scale unemployment was abnormal and at worst only a temporary phenomenon. The war had shown that this was possible in a community united to pursue a common goal and the aim was to create such a community in a world free from the horrors of war, by creating communities in which the welfare of every person was important. Australia was remarkably successful in achieving this for 30 years. Its success depended on governments responding to any sustained increase in unemployment by undertaking large increases in public sector expenditure supported by accommodating monetary policy and tax cuts if desirable. In bad times as well as good, there was a determination to ensure that both the incomes and prices paid for necessities by the less well-off did not force anyone to live in poverty. The biggest obstacle to achieving this today is the growth of neoliberalism with its emphasis on ‘freedom’ or giving individuals the ability to act as they please with minimal constraints and an ideological commitment to small government. JEL Codes: E02, E61, N1, N4
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Petersen, Kerry. "Abortion in Australia: a legal misconception." Australian Health Review 29, no. 2 (2005): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah050142.
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Abortion is a procedure and practice which has been universally practised in some form since the beginning of recorded history. While deliberate terminations of pregnancy are reported throughout history, all races, cultures and religious groups have sharply divergent and frequently irreconcilable opinions on this highly controversial subject.1
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Leonard, Simon. "Children's History: Implications of Childhood Beliefs for Teachers of Aboroginal Students." Australian Journal of Indigenous Education 30, no. 2 (2002): 20–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1326011100001447.
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While conducting research intended to explore the underlying thoughts and assumptions held by non-Indigenous teachers and policy makers involved in Aboriginal education I dug out my first book on Australian history which had been given when I was about seven years old. Titled Australia From the Beginning (Pownall, 1980), the book was written for children and was not a scholarly book. It surprised me, then, to find so many of my own understandings and assumptions about Aboriginal affairs and race relations in this book despite four years of what had seemed quite liberal education in Australian history.
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Jordan, Matthew. "The Reappraisal of the White Australia Policy against the Background of a Changing Asia, 1945-67*." Australian Journal of Politics and History 52, no. 2 (June 2006): 224–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2005.00416.x.
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Elphick, Jeremy. "Cinematic poetics and reclaiming history." Alphaville: Journal of Film and Screen Media, no. 18 (December 1, 2019): 199–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/alpha.18.18.
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Australia’s brutal legacy of offshore detention has been marked by tragedy, human rights abuses and international condemnation, framed within an overarching failure to reach any true resolution. The difference between Australia’s two major political parties’ approach to immigration policy has been largely cosmetic and there is little tangible difference between the actual policies they have implemented and sustained. Human Rights Watch bluntly diagnosed Australia as having “serious unresolved human rights problems”, calling the conditions on Manus and Nauru “abysmal” (Giakoumelos). This paper examines the process by which successive Australian governments have advocated and implemented border and immigration policies and, more specifically, how control of information has been a central tactic in defining how such policies are perceived by the public. There is a questionable disconnect between Australia’s political class and those targeted by the immigration policies it sustains. Chauka, Please Tell Us the Time (Boochani and Kamali Sarvestani 2017) captures the cruelty of Australia’s offshore detention policy, while intimately mapping the emotional and psychological experience of living in detention. Chauka, Please Tell Us the Time marks a fundamental shift, blunting attempts to dehumanise those in detention from a distance, while highlighting the moral crisis that this dehumanisation has created.
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Hodgson, Jayne. "History of Aboriginal Education and Cape York Peninsula: A Case Study." Aboriginal Child at School 18, no. 3 (July 1990): 11–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1326011100600650.
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The aim of comparative studies in education is to improve our understanding of our own problems of education at the national level. In the words of Phillip E. Jones (1973:24), “Comparative education can lead us to understanding, sympathy and tolerance”. More than that, it is hoped that it can lead to improved circumstances for Australia’s most disadvantaged minority group – the Aborigines.The Aborigines were the first people to have a social system in Australia. That system, however, has undergone dramatic change in the last 200 years at the hands of ‘white’ migrants. Changes in educational policy in Australia have been largely a reaction to what the ruling majority has regarded as the ‘Aboriginal problem’. Schooling for Aborigines thus moved, early this century, from an era of mission schools and reserves to ‘formal’ schooling which was introduced in the 1960’s. Policies then shifted in turn from ‘assimilation’ to ‘integrationism’ to ‘self-determination’ and self-government’ for the Aborigines.
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Mei, Ding. "From Xinjiang to Australia." Inner Asia 17, no. 2 (December 9, 2015): 243–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-12340044.
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Russians have lived in Xinjiang since the nineteenth century and those who accepted Chinese citizenship were recognised as one of China’s ethnic minorities known asguihua zu(naturalised and assimilated people). In theminzuidentification programme (1950s–1980s), the nameeluosi zureplacedguihua zuand became Russians’ official identification in China. Russians (including both Soviet and Chinese citizens) used to constitute a significant population in Manchuria, Inner Mongolia, Xinjiang and several other regions in China before the 1960s. According to the 2000 census,eluosi zuhad a population of only 15,609 and more than half of these lived in Xinjiang. Based on anthropological fieldwork in China and Australia, this article investigates the formation of theeluosi zuand the changing concept of ‘the Russian’ in Xinjiang, with the emphasis on the socialist period after 1949. The emigration to Australia from the 1960s to 1980s initially strengthened the European identity of this Russian minority. With the abolition of the ‘white Australia’ policy in 1973 and China’s growing importance to Australia, this Russian minority group’s identification with Xinjiang and China has been revived. Studying Russians from Xinjiang also provides an insight into the Uyghur diaspora in Australia, since their emigration history and shared regional identity are intertwined.
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Johns, A. H. "Hopes and Frustrations: Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies in Australia." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 25, no. 2 (December 1991): 173–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400024251.
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Up to 1945 university education in Australia had little sense of engagement with any cultural traditions outside those of Western Europe. It was only in the aftermath of World War II that Australians began to realize that while their nation had powerful allies in Britain and America, nations with whom it had ties of kin and culture, it had on its doorstep in neighboring Southeast Asia and not so distant Northeast Asia, neighbors who might become both friends and close partners in regional associations.These were also the years during which the Australian government decided as a matter of policy to develop postgraduate studies in Australia so that Australians should no longer as a matter of course go to Britain for higher degrees. Both these factors came together in the establishment in 1946 of the Australian National University, an institution with an exclusive mission for post-graduate training. Significantly, among its foundation schools was the Research School of Pacific Studies, which included departments of Pacific History and Far Eastern History.
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Martínez, Julia. "The ‘Malay’ Community in Pre-war Darwin." Queensland Review 6, no. 2 (November 1999): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600001148.
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This paper examines the ‘Malay’ community in pre-war Darwin, focusing on those men who were brought to Australia to work in the pearling industry. It considers their status within the community, and questions the degree to which the White Australia policy impinged upon their lives. The tenn ‘Malay’ in this context does not refer to the ‘Malays’ of present-day Malaysia, but rather to the ambiguous colonial construction which was loosely based on notions of ‘racial’ grouping. Adrian Vickers’ study of South-East Asian ‘Malay’ identity points to its multiple forms: the colonial constructions of the British and the Dutch; the existence of non-Muslim Malays; and the many ethnic groups whose identities cut across the national boundaries which form present-day Malaysia and Indonesia and the southern Philippines. In the Australian context, the works of John Mulvaney and Campbell Macknight have examined Macassan contact with northern Aboriginal groups, particularly in the Gulf of Carpentaria. According to Mulvaney, the term ‘Macassan’ was used to refer to the Bugis and Macassan seafarers who came to Australia from southern Sulawesi. He notes, however, that nineteenth-century Europeans, such as French commander Baudin and Matthew Flinders referred to them as ‘Malays’.
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Nettelbeck, Amanda. "“Equals of the White Man”: Prosecution of Settlers for Violence Against Aboriginal Subjects of the Crown, Colonial Western Australia." Law and History Review 31, no. 2 (May 2013): 355–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248013000060.
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“Crime is a great leveller,” stated Western Australia's The Inquirer in October 1853. “Policy requires that we should convince the native population that in our Courts of Justice they really are what we profess and tell them they are—the equals of the white man, whatever they may be elsewhere.” The Inquirer was responding to a case that had just come before Perth's Quarter Sessions, in which John Jones was tried for the murder of Neader in the colony's southwest. Jones was found guilty of manslaughter and sentenced to transportation for life. Given that Australia's colonies were notable for their failure to bring settlers to trial for violence against Aboriginal people, it is significant that The Inquirer's editor did not regard Jones' conviction and sentence as a sign that the Courts of Justice were working as they professed to do. The charge was one of wilful murder, and the evidence indicated that “if ever a foul and deliberate murder was committed, it was on the occasion which led to this trial.” The verdict that Jones was guilty only of manslaughter, he continued, was indicative of the jury's disregard of the law's impartiality when a white man was on trial for the murder of an Aboriginal man. If the law was to make a distinction between white and black, “let it be declared: but to say there is none, and to act as if there were, is a mockery.”
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Maras, Steven. "Screenwriting research in Australia: A truncated (pre)history." Journal of Screenwriting 12, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/josc_00059_1.
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Recent years have seen a growing interest in the history of fields of study and academic disciplines. While recognizing a number of limitations, this article explores the emergence of screenwriting research in Australia. It addresses the question of what were the cultural conditions that gave rise to contemporary screenwriting research in Australia. The article discusses three key factors: firstly, long-standing policy settings around cultural identity and content in film and television; secondly, active debates around ‘screen culture’ that have given discussions of the place of culture and story special prominence and contributed to awareness of questions of cultural ‘value’, and conventional separations of production and consumption; thirdly, the rise of film studies in the 1970s, which gave ferment to research into narrative and story forms. My goal is to capture some of the contextual features that are important to an understanding of screenwriting research in this period and geography, and to suggest that screenwriting research emerged as intellectual attitude and area of interest that eventually crystallized as part of a more formalized arena of study in the later 2000s.
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Brawley, Sean. "The Department of Immigration and Abolition of the “White Australia” Policy Reflected Through the Private Diaries of Sir Peter Heydon*." Australian Journal of Politics & History 41, no. 3 (June 28, 2008): 420–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1995.tb01270.x.
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Kumari, Pariksha. "Reconstructing Aboriginal History and Cultural Identity through Self Narrative: A Study of Ruby Langford’s Autobiography Don‘t Take Your Love to Town." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 8, no. 12 (December 28, 2020): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i12.10866.
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The last decades of previous century has witnessed the burgeoning of life narratives lending voice to the oppressed, dispossessed, and the colonized marginalities of race, class or gender across the world. A large number of autobiographical and biographical narratives that have appeared on the literary scene have started articulating their ordeals and their struggle for survival. The Aboriginals in Australia have started candidly articulating their side of story, exposing the harassment and oppression of their people in Australia. These oppressed communities find themselves sandwiched and strangled under the mainstream politics of multiculturalism, assimilation and secularism.
The present paper seeks to analyze how life writing serves the purpose of history in celebrated Australian novelist, Aboriginal historian and social activist Ruby Langford’s autobiographical narrative, Don’t Take Your Love to Town. The Colonial historiography of Australian settlement has never accepted the fact of displacement and eviction of the Aboriginals from their land and culture. The whites systematically transplanted Anglo-Celtic culture and identity in the land of Australia which was belonged to the indigenous for centuries. Don’t Take Your Love to Town reconstructs the debate on history of the colonial settlement and status of Aboriginals under subsequent government policies like reconciliation, assimilation and multiculturalism. The paper is an attempt to gaze the assimilation policy adopted by the state to bring the Aboriginals into the mainstream politics and society on the one hand, and the regular torture, exploitation and cultural degradation of the Aboriginals recorded in the text on the other. In this respect the paper sees how Langford encounters British history of Australian settlement and the perspectives of Australian state towards the Aboriginals. The politics of mainstream culture, religion, race and ethnicity, which is directly or indirectly responsible for the condition of the Aboriginals, is also the part of discussion in the paper.
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McKay, Jennifer. "Water institutional reforms in Australia." Water Policy 7, no. 1 (February 1, 2005): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2005.0003.
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With a brief description of the physical setting and institutional history of the Australian water sector, this paper reviews the water institutional reforms in Australia focusing especially on the nature and extent of reforms initiated since 1995 and provides a few case studies to highlight the issues and challenges in effecting changes in some key reform components. The reforms initiated in 1995 are notable for their comprehensiveness, fiscal incentives and clear and time-bound targets to be achieved. Although water institutions in Australia have undergone remarkable changes, thanks to the reforms, there are still issues and challenges inherent in reforming maturing water institutions. Regional diversity in legal systems and quality standards as well as conflicts between private interest and public welfare are still serious to constraining market-based water allocation and management. While Australia still needs further reforms, its recent reform experience provides considerable insights into the understanding of both the theory and the practice of water institutional reforms.
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Jones, Jocelyn, Mandy Wilson, Elizabeth Sullivan, Lynn Atkinson, Marisa Gilles, Paul L. Simpson, Eileen Baldry, and Tony Butler. "Australian Aboriginal women prisoners’ experiences of being a mother: a review." International Journal of Prisoner Health 14, no. 4 (December 17, 2018): 221–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijph-12-2017-0059.
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PurposeThe rise in the incarceration of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander mothers is a major public health issue with multiple sequelae for Aboriginal children and the cohesiveness of Aboriginal communities. The purpose of this paper is to review the available literature relating to Australian Aboriginal women prisoners’ experiences of being a mother.Design/methodology/approachThe literature search covered bibliographic databases from criminology, sociology and anthropology, and Australian history. The authors review the literature on: traditional and contemporary Aboriginal mothering roles, values and practices; historical accounts of the impacts of white settlement of Australia and subsequent Aboriginal affairs policies and practices; and women’s and mothers’ experiences of imprisonment.FindingsThe review found that the cultural experiences of mothering are unique to Aboriginal mothers and contrasted to non-Aboriginal concepts. The ways that incarceration of Aboriginal mothers disrupts child rearing practices within the cultural kinship system are identified.Practical implicationsAboriginal women have unique circumstances relevant to the concept of motherhood that need to be understood to develop culturally relevant policy and programs. The burden of disease and cycle of incarceration within Aboriginal families can be addressed by improving health outcomes for incarcerated Aboriginal mothers and female carers.Originality/valueTo the authors’ knowledge, this is the first literature review on Australian Aboriginal women prisoners’ experiences of being a mother.
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Gould, Liz. "Cash and Controversy: A Short History of Commercial Talkback Radio." Media International Australia 122, no. 1 (February 2007): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0712200113.
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While many scholars rightly point to the contemporary influence of talkback radio as an increasingly prominent platform for civic and political debate, as talkback radio approaches its fortieth anniversary, little is known about the history and development of the format. It was in 1967 that metropolitan radio stations in Australia rushed to embrace a ‘new’ radio programming format, as talkback radio became formally — and finally — legally permissible. However, the documented history of commercial talkback in Australia began many years earlier and has been punctuated by frequent clashes between radio programmers and broadcasting regulators over issues relating to the nature of programming content. As a platform for the discussion of contemporary social issues, talkback has thrived by courting controversy and debate. The commercial talkback radio format has supported the rise of a small, but highly prominent, group of men and continues to be strongly guided by economic imperatives, as witnessed in recent developments such as the ‘cash for comment’ affair. This article details the growth of metropolitan commercial talkback radio in Australia over the last four decades and looks at the extent to which public policy and economic influences have shaped the development of the format.
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Roydhouse, Jessica K. "Becoming Australian? Two different approaches to health care reform in the United States." Australian Health Review 33, no. 2 (2009): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah090303.
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THE ?SUBSTANTIAL PRIVATE SECTOR?1 ROLE in Australian health care has sometimes given rise to fears of ?Americanisation? of the Australian health care system, particularly in the media. For example, in 2000 Kenneth Davidson wrote, ?The USstyle health financing route being taken by the Howard Government is mad and bad.?2 The US system is the ?leading example? of ?inferior system performance?3 and is often viewed as a system to be feared and avoided. Despite spending far more per capita than any other country on health care, the United States nonetheless fails to provide equitable health care for everyone. The system is ?a paradox of excess and deprivation?,4 spending far more than other systems without providing adequate care and treatment for all. Although the US system is seen as frightening in Australia, broad historical and political similarities such as the ?strong?5 role and ?long history?5 of private insurance and powerful, vocal physicians? groups1,5 make the Australian experience a useful comparative one for US policymakers. As Altman and Jackson note, the US system will probably not develop into a fully public system, but a system combining private and public aspects along the lines of the Australian model is possible.5 Furthermore, while politicians in the US at the state and local levels have attempted to address the issue of universal or near-universal coverage for some time, previous efforts sought to expand coverage using existing programs instead of establishing a new system.6 More recently, the state of Massachusetts and the county (municipality) of San Francisco have introduced near-universal health care programs. Although introduced nearly simultaneously, their development processes and structures differ. In addition, the Massachusetts plan in particular was viewed as a potential model for future sub-national and possibly national health reforms. Thus, this short paper examines the two plans as two different approaches to health care reform in the US and compares them to the Australian system, asking the question whether or not current reform efforts in the US make the system more like that in Australia, or are likely to do so in the future.
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Zablotska, Iryna B., Susan Kippax, Andrew Grulich, Martin Holt, and Garrett Prestage. "Behavioural surveillance among gay men in Australia: methods, findings and policy implications for the prevention of HIV and other sexually transmissible infections." Sexual Health 8, no. 3 (2011): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/sh10125.
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Background The Australian HIV and sexually transmissible infection (STI) behavioural surveillance system (the repeated cross-sectional Gay Community Periodic Surveys, GCPS) has been conducted since 1998 and covers six main Australian jurisdictions. In this paper, we review its history and methodology, and the available indicators, their trends and their use. Methods:We describe the design and history of GCPS. For analyses of indicators, we use Pearson’s χ2-test and test for trend where appropriate. Results: About 90% of gay men in Australia have been tested for HIV (60% to 70% of men who were not HIV-positive) have been tested as recommended in the preceding 12 months. STI testing levels (~70% in the preceding 12 months) are high, but remain insufficient for STI prevention. In general, unprotected anal intercourse with regular (UAIR) and casual (UAIC) sex partners has increased over time. The prevalence and increasing trends in UAIR were similar across jurisdictions (P-trend <0.01), while trends in UAIC differed across the states: during 2001–08, UAIC declined in NSW (P-trend <0.01) and increased elsewhere (P-trend <0.01). Trends in UAIC were associated with HIV diagnoses. Conclusion: This review of the design, implementation and findings of the Australian HIV/STI behavioural surveillance highlights important lessons for HIV/STI behavioural surveillance among homosexual men, particularly the need for consistent data collection over time and across jurisdictions. Investment in systematic behavioural surveillance appears to result in a better understanding of the HIV epidemic, the availability of a warning system and a better targeted HIV prevention strategy.
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Robb, Thomas K., and David James Gill. "The ANZUS Treaty during the Cold War: A Reinterpretation of U.S. Diplomacy in the Southwest Pacific." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 4 (October 2015): 109–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00599.
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This article explains the origins of the Australia–New Zealand–United States (ANZUS) Treaty by highlighting U.S. ambitions in the Pacific region after World War II. Three clarifications to the historiography merit attention. First, an alliance with Australia and New Zealand reflected the pursuit of U.S. interests rather than the skill of antipodean diplomacy. Despite initial reservations in Washington, geostrategic anxiety and economic ambition ultimately spurred cooperation. The U.S. government's eventual recourse to coercive diplomacy against the other ANZUS members, and the exclusion of Britain from the alliance, substantiate claims of self-interest. Second, the historiography neglects the economic rationale underlying the U.S. commitment to Pacific security. Regional cooperation ensured the revival of Japan, the avoidance of discriminatory trade policies, and the stability of the Bretton Woods monetary system. Third, scholars have unduly played down and misunderstood the concept of race. U.S. foreign policy elites invoked ideas about a “White Man's Club” in Asia to obscure the pursuit of U.S. interests in the region and to ensure British exclusion from the treaty.
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Tavan, Gwenda. "The Limits of Discretion: The Role of the Liberal Party in the Dismantling of the White Australia Policy1." Australian Journal of Politics and History 51, no. 3 (September 2005): 418–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2005.0383a.x.
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Jurskis, Vic. "River red gum and white cypress forests in south-western New South Wales, Australia: Ecological history and implications for conservation of grassy woodlands." Forest Ecology and Management 258, no. 11 (November 2009): 2593–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.foreco.2009.09.017.
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Rademaker, Laura. "Mission, Politics and Linguistic Research." Historiographia Linguistica 42, no. 2-3 (December 31, 2015): 379–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.42.2-3.06rad.
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Summary This article investigates the ways local mission and national politics shaped linguistic research work in mid-20th century Australia through examining the case of the Church Missionary Society’s Angurugu Mission on Groote Eylandt in the Northern Territory and research into the Anindilyakwa language. The paper places missionary linguistics in the context of broader policies of assimilation and national visions for Aboriginal people. It reveals how this social and political climate made linguistic research, largely neglected in the 1950s (apart from some notable exceptions), not only possible, but necessary by the 1970s. Finally, it comments on the state of research into Aboriginal languages and the political climate of today. Until the 1950s, the demands of funding and commitment to a government policy of assimilation into white Australia meant that the CMS could not support linguistic research and opportunities for academic linguists to conduct research into Anindilyakwa were limited. By the 1960s, however, national consensus about the future of Aboriginal people and their place in the Australian nation shifted and governments reconsidered the nature of their support for Christian missions. As the ‘industrial mission’ model of the 1950s was no longer politically or economically viable, the CMS looked to reinvent itself, to find new ways of maintaining its evangelical influence on Groote Eylandt. Linguistics and research into Aboriginal cultures – including in partnership with secular academic agents – were a core component of this reinvention of mission, not only for the CMS but more broadly across missions to Aboriginal people. The resulting collaboration across organisations proved remarkably productive from a research perspective and enabled the continuance of a missionary presence and relevance. The political and financial limitations faced by missions shaped, therefore, not only their own practice with regards to linguistic research, but also the opportunities for linguists beyond the missionary fold. The article concludes that, in Australia, the two bodies of linguists – academic and missionary – have a shared history, dependent on similar political, social and financial forces.
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Dale, Allan, Karen Vella, Sarah Ryan, Kathleen Broderick, Rosemary Hill, Ruth Potts, and Tom Brewer. "Governing Community-Based Natural Resource Management in Australia: International Implications." Land 9, no. 7 (July 20, 2020): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land9070234.
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Community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) has grown in stature as a key component of many national natural resource and rural development governance systems. Despite their growth, the integrity of CBNRM governance systems has rarely been analysed in a national context. To enhance dialogue about how best to design and deploy such systems nationally, this paper analyses the Australian system in detail. The Australian system was selected because the nation has a globally recognised and strong history of CBNRM approaches. We first contextualise the international emergence of national CBRM governance systems before analysing the Australian system. We find that a theoretically informed approach recognising regions as the anchors in brokering multi-scale CBNRM was applied between 2000 and 2007. Subsequent policy, while strengthening indigenous roles, has tended to weaken regional brokering, Commonwealth–state cooperation and research collaboration. Our findings and consequent emerging lessons can inform Australian policy makers and other nations looking to establish (or to reform existing) CBNRM governance systems. Equally, the research approach taken represents the application of an emerging new theoretical framework for analysing complex governance systems.
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Flew, Terry, and Derek Wilding. "The turn to regulation in digital communication: the ACCC’s digital platforms inquiry and Australian media policy." Media, Culture & Society 43, no. 1 (June 8, 2020): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443720926044.
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This article provides an overview of the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) Digital Platforms Inquiry, as a case study in the new thinking about digital platform regulation taking place in many nations. With its focus upon the impact of digital platforms on news and journalism, the ACCC Inquiry parallels other reviews, such as the Cairncross Review on the Future of Journalism in the United Kingdom. While the Inquiry had a somewhat ‘accidental’ history, the core issues that it raised have acquired considerable political resonance in Australia. The concept of harms provides a useful lens through which to understand the ACCC’s focus, as it identified harms caused by the market dominance of Google and Facebook for traditional news media businesses, and for consumers and citizens. Responding to the ACCC Final Report will present challenges in identifying the public good dimension of journalism and who should pay for it, the scope and reach of digital platform regulation and its relationship to media policy and regulation, and the scope for small nations to effectively manage the power of global digital platform giants.
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Kirchengast, Tyrone. "Victim legal representation and the adversarial criminal trial: A critical analysis of proposals for third-party counsel for complainants of serious sexual violence." International Journal of Evidence & Proof 25, no. 1 (January 2021): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1365712720983931.
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The past several decades have witnessed a shift toward victim interests being considered and incorporated within adversarial systems of justice. More recently, some jurisdictions have somewhat contentiously considered granting sex offences complainants’ legal representation at trial. In Australia, the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Abuse (2017), the Royal Commission into Family Violence (2016) and the Victorian Law Reform Commission (2016) considered the potential role of legal counsel for complainants in the criminal trial process. While contrasting quite significantly with the traditional adversarial framework—which sees crime as contested between state and accused—legal representation for complainants is not unprecedented, and victims may already retain counsel for limited matters. Despite broader use of victim legal representation in the United States, Ireland and Scotland, and as recently considered by the Sir John Gillen Review in Northern Ireland, legal representation for sex offences complainants is only just developing in Australia. Notwithstanding recent reference to legal representation for complainants where sexual history or reputational evidence may be adduced, there exists no sufficient guidance as to how such representation may be integrated in the Australian criminal trial context. This article explores the implications of introducing such counsel in Australia, including the possible role of non-legal victim advocates.
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Strating, Rebecca. "A ‘New Chapter’ in Australia–Timor Bilateral Relations? Assessing the Politics of the Timor Sea Maritime Boundary Treaty." Australian Year Book of International Law 36, no. 1 (October 1, 2019): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26660229_03601005.
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Abstract The signing of the 2018 Maritime Boundary treaty was described by Australia’s then Foreign Minister Julie Bishop as opening ‘a new chapter’ in diplomatic relations with Timor-Leste. This contribution examines the importance of the treaty to bilateral relations. It provides a brief history of the Timor Sea disputes, explains Timor-Leste’s policy aims, and analyses Australia's foreign policy shift on the boundary delimitation issue. While there are positive signs in resolving the boundary dispute, uncertainty over the development of the Greater Sunrise gas field may impact bilateral relations in the future.
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Hughes, Allan D. "Towards an outcomes-based system." Australian Health Review 28, no. 1 (2004): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah040113.
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THE DILEMMA over how best to satisfy unlimited demand with limited resources is the core problem of health care funding, management and politics. Governments and health authorities have struggled with the conflict throughout history and dealt with it with varying degrees of sophistication and success. Current strategies in Australia predominantly involve limiting supply by limiting access, most commonly by limiting workforce, physical facilities, equipment, pharmaceuticals and operating funding, in any combination. Application of these strategies inevitably results in delays in service or non-provision of service for some. While such a pragmatic approach to the problem is effective for the purpose of financial control, it causes funding tensions and is a weak system for ensuring that the limited resources are used to best effect. Casemix funding is well established in Australia, but is primarily used in an attempt to equitably distribute available resources. Although it is touted as a system for funding output, it is a simplistic and inaccurate system based on weighted throughput of patients and makes no attempt to take into account the effectiveness of services provided.
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Fairbrother, Peter, Stuart Svensen, and Julian Teicher. "The Ascendancy of Neo-Liberalism in Australia." Capital & Class 21, no. 3 (October 1997): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981689706300101.
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On 19 August 1996, thousands of trade unionists and others stormed the Australian Parliament protesting against the Coalition Government's Work place Relations Bill. In a very visible departure from the years of cooperation and compromise with the previous Federal Labor Government, the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) called on trade unionists and their supporters to demonstrate their opposition to the proposed legislation. This outbreak of anger might be thought to herald a reaction to heightened attacks on the Australian working class, ushered in by the election of the Coalition Government on 2 March 1996, which ended thirteen years of Labor rule under leaders Bob Hawke (1983-1991) and Paul Keating (1991-1996). However, while indicating a renewed activism by a disenchanted and alienated working class, this outburst of anger was not attributable to a sudden shift in the overall direction of government policy. Rather, it was an expression of a profound disenchantment with thirteen years of Australian ‘New Labor’ and a fear of the future under a Coalition Government committed to the sharp edges of the neo-liberal agenda.
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Zernetska, O. "The Development of Australian Culture in the XX Century: Australian Film Industry." Problems of World History, no. 11 (March 26, 2020): 174–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-11-10.
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This article represents the first attempt in Ukraine of complex interdisciplinary investigation of the history of Australian film development in the XX-th century in the context of Australian culture. Analysing films in historical order the peculiarities of each decade are taken into consideration. The periods of silent films, sound films and colour films are analysed. The best film productions, their film directors and prominent actors are outlined. Special attention is paid to the development of feature films and documentaries.
The article concentrates on the development of different film genres beginning with national historical drama, films of the first pioneers’ survival, adventure films. It is shown how they contribute to the embodiment in films of the main archetypes of Australian culture, the development of Australian identity. After World War I and World War II war films appear to commemorate the courage of the Australian soldiers in the war fields. Later on the destiny of the Australian women white settlers’ wives or native Australians inspired film directors to make them the chief heroines of their movies.
A comparative analysis of films and literary primary sources underlying their scripts is carried out. It is concluded that the Australian directors selected the best examples of Australian national poetry and prose, which reveal the historical and social, cultural and racial problems of the country's development during the twentieth century.
The publication dwells on boom and bust periods of Australian film making. The governmental policy in this sphere is analysed. Different schemes of film production and distribution are outlined to make national film industry compatible with the other film industries of the world, especially with the Hollywood. The area of a new discipline - Australian Film Studios - is studied as well as the works of Australian scholars. It is clarified in what Australian universities this discipline is taught. It is assumed that the experience of Australia in this sphere should be taken by Ukraine.
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Reinstein, Alan, Carl J. Pacini, and Brian Patrick Green. "Examining the Current Legal Environment Facing the Public Accounting Profession: Recommendations for a Consistent U.S. Policy." Journal of Accounting, Auditing & Finance 35, no. 1 (January 9, 2017): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0148558x16680717.
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We examine the recent history and trends of U.S. auditor liability to third parties to help regulators and legislators develop policies to protect and maintain audit quality while limiting auditor liability exposure. Although the United States has yet developed a formal policy to address auditor liability, some European Union member countries and Australia, in varying degrees, support such limitation. Thus, we also explore current EU and Australian policies as examples of potential recommendations to U.S. policy makers. In light of a litigious environment, U.S. Certified Public Accounting firms generally accept potential clients only after analyzing potential risks, dismiss many risky clients, raise their total or hourly fees, spend more time examining attestation evidence, and perform other procedures to reduce their litigation risk. This risk arises largely from the federal and state legal systems, assuming that auditors can better absorb and control losses from misleading financial statements than can financial statement users. While culpable, this litigious environment led to the demise of two large international Certified Public Accounting firms—Arthur Andersen and Laventhol & Horwath. Is the global economy better off having fewer accounting firms with the capacity to perform international audits? A Public Company Accounting Oversight Board’s recent Exposure Draft would require auditors of issuers to expand significantly their audit reports beyond current Pass/Fail standards, which could increase audit firms’ disclosures and resultant liabilities. After examining U.S. federal and state statutes plus court decisions regarding auditor liability, we suggest methods to protect the public while allowing audit firms to thrive in these environments.
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Huf, Ben, Yves Rees, Michael Beggs, Nicholas Brown, Frances Flanagan, Shannyn Palmer, and Simon Ville. "Capitalism in Australia: New histories for a reimagined future." Thesis Eleven 160, no. 1 (August 20, 2020): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513620949028.
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Capitalism is back. Three decades ago, when all alternatives to liberal democracy and free markets appeared discredited, talk of capitalism seemed passé. Now, after a decade of political and economic turmoil, capitalism and its temporal critique of progress and decline again seems an indispensable category to understanding a world in flux. Among the social sciences, historians have led both the embrace and critique of this ‘re-emergent’ concept. This roundtable discussion between leading and emerging Australian scholars working across histories of economy, work, policy, geography and political economy, extends this agenda. Representing the outcome of a workshop convened at La Trobe University in November 2018 and responding to questions posed by conveners Huf and Rees, five participants debate the nature, utility and future of the new constellation of ‘economic’ historical scholarship. While conducted well before the outbreak of COVID-19, the ensuring discussion nevertheless speaks saliently to the crises of our times.
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Morgan, Ruth A. "Prophecy and Prediction: Forecasting Drought and Famine in British India and the Australian Colonies." Global Environment 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 95–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/ge.2020.130104.
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In British India and the Australian colonies, drought and famine, as well as other hazards, were challenges facing local and metropolitan meteorologists. In this article, I examine the colonial and environmental contexts that animated the studies of both Indian and Australian scientists and the meteorological futures they sought to realise. Colonial scientists in India and Australia were eager to develop means of seasonal weather prediction that could aid the advancement of Empire underway in their respective continents. As this article shows, meteorologists in both places understood that the climate knowledge emerging on each side of the east Indian Ocean could be mutually beneficial in related ways. Their vast continental scales, imperial bonds, geographic orientation and telegraphic connection made them worthy partners in colonial efforts to discern and predict weather patterns, while contributing to the wider field of meteorological science. The threat to colonial security and prosperity that drought and famine posed helped to thicken the bonds between these reaches of the empire, as their meteorologists sought to impose their territorial logic of the skies above.