Academic literature on the topic 'White Australia policy'
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Journal articles on the topic "White Australia policy"
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Shaparov, A. "From «White Australia» to Multiculturalism." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2010): 96–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-3-96-104.
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The article deals with issues of the immigration policymaking and its implementation in Australia. Factors influencing the change of the national immigration policy models are revealed. Problems and modern condition of an immigration policy are covered. The Australian experience in quality improvement of the involved migrants' human capital is generalized.
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Horikawa, Tomoko. "Australia’s Minor Concessions to Japanese Citizens under the White Australia Policy." New Voices in Japanese Studies 12 (August 17, 2020): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21159/nvjs.12.01.
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This paper explores concessions made by Australian authorities concerning Japanese immigration during the era of the White Australia Policy in the early twentieth century. Australia’s Immigration Restriction Act was introduced in December 1901. As the major piece of legislation in the White Australia Policy, the act made it virtually impossible for non-Europeans to migrate to Australia. However, Japanese people enjoyed a special position among non-Europeans under the White Australia Policy thanks to Japan’s growing international status as a civilised power at the time, as well as its sustained diplomatic pressure on Australia. While the Commonwealth was determined to exclude Japanese permanent settlers, it sought ways to render the policy of exclusion less offensive to the Japanese. In the early 1900s, two minor modifications to the Immigration Restriction Act were implemented in order to relax the restrictions imposed on Japanese citizens. Moreover, in the application of Commonwealth immigration laws, Japanese people received far more lenient treatment than other non-Europeans and were afforded respect and extra courtesies by Australian officials. Nevertheless, these concessions Australia made to Japanese citizens were minor, and the Commonwealth government maintained its basic policy of excluding Japanese permanent settlers from Australia. This paper shows that, despite continued diplomatic efforts, Japan was fundamentally unable to change pre-war Australia’s basic policy regarding the exclusion of Japanese permanent settlers.
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Poetrie, Sandy Tieas Rahmana. "DISKRIMINASI IMIGRAN KULIT PUTIH BERWARNA DALAM MASA KEBIJAKAN MULTIKULTURALISME PASCA PENGHAPUSAN WHITE AUSTRALIAN POLICY." Lakon : Jurnal Kajian Sastra dan Budaya 2, no. 1 (August 24, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/lakon.v2i1.1909.
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AbstractThis paper concern on the multiculturalism in Australia related to the immigration policy. Since the application of “White Australia Policy” which makes some restriction to people from other countries who are considered as different color and non-English speakers to come to Australia ended in 1907, the government attempts to eliminate the discrimination treatments to them all. This paper employs descriptive essay which was aimed to describe more aboutAustralian multiculturalism after the end of “White Australia Policy”. The technique of data collection was literary study from some sources like journals and some news from internet. The writer took three cases have ever happenedrelated to the multiculturalism in Australia to analyse the application of immigrants policy after “White Australia Policy” annulment. Those are Arabians beating in Sydney coast by Neo-Nazi, discrimination against Muslim minorityand Africans by police in Victoria, and also Muslim demonstration because of Muhammad humiliation. The study revealed that “White Australia Policy” still can not completely be eliminated. Those three cases, it shows that there arestill many discrimination treatments against coloured immigrants; on the other hand the government is still trying to implement a multiculturalism policy.
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Atkinson, David C. "The White Australia Policy, the British Empire, and the World." Britain and the World 8, no. 2 (September 2015): 204–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2015.0191.
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This article recovers the essential imperial and international context of the Immigration Restriction Act in 1901, and argues that the foundational deliberations that produced the White Australia Policy cannot be fully understood without attention to that global perspective. Indeed, the real and potential imperial and international implications of Asian restriction dominated the parliamentary debates and influenced the policy's character and application from the outset. The debate was not about whether to implement a restrictive immigration regime, it was about how to implement that regime, a calculus suffused with a range of imperial and international considerations. This paper therefore argues that the White Australia Policy was a consciously and deliberately imperial and international act that imparted a distinctly global inflection to the Australian nation building project at its inception.
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Laing, Kate. "‘The White Australia Nettle’: women’s internationalism, peace, and the White Australia Policy in the interwar years." History Australia 14, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 218–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14490854.2017.1319736.
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Gao, Jia. "Politics of a Different Kind: Chinese in Immigration Litigation in the Post White Australia Era." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, no. 1 (April 4, 2011): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v3i1.1786.
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The first mass Chinese immigration to Australia occurred in the 19th century, with approximately 100,000 Chinese arriving between the 1840s and 1901 (Fitzgerald 2007; Ho 2007), during which questions were raised both in relation to the Chinese rights of migration and settlement in Australia, and the validity of the government's actions against the Chinese. The latter question was in fact considered in the colonial courts (Cronin 1993; Lake and Reynolds 2008). Since then, the Chinese in Australia have never shied away from taking various legal actions, although they are normally seen as people who keep to themselves. Australia abandoned its 'White Australia' policy in 1974, and lately Australia has placed more emphasis on skilled and business migration. As a result, many believe that Chinese migrants have come to Australia under its normal skilled, business or family migration programs, which ignores the fact that a high proportion of them have obtained their chance to stay in Australia directly or indirectly through a series of legal battles. This paper contributes to the discussion of the Chinese in Australian political life by looking at how the Chinese have fought in the Courts in the post-White Australia era in past decades, and the key features of their unique experiences. This is a different type of political activism, characterising the lives of many Australian Chinese, their engagement with the Australian political system, and becoming part of the background of their identity, transnationality, socio-political attitudes and behaviour and many other traits.
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Branson, Jan, and Don Miller. "Language and identity in the Australian deaf community." Language Planning and Language Policy in Australia 8 (January 1, 1991): 135–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aralss.8.08bra.
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This paper examines the relationship between the Deaf1, their language, Auslan2 (Australian Sign Language), and the encompassing dominant hearing society and its culture in the context of the development of effective language policies for the Deaf, not only within the context of schooling but in the years prior to formal education and beyond the school. The paper has developed out of an initial response by AUSLAB (the Australian Sign Language Advisory Board, formed by the Australian Association of the Deaf) to the Federal Government’s Green Paper, The Language of Australia: Discussion Paper on an Australian Literacy and Language Policy for the 1990s. (Commonwealth of Australia 1990), later superseded by the White Paper, Australia’s Language: The Australian Language and Literacy Policy (Commonwealth of Australia 1991a & b).
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Brun, Marilyne. "Contact, Friction, Exclusion : Australia’s “Utopian” Federation." Recherches anglaises et nord-américaines 49, no. 1 (2016): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ranam.2016.1529.
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This paper focuses on the White Australia Policy, a restrictive immigration policy that existed from the Federation of the six Australian colonies in 1901 until Australia’s shift to a multicultural policy in the 1970s. The paper centres on the discourses and ideologies that justified the need for a white Australia at the time of Federation ; such discourses were structured around the postulate that contact between different cultures would necessarily lead to intense and unmanageable friction, and required the full exclusion of non-white others. Such a postulate seemed to be confirmed by the Australian colonies’ direct experience of race riots in the nineteenth century, but it was also supported by theorisations of racial conflict based on interpretations of James Bryce’s The American Commonwealth (1888) and Charles Pearson’s National Life and Character : A Forecast (1893). Australia’s central postulate crystallised many of the tensions that characterised settler colonialism in the British Empire.
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YARWOOD, A. T. "The “White Australia” Policy: Some Administrative Problems, 1901-1920." Australian Journal of Politics & History 7, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 245–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1961.tb01074.x.
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White, Roger, and Bedassa Tadesse. "IMMIGRATION POLICY, CULTURAL PLURALISM AND TRADE: EVIDENCE FROM THE WHITE AUSTRALIA POLICY." Pacific Economic Review 12, no. 4 (October 2007): 489–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0106.2007.00368.x.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "White Australia policy"
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Horikawa, Tomoko. "Japanese-Australian Clash over the White Australia Policy, 1894-1919." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29766.
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This thesis examines the Japanese-Australian clash over the White Australia Policy during the late 19th and the early 20th centuries. It explores the questions as to why Japan strongly objected to the White Australia Policy and why Australia was uncompromising in its position of excluding Japanese immigrants by placing these issues in a broad historical and international context of the time, particularly the development of collective national identities in Japan and Australia.
Japan and Australia developed their national identities almost simultaneously in the late 19th century. In the case of Japan, after embarking on a frenzied modernisation and Westernisation in order to achieve equality with the West, it attempted to establish an identity as a “civilised” nation. Australians, for their part, embraced “British race nationalism” as the core foundation of their nation and developed their identity as a white British nation. However, because of their unique historical circumstances—in Japan’s case, because of its status as the only non-white great power in a European-dominated international society, and in Australia’s, because of its peculiar geo-cultural situation of being a white colonial outpost in the Pacific surrounded by people with different race and culture—they were both insecure about the identities they created for themselves, feeling that their national identities were constantly challenged and threatened by external circumstances.
This thesis suggests that both nations’ visions of, and anxieties around, national identity greatly influenced their responses to the issue of Japanese exclusion in Australia and argues that the Japanese-Australian clash over the White Australia Policy can be interpreted as a clash between a country which sought to reaffirm its civilised identity by achieving equality with the West even on immigration issues and a country which was determined to defend its identity as a culturally and racially homogeneous white British nation from the perceived threat posed by the rise of a non-white power in the region. In other words, this thesis analyses the Japanese-Australian confrontation over the White Australia Policy as a means of shedding light on how the Japanese and Australians perceived their identities in the late 19th and the early 20th centuries. In so doing, it aims to contribute to the existing literature on Japanese immigration and the White Australia Policy and offer a more comprehensive analysis of the Japanese-Australian clash over the White Australia Policy.
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Daly, Philippa. "Lone White Faces: Australian Foreign Policy & the Nixon Doctrine." Thesis, Department of History, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8816.
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On 25 July 1969, President Richard Nixon would announce a new direction in American foreign policy towards Asia that would have far reaching implications for its ANZUS partner in Australia. This study aims to map out the affects the Nixon Doctrine would have on Australian policy reforms in an attempt to critically examine the forces within international politics that saw Australia comprehensively engage with its Asia neighbours. This Asian region, which had previously been looked at with fear, was gradually viewed in the light of Nixon’s new policies as the only path to Australia’s long-standing future in the region.
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Griffiths, Philip Gavin. "The making of White Australia : ruling class agendas, 1876-1888 /." View thesis entry in Australian Digital Theses Program, 2006. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20080101.181655/index.html.
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Charak, Sarah Edith. "Anglo-Jews and Eastern European Jews in a White Australia." Thesis, Department of History, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/21137.
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This thesis traces the story of Australian Jewish identity from the colonial period to the end of the 1920s. Anglo-Jews aligned themselves with ‘white Australia’, arguing that their Jewishness was merely a private trait. Moments of crisis in the 1890s and 1920s, prompted by the possible and actual migration of Eastern European Jews to Australia, threatened to destabilise the place Anglo-Jews had carved out in Australian society, and forced a renegotiation of what it meant to be Jewish in Australia. These moments demonstrate that despite being notionally accepted in Australia, the whiteness of Jews was never guaranteed. Drawing on newspapers and government records, this thesis argues that since their arrival in Australia, Jews have been ambivalently and ambiguously placed in relation to Australian constructions of whiteness. As a group notoriously hard to define, Jews are an important case study in an analysis of the discursive world of ‘white Australia’, presenting new questions that challenge existing binaries of ‘white’ and ‘coloured’.
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Greene, Charlotte Jordon. "Fantastic dreams : William Liu and the origins and influence of protest against the White Australia Policy in the 20th century." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4028.
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The structure of this study of William Liu will closely reflect his ideas and the major historical influences in his life, and will span the period from 1893 through ninety years spent mainly in Sydney, ending in 1983, the year before the beginning of the attack on multiculturalism launched by the historian Geoffrey Blainey. The memorialisation of Liu in the post-Blainey “immigration debate” period will then be considered. The study will also reflect the changes in protest against racially discriminatory immigration policies in Australia, as Liu moved from a period in which his was an almost isolated critique to one in which he was able to embrace the ever-widening group of people opposed to the ‘White Australia Policy’. This process has not been fully examined, perhaps due to the fact that the protest often appeared to have little impact upon policy. But the way in which Liu and other protestors expressed their view of what Australia should be and how the ‘White Australia Policy’ affected this vision sheds a great deal of light on these periods in Australian history. The structure of this thesis around Liu’s life, beginning with a period in which the ‘White Australia Policy’ was widely accepted, and ending in a period in which multiculturalism was entrenched as official policy, emphasises the cultural shift which was brought about by decades of protest against the Anglo-conformist model of Australian identity
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Greene, Charlotte Jordon. ""Fantastic dreams" William Liu and the origins and influence of protest against the White Australia Policy in the 20th century /." University of Sydney, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4028.
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Doctor of PhilosophyThe structure of this study of William Liu will closely reflect his ideas and the major historical influences in his life, and will span the period from 1893 through ninety years spent mainly in Sydney, ending in 1983, the year before the beginning of the attack on multiculturalism launched by the historian Geoffrey Blainey. The memorialisation of Liu in the post-Blainey “immigration debate” period will then be considered. The study will also reflect the changes in protest against racially discriminatory immigration policies in Australia, as Liu moved from a period in which his was an almost isolated critique to one in which he was able to embrace the ever-widening group of people opposed to the ‘White Australia Policy’. This process has not been fully examined, perhaps due to the fact that the protest often appeared to have little impact upon policy. But the way in which Liu and other protestors expressed their view of what Australia should be and how the ‘White Australia Policy’ affected this vision sheds a great deal of light on these periods in Australian history. The structure of this thesis around Liu’s life, beginning with a period in which the ‘White Australia Policy’ was widely accepted, and ending in a period in which multiculturalism was entrenched as official policy, emphasises the cultural shift which was brought about by decades of protest against the Anglo-conformist model of Australian identity
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Griffiths, Philip Gavin, and phil@philgriffiths id au. "The making of White Australia: Ruling class agendas, 1876-1888." The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 2007. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20080101.181655.
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This thesis argues that the colonial ruling class developed its first White Australia policy in 1888, creating most of the precedents for the federal legislation of 1901. White Australia was central to the making of the Australian working class, to the shaping of Australian nationalism, and the development of federal political institutions. It has long been understood as a product of labour movement mobilising, but this thesis rejects that approach, arguing that the labour movement lacked the power to impose such a fundamental national policy, and that the key decisions which led to White Australia were demonstrably not products of labour movement action.
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It finds three great ruling class agendas behind the decisions to exclude Chinese immigrants, and severely limit the use of indentured coloured labour. Chinese people were seen as a strategic threat to Anglo-Australian control of the continent, and this fear was sharpened in the mid-1880s when China was seen as a rising military power, and a necessary ally for Britain in its global rivalry with Russia. The second ruling class agenda was the building of a modern industrial economy, which might be threatened by industries resting on indentured labour in the north. The third agenda was the desire to construct an homogenous people, which was seen as necessary for containing social discontent and allowing free institutions, such as parliamentary democracy.
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These agendas, and the ruling class interests behind them, challenged other major ruling class interests and ideologies. The result was a series of dilemmas and conflicts within the ruling class, and the resolution of these moved the colonial governments towards the White Australia policy of 1901. The thesis therefore describes the conflict over the use of Pacific Islanders by pastoralists in Queensland, the campaign for indentured Indian labour by sugar planters and the radical strategy of submerging this into a campaign for North Queensland separation, and the strike and anti-Chinese campaign in opposition to the use of Chinese workers by the Australasian Steam Navigation Company in 1878. The first White Australia policy of 1888 was the outcome of three separate struggles by the majority of the Anglo-Australian ruling classto narrowly restrict the use of indentured labour in Queensland, to assert the right of the colonies to decide their collective immigration policies independently of Britain, and to force South Australia to accept the end of Chinese immigration into its Northern Territory. The dominant elements in the ruling class had already agreed that any serious move towards federation was to be conditional on the building of a white, predominantly British, population across the whole continent, and in 1888 they imposed that policy on their own societies and the British government.
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Roberts, Natasha. "The Australian Post-War Utopia: Reconsidering Herbert Evatt’s human rights contribution in the 1940’s." Thesis, Department of History, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8835.
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This thesis contests the assumption that Herbert Evatt’s 1940’s career was devoted to the promotion of a universal post-war human rights regime. As Australian Minister for External Affairs, Evatt developed an independent small state strategy that pursued a system of international democracy and social justice to facilitate the expansion of Australian influence in the Pacific and curb American hegemony. Evatt’s subscription to the White Australia Policy undermined the realization of human rights by strengthening domestic sovereignty against international intervention. Human rights became the vehicle through which Evatt sought to shape the post-war order for the benefit of Australian national interests.
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Li, Zhifu (Tiger). "Dancing with the Dragon: Australia's Diplomatic Relations with China (1901-1941)." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18400.
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By using little known primary sources in Chinese and English, this thesis will discuss Australia’s diplomatic relations with China, between 1901 and 1941. In March 1909, Liang Lanxun, China’s first consul-general arrived in Melbourne, Australia. Liang’s mission was to promote trade between China and Australia and as well to study the racial relations between Chinese and Australians. In 1921, Edward Little was appointed as Australia’s first trade commissioner in Shanghai, China. In 1929, the Chinese consulate moved from Melbourne to Sydney, due to the fact that Sydney had become the centre of the Chinese communities in the Oceania. I suggest that the Great Depression and the Second World War (Japan's expansion in the Pacific) forced Australian policy-makers to reconsider Australia’s geo-political position in the world. This is the first detailed research that treats Chinese diplomats in Australia and Australian diplomats in China between 1901 and 1941 as key historical subjects. In this thesis, I argue that Chinese diplomats used trade as a tool to fight against the White Australia policy between 1909 and 1941. I further argue Australia was more intertwined and connected with Asia, in this period than the existing literature suggested.
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Welch, Ian, and iwe97581@bigpond net au. "Alien Son : The life and times of Cheok Hong Cheong, (Zhang Zhuoxiong) 1851-1928." The Australian National University. Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, 2003. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20051108.111252.
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This thesis contributes to the ongoing discussion of modern Chinese identity by pro-viding a case study of Cheok Hong CHEONG. It necessarily considers Australian atti-tudes towards the Chinese during the 19th century, not least the White Australia Pol-icy. The emergence of that discriminatory immigration policy over the second half of the 19th century until its national implementation in 1901 provides the background to the thesis. Cheong was the leading figure among Chinese-Australian Christians and a prominent figure in the Australian Chinese community and the thesis seeks to iden-tify a man whose contribution has largely been shadowy in other studies or, more commonly, overlooked by the parochialism of colony/state emphasis in many histo-ries of Australia. His role in the Christian church fills a space in Victorian religious history.
Although Cheong accumulated great wealth he was not part of the Chinese mer-chant class of the huagong/huaquiao traditions of the overseas Chinese diaspora of the 19th and 20th centuries. His wealth was accumulated through property investments following the spectacular collapse of the Victorian banking system during the 1890s. His community leadership role arose through his position in the Christian Church rather than, as was generally the case, through business. His English language skills, resulting from his church association, were the key to his role as a Chinese community spokesman.¶
Cheok Hong Cheong left an archive of some 800 documents in the English lan-guage covering the major people, incidents and concerns of his life and times. His Let-terbooks, together with the archives of the various Christian missions to the Chinese in Australia in the 19th and early 20th centuries, shed light on one person’s life and more broadly, through his involvements on the complex relationships of Chinese emigrants, with the often unsympathetic majority of Australians.¶
This is a case study of a Chinese identity formed outside China and influenced by a wider set of cultural influences than any other Chinese-Australian of his time —an identity that justifies the description of him as an ‘Alien Son’. Cheong’s story is a con-tribution to the urban and family history of an important ethnic sub-group within the wider immigrant history of Australia.¶
While Cheong remained a Chinese subject his identification with Australia cannot be questioned. All his children were born in Australia and he left just twice after his arrival in 1863. He visited England in 1891-2 and in 1906 he briefly visited China. Identity and culture issues are growing in importance as part of the revived relation-ship between the Chinese of the diaspora and the economic renewal of the People’s Republic of China and this thesis is offers a contribution to that discussion.
Books on the topic "White Australia policy"
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Windschuttle, Keith. The white Australia policy. Sydney: Macleay Press, 2004.
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Australia. Dept. of Defence., ed. Defending Australia: Defence white paper, 1994. Canberra, Australia: Australian Government Pub. Service, 1994.
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Kilner, David. Housing policy in South Australia since white settlement. Adelaide: digitalprintaustralia.com, 2005.
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Jones, Gavin W. "Australian identity", racism, and recent responses to Asian immigration to Australia. Canberra: Research School of Social Sciences, Australian National University, 1997.
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Munkara, Marie. A most peculiar act: A novel. Broome, Western Australia: Magabala Books, 2014.
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Trade, Australia Dept of Foreign Affairs and. Advancing the national interest: Australia's foreign and trade policy white paper. [Canberra]: Commonwealth of Australia, 2003.
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Nancy, Viviani, and Griffith University. Centre for the Study of Australian-Asian Relations., eds. The abolition of the White Australia policy: The immigration reform movement revisited. Nathan, Brisbane, Qld: Griffith University, School of Modern Asian Studies, Centre for the Study of Australian-Asian Relations, 1992.
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Laksiri, Jayasuriya, Walker David 1945-, and Gothard Jan, eds. Legacies of white Australia: Race, culture, and nation. Crawley, W.A: University of Western Australia Press, 2003.
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1881-1933, Basedow Herbert, and Kaus David, eds. Changing skin colour in Australia: Herbert Basedow and the Black Caucasian. North Melbourne, Vic: Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2010.
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Lamb, John. Okinawans reaching Australia: Gōshū e no Uchinānchu. Carlisle, Western Australia: Hesperian Press, 2019.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "White Australia policy"
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Tavan, Gwenda. "White Australia Policy." In Encyclopedia of Migration, 1–7. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6179-7_50-1.
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Tavan, Gwenda. "White Australia Policy: G.Tavan." In Selected Topics in Migration Studies, 315–21. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19631-7_53.
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Piccini, Jon, and Evan Smith. "‘The “White Australia” policy must go’." In The Far Left in Australia since 1945, 77–96. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge studies in fascism and the far right: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429487347-5.
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Kain, Jennifer S. "The ‘Insane’ and the White Australia Policy, 1901–1912." In Insanity and Immigration Control in New Zealand and Australia, 1860–1930, 129–51. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-26330-0_6.
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Ho, Yi Chien Jade, and Pei Ting Tham. "Beyond tropes: a dialogue on Asian women's experiences in the outdoors." In Leisure activities in the outdoors: learning, developing and challenging, 67–77. Wallingford: CABI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/9781789248203.0006.
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Abstract In this chapter, researchers offer their own experiences through an extended dialogue between a long-term outdoor educator in Australia and a researcher of outdoor education in Canada. They engage and share their conversations in order to highlight the ways in which outdoor education as an industry and academic field perpetuates systems of racial and gender oppression. Although the chapter centres on racial and gender discrimination embedded in outdoor education policy and practices, the conversation also presents the ways in which class further entrenches systemic discrimination. Each axis of oppression works intersectionally to create unequal material conditions, further marginalizing people and communities who are not white, middle-class and/or male (Crenshaw, 1989; hooks, 2015; Taylor, 2017).
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Sawer, Marian, and Maria Maley. "Australia Catches Up, and What Hope for the Future?" In Toxic Parliaments, 101–22. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-48328-8_6.
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AbstractWhile slow to begin, Australia has undertaken systematic standards reform since 2021. The Australian parliament is putting in place a set of interlocking new rules and institutions which aim to establish, for the first time, independent regulation and accountability in the parliamentary workplace. An authoritative cross-party body leads the reform process, providing a high level of accountability and driving consensus. The reform agenda draws on a more comprehensive review of parliamentary workplaces than seen elsewhere. The Jenkins Review framed parliament as a workplace in which rights to safety existed and it named gender inequality as a key driver of toxicity. Australian reformers drew on experiences in other Westminster parliaments, especially the UK. One of Australia’s distinctive innovations is an independent centralised Human Resources (HR) body, able to make policies and mandate professional employment practices for parliament. While formal institutions have changed across the Westminster world, informal norms such as adversarialism are resilient. There is conscious policy borrowing amongst Westminster reformers, but improving toxic parliaments will be an ongoing project, requiring sustained and committed leadership.
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Sansom, Graham, and Su Fei Tan. "Australia." In The Forum of Federations Handbook on Local Government in Federal Systems, 47–81. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41283-7_3.
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AbstractAustralian local government is characterised by contradictions. There are some 537 elected municipalities, plus a small number of special-purpose entities, divided amongst seven separate systems created by the governments of six states and the Northern Territory. The Australia Capital Territory is a city-state with no separate local government. Municipalities are extremely diverse in terms of their physical size, geography, climate, populations, economies and financial capacity, but within each of the seven systems all operate as a single tier under essentially the same legislation. There are no ‘neighbourhood councils’ or regional municipalities. While they are subject to detailed regulation, close scrutiny and frequent interventions by the state or territory government, all municipalities have some sort of power of general competence. Local government is not recognised in Australia’s federal constitution, yet it enjoys extensive financial, policy and program links with the federal government and has a seat in several high-level inter-government forums. And so on. Overall, local government has limited functions and plays only a minor role in major state and national agendas, but an increasing number of large, well-resourced municipalities offer the potential to do much more. This chapter explores the factors underlying forces at work and considers future prospects.
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Reddel, Tim, Kelly Hand, and Lutfun Nahar Lata. "Influencing Social Policy on Families through Research in Australia." In Family Dynamics over the Life Course, 297–312. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12224-8_14.
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AbstractThere is an emerging academic and public policy discourse about better research engagement, impact and policy translation. In this chapter we examine the place of research in making ‘real world’ impact on the social policies and practices affecting Australian families, especially the transmission of (dis)advantage over the life course and across generations. We begin by briefly reflecting on the influence of ‘policy research’ in shaping Australia’s early social development through the 1907 Basic Wage Case by Justice Higgins (The Harvester judgement), which placed the intersection of work and family life at the centre of economic and social policy debates. While historical, these reforms laid the foundations for what can be seen as tentative life course social policy frameworks engaged in the dynamics of family life from birth to death, changing family structures, and increasing economic and gender inequality. We then examine selected historical and contemporary social policy episodes consistent with the book’s central themes where research from academia, the public sector and civil society has been impactful in key national and state-based policy systems such as social security, balancing work and family, child care, addressing gender inequality and support for vulnerable and complex families.
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Meese, James, and Edward Hurcombe. "Global Platforms and Local Networks: An Institutional Account of the Australian News Media Bargaining Code." In Palgrave Global Media Policy and Business, 151–72. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-95220-4_8.
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AbstractIn recent years, researchers have scrutinised the power of digital platforms in the news industry. However, while digital platforms are powerful actors, there is a tendency to emphasise this power at the expense of other institutions. In this chapter we examine the critical role that government, regulatory authorities and the news media played in developing the Australian News Media and Digital Platforms Mandatory Bargaining Code. We explore how long-standing relationships between sections of the media and the government, and the regulatory activism of the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission, influenced the final form of the Code. In doing so, we offer a nuanced account of platform power that contextualises their actions in relation to the residual institutional power of local actors.
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Nicholas, Howard. "10. Losing Bilingualism While Promoting Second Language Acquisition in Australian Language Policy." In Challenging the Monolingual Mindset, edited by John Hajek and Yvette Slaughter, 165–81. Bristol, Blue Ridge Summit: Multilingual Matters, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.21832/9781783092529-013.
Full textConference papers on the topic "White Australia policy"
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Christensen, David, and Andrew Re. "Is Australia Prepared for the Decommissioning Challenge? A Regulator's Perspective." In SPE Symposium: Decommissioning and Abandonment. SPE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/208483-ms.
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Abstract The National Offshore Petroleum Safety and Environmental Management Authority (NOPSEMA) is Australia's independent expert regulator for health and safety, structural (well) integrity and environmental management for all offshore oil and gas operations and greenhouse gas storage activities in Australian waters, and in coastal waters where regulatory powers and functions have been conferred. The Australian offshore petroleum industry has been in operation since the early 1960s and currently has approximately 57 platforms, 11 floating facilities, 3,500km of pipelines and 1000 wells in operation. Many offshore facilities are now approaching the end of their operational lives and it is estimated that over the next 50 years decommissioning of this infrastructure will cost more than US$40.5 billion. Decommissioning is a normal and inevitable stage in the lifetime of an offshore petroleum project that should be planned from the outset and matured throughout the life of operations. While only a few facilities have been decommissioned in Australian waters, most of Australia's offshore infrastructure is now more than 20 years old and entering a phase where they require extra attention and close maintenance prior to decommissioning. When the NOGA group of companies entered liquidation in 2020 and the Australian Government took control of decommissioning the Laminaria and Corallina field development it became evident that there were some fundamental gaps in relation to decommissioning in the Australian offshore petroleum industry. There are two key focus areas that require attention. Firstly, regulatory reform including policy change and modification to regulatory practice. Secondly, the development of visible and robust decommissioning plans by Industry titleholders. The purpose of this paper is to highlight the importance and benefit of adopting good practice when planning for decommissioning throughout the life cycle of a petroleum project. Whilst not insurmountable, the closing of these gaps will ensure that Australia is well placed to deal with the decommissioning challenge facing the industry in the next 50 years.
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Wilson, Paul. "Alternative Strategies for Higher Education Provision at TAFE Queensland." In Sixth International Conference on Higher Education Advances. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/head20.2020.11160.
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Australia’s tertiary education and training sector consists of Higher Education, predominantly funded and controlled by the Federal Government, and Vocational Education and Training (VET) where both the Federal and State Governments have policy and funding responsibilities. While there has been increasing funding and stable policy in Higher Education over the past decade there has been significant change in the Australian VET sector in policy and reduced funding at the Federal and State levels. TAFE Queensland, the public VET provider in the state of Queensland, has undergone a huge transformation of its own over this period of extensive policy change. As a result of policy and organisational changes TAFE Queensland has had to seek alternatives to ensure that students who choose to study at this public provider are able to access higher education courses. This paper outlines various policy change impacts over the past decade and TAFE Queensland’s innovative approach to ensuring that quality applied degrees are available to interested students who prefer to study with this major public vocational education provider.
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Bo, Z., S. Hurter, S. Hoerning, J. Underschultz, and A. Garnett. "Accounting Green and Blue Hydrogen in a Net Cash Flow Model for Techno-Economic Assessment on Underground Hydrogen Storage in Australia." In Asia Pacific Unconventional Resources Symposium. SPE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/217336-ms.
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Abstract Hydrogen is expected to play a significant role in the process of decarbonizing the global energy sector where Underground Hydrogen Storage (UHS) may be the only option for large-scale seasonal energy storage. Studies conducted so far to investigate the economic feasibility of UHS in porous reservoirs focus on the levelized cost of energy (LCOE) while the other economic indicators are left unattended. To better assess the techno-economic feasibility of UHS, we built a knowledge-based net cash flow model to estimate the net present value (NPV) and internal rate of return (IRR) of UHS projects under different hydrogen price assumptions. Specifically, we incorporate expected green and blue hydrogen prices by 2030 in Australia into our model to evaluate the resulting project economic performance. Our model calculated net cash flows illustrate the inherent technical and economic disadvantages of UHS in Australia compared to alternative technologies such as underground gas storage (UGS). Under current expectations, both the storage of hydrogen-methane mixtures and pure hydrogen cannot make considerable economic profits without policy support in the near future. The commercialization of UHS is in need of support measures such as an Australian carbon credit unit (ACCS) of at least $18.17 AUD.
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Holleran, Samuel. "Ultra Graphic: Australian Advertising Infrastructure from Morris Columns to Media Facades." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4028p0swn.
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This paper examines the development of infrastructures for outdoor advertising and debates over visual ‘oversaturation’ in the built environment. It begins with the boom in posters that came in the 19th century with a plethora of new manufactured goods and the attempts by civic officials to create structures that would extend cities’ available surface area for the placement of ads. It then charts the rise of building-top ‘sky signs,’ articulated billboards, kiosks, and digital media facades while detailing the policy initiatives meant to regulate these ad surfaces. This work builds on ongoing research into the development of signage technologies in Sydney and Melbourne, the measurement and regulation of ‘visual pollution’, and the promotion of entertainment and nightlife in precincts defined by neon and historic signage. This project responds to the increasing ambiguity between traditional advertising substrates and building exteriors. It charts the development of display technologies in relation to changing architectural practices and urban landscapes. Signage innovation in Australia has been driven by increasingly sophisticated construction practices and by the changing nature of cities; shifting markedly with increased automobility, migration and cultural change, and mobile phone use. The means by which urban reformers and architectural critics have sought to define, measure, and control new ad technologies—sometimes deemed ‘visual pollution’— offers a prehistory to contemporary debates over ‘smart city’ street furniture, and a synecdoche to narratives of degradation and ugliness in the post-war built environment. These four thematically linked episodes show how Australian civic officials and built environment activists have responded to visual clutter, and the fuzzy line between advertisers, architects, and builders erecting increasingly dynamic infrastructures for ad delivery. This progression shows the fluctuating place of advertisement in the built environment, ending with the emergence of today’s programmable façades and urban screens.
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Collins, Julie. "Fresh Air and Sunshine: The Health Aspects of Sleepouts, Sunrooms, and Sundecks in South Australian Architecture of the 1930s." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a3989p6hza.
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This paper examines the development of infrastructures for outdoor advertising and debates over visual ‘oversaturation’ in the built environment. It begins with the boom in posters that came in the 19th century with a plethora of new manufactured goods and the attempts by civic officials to create structures that would extend cities’ available surface area for the placement of ads. It then charts the rise of building-top ‘sky signs,’ articulated billboards, kiosks, and digital media facades while detailing the policy initiatives meant to regulate these ad surfaces. This work builds on ongoing research into the development of signage technologies in Sydney and Melbourne, the measurement and regulation of ‘visual pollution’, and the promotion of entertainment and nightlife in precincts defined by neon and historic signage.
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Pearce Churchill, Meryl, Daniel Lindsay, Diana H Mendez, Melissa Crowe, Nicholas Emtage, and Rhondda Jones. "Does Publishing During the Doctorate Influence Completion Time? A Quantitative Study of Doctoral Candidates in Australia." In InSITE 2022: Informing Science + IT Education Conferences. Informing Science Institute, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/4912.
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Aim/Purpose This paper investigates the association between publishing during doctoral candidature and completion time. The effects of discipline and of gaining additional support through a doctoral cohort program are also explored. Background Candidates recognize the value of building a publication track record to improve their career prospects yet are cognizant of the time it takes to publish peer-reviewed articles. In some institutions or disciplines, there is a policy or the expectation that doctoral students will publish during their candidature. How-ever, doctoral candidates are also under increasing pressure to complete their studies within a designated timeframe. Thus, some candidates and faculty perceive the two requirements – to publish and to complete on time – as mutually exclusive. Furthermore, where candidates have a choice in the format that the PhD submission will take, be it by monograph, PhD-by-publication, or a hybrid thesis, there is little empirical evidence available to guide the decision. This pa-per provides a quantitative analysis of the association between publishing during candidature and time-to-degree and investigates other variables associated with doctoral candidate research productivity and efficiency. Methodology Multivariate logistic regression analyses were used to examine the predictors (discipline [field of research], gender, age group, domestic or international student status, and belonging to a cohort program) of doctoral candidate research productivity and efficacy. Research productivity was quantified by the number of peer-reviewed journal articles that a candidate published as a primary author during and up to 24 months after thesis submission. Efficacy (time-to-degree) was quantified by the number of Full-Time Equivalent (FTE) years of candidature. Data on 1,143 doctoral graduates were obtained from a single Australian university for the period extending from 2000 to 2020. Complete publication data were available on 707 graduates, and time-to-degree data on 664 graduates. Data were drawn from eight fields of research, which were grouped into the disciplines of health, biological sciences, agricultural and environmental sciences, and chemical, earth, and physical sciences. Contribution This paper addresses a gap in empirical literature by providing evidence of the association between publishing during doctoral candidature and time-to-degree in the disciplines of health, biological sciences, agricultural and environmental sciences, and chemical, earth, and physical sciences. The paper also adds to the body of evidence that demonstrates the value of belonging to a cohort pro-gram for doctoral student outcomes. Findings There is a significant association between the number of articles published and median time-to-degree. Graduates with the highest research productivity (four or more articles) exhibited the shortest time-to-degree. There was also a significant association between discipline and the number of publications published during candidature. Gaining additional peer and research-focused support and training through a cohort program was also associated with higher research productivity and efficiency compared to candidates in the same discipline but not in receipt of the additional support. Recommendations for Practitioners While the encouragement of candidates to both publish and complete within the recommended doctorate timeframe is recommended, even within disciplines characterized by high levels of research productivity, i.e., where publishing during candidature is the “norm,” the desired levels of student research productivity and efficiency are only likely to be achieved where candidates are provided with consistent writing and publication-focused training, together with peer or mentor support. Recommendations for Researchers Publishing peer-reviewed articles during doctoral candidature is shown not to adversely affect candidates’ completion time. Researchers should seek writing and publication-focused support to enhance their research productivity and efficiency. Impact on Society Researchers have an obligation to disseminate their findings for the benefit of society, industry, or practice. Thus, doctoral candidates need to be encouraged and supported to publish as they progress through their candidature. Future Research The quantitative findings need to be followed up with a mixed-methods study aimed at identifying which elements of publication and research-focused sup-port are most effective in raising doctoral candidate productivity and efficacy.
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Silvestru, Ramona camelia, Lavinia Nemes, and Catalin ionut Silvestru. "CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES IN KNOWLEDGE SHARING IN E-LEARNING PROGRAMS FOR PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION." In eLSE 2014. Editura Universitatii Nationale de Aparare "Carol I", 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-14-212.
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The G20 Moscow summit from 2013 highlighted the fact that human resource development remained a major priority for developing countries, especially low-income countries, with important impact on the priorities of other low income countries. When discussing about the current global economic development, about increasing economic competitiveness and reducing economic risks of global crises, we take also into consideration the role that governments and their staff can play in ensuring the adequate implementation of the various policy measures. In order for the government staff to perform at high levels of competence both in high and low income countries, especially in G20 members (Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Turkey, the United Kingdom, the United States of America plus the European Union member states), we consider that continuous education / lifelong learning would be crucial in providing an enabling environment, with e-learning holding a key position, as it enables people, civil servants to deal with future challenges raised by knowledge and information society. In the framework of the technological, normative and procedural evolutions that influence how the staff from public administrations works and possible openness towards e-learning programs, while aware of the various pedagogic, administrative and economic factors that provide incentives as well as drawbacks in using e-learning in providing training to civil servants, we are interested in analyzing e-learning programs developed and used for public administration staff from several G20 states. Our analysis will be focused on assessing the dimensions of the e-learning systems, variety of courses via e-learning platforms, methodologies used in e-learning, possible limitations and challenges in providing e-learning programs to civil servants in several G20 states. The analysis will be conducted using public information available from national agencies with responsibilities in providing such trainings in various G20 states. Our recommendations are oriented towards stimulating the development of an enabling environment for improving inter-agencies and ministerial coordination by intervening at the levels of human resources from the government levels. In this respect, we promote a wider usage of electronic means in lifelong learning for the staff from public administrations and the sharing of information by electronic means aimed at ensuring further human resource development from the public administration. Moreover, we strongly consider that continuous human resource development in the public administration apparatus from the G20 states and knowledge sharing would provide adequate framework for ensuring that government priorities and policy coordination in order to achieve global economic stability, sustainable growth could be achieved, while also contributing to the development of knowledge and information society and economy.
Reports on the topic "White Australia policy"
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Gyngell, Allan. White-papering Australian foreign policy. East Asia Forum, May 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1495490449.
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Blackham, Alysia. Addressing Age Discrimination in Employment: a report on the findings of Australian Research Council Project DE170100228. University of Melbourne, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46580/124368.
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This project aimed to research the effectiveness of Australian age discrimination laws. While demographic ageing necessitates extending working lives, few question the effectiveness of Australian age discrimination laws in supporting this ambition. This project drew on mixed methods and comparative UK experiences to offer empirical and theoretical insights into Australian age discrimination law. It sought to create a normative model for legal reform in Australia, to inform public policy and debate and improve responses to demographic ageing, providing economic, health and social benefits.
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Majeed, Omer, Jonathan Hambur, and Robert Breunig. Do Monetary Policy and Economic Conditions Impact Innovation? Evidence from Australian Administrative Data. Reserve Bank of Australia, February 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.47688/rdp2024-01.
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Recent papers have argued that monetary policy and economic conditions can influence the amount of innovative activity in the economy, and therefore productivity and living standards in the future. This paper examines whether this is the case for Australia, a small open economy that tends to import innovation from overseas. We find that contractionary (expansionary) monetary policy reduces (increases) aggregate research and development (R&D) spending, and that lower (higher) R&D spending reduces (increases) future productivity. However, using firm-level data and a broader survey measure of innovation that also captures adoption, we find heterogeneous responses across different firm types. Small firms decrease innovation in response to contractionary monetary policy shocks whereas large firms increase innovation. This heterogeneity appears to reflect differing exposure to the channels through which monetary policy affects innovation. These channels include affecting demand or affecting financial conditions and constraints. We also find that US monetary policy spills over and affects Australian firms' innovation. Overall, our results suggest that monetary policy and economic conditions have medium-run effects on productivity, though the effects are more heterogeneous than previously documented. While the effects may cancel out over a cycle, this finding highlights the importance of stabilisation policy in preventing medium-run economic scarring.
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Droogan, Julian, Lise Waldek, Brian Ballsun-Stanton, and Jade Hutchinson. Mapping a Social Media Ecosystem: Outlinking on Gab & Twitter Amongst the Australian Far-right Milieu. RESOLVE Network, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/remve2022.6.
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Attention to the internet and the online spaces in which violent extremists interact and spread content has increased over the past decades. More recently, that attention has shifted from understanding how groups like the self-proclaimed Islamic State use the internet to spread propaganda to understanding the broader internet environment and, specifically, far-right violent extremist activities within it. This focus on how far right violent extremist—including far-right racially and ethnically motivated violent extremists (REMVEs) within them—create, use, and exploit the online networks in which they exist to promote their hateful ideology and reach has largely focused on North America and Europe. However, in recent years, examinations of those online dynamics elsewhere, including in Australia, is increasing. Far right movements have been active in Australia for decades. While these movements are not necessarily extremist nor violent, understanding how violent far right extremists and REMVEs interact within or seek to exploit these broader communities is important in further understanding the tactics, reach, and impact of REMVEs in Australia. This is particularly important in the online space access to broader networks of individuals and ideas is increasingly expanding. Adding to a steadily expanding body of knowledge examining online activities and networks of both broader far right as well as violent extremist far right populations in Australia, this paper presents a data-driven examination of the online ecosystems in which identified Australian far-right violent extremists exist and interact,1 as mapped by user generated uniform resource locators (URL), or ‘links’, to internet locations gathered from two online social platforms—Twitter and Gab. This link-based analysis has been used in previous studies of online extremism to map the platforms and content shared in online spaces and provide further detail on the online ecosystems in which extremists interact. Data incorporating the links was automatically collected from Twitter and Gab posts from users existing within the online milieu in which those identified far right extremists were connected. The data was collected over three discrete one-month periods spanning 2019, the year in which an Australian far right violent extremist carried out the Christchurch attack. Networks of links expanding out from the Twitter and Gab accounts were mapped in two ways to explore the extent and nature of the online ecosystems in which these identified far right Australian violent extremists are connected, including: To map the extent and nature of these ecosystems (e.g., the extent to which other online platforms are used and connected to one another), the project mapped where the most highly engaged links connect out to (i.e., website domain names), and To explore the nature of content being spread within those ecosystems, what sorts of content is found at the end of the most highly engaged links. The most highly engaged hashtags from across this time are also presented for additional thematic analysis. The mapping of links illustrated the interconnectedness of a social media ecosystem consisting of multiple platforms that were identified as having different purposes and functions. Importantly, no links to explicitly violent or illegal activity were identified among the top-most highly engaged sites. The paper discusses the implications of the findings in light of this for future policy, practice, and research focused on understanding the online ecosystems in which identified REMVE actors are connected and the types of thematic content shared and additional implications in light of the types of non-violent content shared within them.
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Walmsley, Terrie, S. Amer Ahmed, and Christopher Parsons. The Impact of Liberalizing Labour Mobility in the Pacific Region. GTAP Working Paper, September 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21642/gtap.wp31.
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Due to the lack of political consensus at the previous General Agreement on Trade on Services (GATS), negotiations on the temporary movement of natural persons (Mode 4) have stagnated. However the recent labour shortages in several labour intensive sectors, particularly agriculture, in Australia and New Zealand has recently provoked a serious debate over the implementation of policies that would facilitate the supply and employment of guest workers. This paper implements a CGE model of bilateral migration flows (GMig2) to quantify the benefits of liberalizing GATS Mode 4 in the Pacific region. The results indicate that an increase in the labour forces of Australia and New Zealand from elsewhere within the Pacific region would raise welfare in Australia and New Zealand. However, the results also demonstrate that while the Pacific Islands economies could gain substantially from the movement of unskilled workers, the loss of scarce skilled workers could lead to significant declines in the welfare of those remaining, which could offset the gains from the movement of unskilled labour. Agreements regarding the movement of unskilled labour could therefore potentially constitute significant development policies which warrant further attention from policy makers. Keywords: Applied general equilibrium modeling, Pacific, GATS Mode 4, labour mobility, skill, and welfare.
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Tapia, Carlos, and Nora Sanchez Gassen. What impact do climate change policies have on Nordic economies, industries, and households? Nordregio, September 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.6027/r2023:10.1403-2503.
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This report is the first out of four reports of the project “Ensuring inclusive economic growth in the transition to a green economy (EnIGG)”. The EnIGG project is a cross-sectoral project initiated and financed by the Nordic Council of Ministers and coordinated by Nordregio. It aims to increase knowledge on how to strengthen the Nordic economies in a challenging context and accelerate the green transition towards a climate-neutral economy while ensuring that these processes are inclusive. The research for this report was conducted by researchers from Victoria University (Australia), Merit Economics (Finland) and Nordregio, with contributions from the Centre for Regional & Tourism Research (Denmark) and Reykjavik University (Iceland). The report analyses the impact of selected climate policy measures on Nordic economies, industries, and households.
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Pessino, Carola, and Teresa Ter-Minassian. Addressing the Fiscal Costs of Population Aging in Latin America and the Caribbean, with Lessons from Advanced Countries. Inter-American Development Bank, April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003242.
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This paper presents projections for 18 Latin America and Caribbean countries of pensions and health expenditures over the next 50 years, compares them to advanced countries, and calculates estimates of the fiscal gap due to aging. The exercise is crucial since life expectancy is increasing and fertility rates are declining in virtually all advanced countries and many developing countries, but more so in Latin America and the Caribbean. While the populations of many of the regions countries are still relatively young, they are aging more rapidly than those in more developed countries. The fiscal implications of these demographic trends are severe. The paper proposes policy and institutional reforms that could begin to be implemented immediately and that could help moderate these trends in light of relevant international experience to date. It suggests that LAC countries need to include an intertemporal numerical fiscal limit or rule to the continuous increase in aging spending while covering the needs of the more vulnerable. They should consider also complementing public pensions with voluntary contribution mechanisms supported by tax incentives, such as those used in Australia, New Zealand (Kiwi Saver), and the United States (401k). In addition, LAC countries face an urgent challenge in curbing the growth of health care costs, while improving the quality of care. Efforts should focus on improving both the allocative and the technical efficiency of public health spending.
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Rankin, Nicole, Deborah McGregor, Candice Donnelly, Bethany Van Dort, Richard De Abreu Lourenco, Anne Cust, and Emily Stone. Lung cancer screening using low-dose computed tomography for high risk populations: Investigating effectiveness and screening program implementation considerations: An Evidence Check rapid review brokered by the Sax Institute (www.saxinstitute.org.au) for the Cancer Institute NSW. The Sax Institute, October 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.57022/clzt5093.
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Background Lung cancer is the number one cause of cancer death worldwide.(1) It is the fifth most commonly diagnosed cancer in Australia (12,741 cases diagnosed in 2018) and the leading cause of cancer death.(2) The number of years of potential life lost to lung cancer in Australia is estimated to be 58,450, similar to that of colorectal and breast cancer combined.(3) While tobacco control strategies are most effective for disease prevention in the general population, early detection via low dose computed tomography (LDCT) screening in high-risk populations is a viable option for detecting asymptomatic disease in current (13%) and former (24%) Australian smokers.(4) The purpose of this Evidence Check review is to identify and analyse existing and emerging evidence for LDCT lung cancer screening in high-risk individuals to guide future program and policy planning. Evidence Check questions This review aimed to address the following questions: 1. What is the evidence for the effectiveness of lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? 2. What is the evidence of potential harms from lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? 3. What are the main components of recent major lung cancer screening programs or trials? 4. What is the cost-effectiveness of lung cancer screening programs (include studies of cost–utility)? Summary of methods The authors searched the peer-reviewed literature across three databases (MEDLINE, PsycINFO and Embase) for existing systematic reviews and original studies published between 1 January 2009 and 8 August 2019. Fifteen systematic reviews (of which 8 were contemporary) and 64 original publications met the inclusion criteria set across the four questions. Key findings Question 1: What is the evidence for the effectiveness of lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? There is sufficient evidence from systematic reviews and meta-analyses of combined (pooled) data from screening trials (of high-risk individuals) to indicate that LDCT examination is clinically effective in reducing lung cancer mortality. In 2011, the landmark National Lung Cancer Screening Trial (NLST, a large-scale randomised controlled trial [RCT] conducted in the US) reported a 20% (95% CI 6.8% – 26.7%; P=0.004) relative reduction in mortality among long-term heavy smokers over three rounds of annual screening. High-risk eligibility criteria was defined as people aged 55–74 years with a smoking history of ≥30 pack-years (years in which a smoker has consumed 20-plus cigarettes each day) and, for former smokers, ≥30 pack-years and have quit within the past 15 years.(5) All-cause mortality was reduced by 6.7% (95% CI, 1.2% – 13.6%; P=0.02). Initial data from the second landmark RCT, the NEderlands-Leuvens Longkanker Screenings ONderzoek (known as the NELSON trial), have found an even greater reduction of 26% (95% CI, 9% – 41%) in lung cancer mortality, with full trial results yet to be published.(6, 7) Pooled analyses, including several smaller-scale European LDCT screening trials insufficiently powered in their own right, collectively demonstrate a statistically significant reduction in lung cancer mortality (RR 0.82, 95% CI 0.73–0.91).(8) Despite the reduction in all-cause mortality found in the NLST, pooled analyses of seven trials found no statistically significant difference in all-cause mortality (RR 0.95, 95% CI 0.90–1.00).(8) However, cancer-specific mortality is currently the most relevant outcome in cancer screening trials. These seven trials demonstrated a significantly greater proportion of early stage cancers in LDCT groups compared with controls (RR 2.08, 95% CI 1.43–3.03). Thus, when considering results across mortality outcomes and early stage cancers diagnosed, LDCT screening is considered to be clinically effective. Question 2: What is the evidence of potential harms from lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? The harms of LDCT lung cancer screening include false positive tests and the consequences of unnecessary invasive follow-up procedures for conditions that are eventually diagnosed as benign. While LDCT screening leads to an increased frequency of invasive procedures, it does not result in greater mortality soon after an invasive procedure (in trial settings when compared with the control arm).(8) Overdiagnosis, exposure to radiation, psychological distress and an impact on quality of life are other known harms. Systematic review evidence indicates the benefits of LDCT screening are likely to outweigh the harms. The potential harms are likely to be reduced as refinements are made to LDCT screening protocols through: i) the application of risk predication models (e.g. the PLCOm2012), which enable a more accurate selection of the high-risk population through the use of specific criteria (beyond age and smoking history); ii) the use of nodule management algorithms (e.g. Lung-RADS, PanCan), which assist in the diagnostic evaluation of screen-detected nodules and cancers (e.g. more precise volumetric assessment of nodules); and, iii) more judicious selection of patients for invasive procedures. Recent evidence suggests a positive LDCT result may transiently increase psychological distress but does not have long-term adverse effects on psychological distress or health-related quality of life (HRQoL). With regards to smoking cessation, there is no evidence to suggest screening participation invokes a false sense of assurance in smokers, nor a reduction in motivation to quit. The NELSON and Danish trials found no difference in smoking cessation rates between LDCT screening and control groups. Higher net cessation rates, compared with general population, suggest those who participate in screening trials may already be motivated to quit. Question 3: What are the main components of recent major lung cancer screening programs or trials? There are no systematic reviews that capture the main components of recent major lung cancer screening trials and programs. We extracted evidence from original studies and clinical guidance documents and organised this into key groups to form a concise set of components for potential implementation of a national lung cancer screening program in Australia: 1. Identifying the high-risk population: recruitment, eligibility, selection and referral 2. Educating the public, people at high risk and healthcare providers; this includes creating awareness of lung cancer, the benefits and harms of LDCT screening, and shared decision-making 3. Components necessary for health services to deliver a screening program: a. Planning phase: e.g. human resources to coordinate the program, electronic data systems that integrate medical records information and link to an established national registry b. Implementation phase: e.g. human and technological resources required to conduct LDCT examinations, interpretation of reports and communication of results to participants c. Monitoring and evaluation phase: e.g. monitoring outcomes across patients, radiological reporting, compliance with established standards and a quality assurance program 4. Data reporting and research, e.g. audit and feedback to multidisciplinary teams, reporting outcomes to enhance international research into LDCT screening 5. Incorporation of smoking cessation interventions, e.g. specific programs designed for LDCT screening or referral to existing community or hospital-based services that deliver cessation interventions. Most original studies are single-institution evaluations that contain descriptive data about the processes required to establish and implement a high-risk population-based screening program. Across all studies there is a consistent message as to the challenges and complexities of establishing LDCT screening programs to attract people at high risk who will receive the greatest benefits from participation. With regards to smoking cessation, evidence from one systematic review indicates the optimal strategy for incorporating smoking cessation interventions into a LDCT screening program is unclear. There is widespread agreement that LDCT screening attendance presents a ‘teachable moment’ for cessation advice, especially among those people who receive a positive scan result. Smoking cessation is an area of significant research investment; for instance, eight US-based clinical trials are now underway that aim to address how best to design and deliver cessation programs within large-scale LDCT screening programs.(9) Question 4: What is the cost-effectiveness of lung cancer screening programs (include studies of cost–utility)? Assessing the value or cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening involves a complex interplay of factors including data on effectiveness and costs, and institutional context. A key input is data about the effectiveness of potential and current screening programs with respect to case detection, and the likely outcomes of treating those cases sooner (in the presence of LDCT screening) as opposed to later (in the absence of LDCT screening). Evidence about the cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening programs has been summarised in two systematic reviews. We identified a further 13 studies—five modelling studies, one discrete choice experiment and seven articles—that used a variety of methods to assess cost-effectiveness. Three modelling studies indicated LDCT screening was cost-effective in the settings of the US and Europe. Two studies—one from Australia and one from New Zealand—reported LDCT screening would not be cost-effective using NLST-like protocols. We anticipate that, following the full publication of the NELSON trial, cost-effectiveness studies will likely be updated with new data that reduce uncertainty about factors that influence modelling outcomes, including the findings of indeterminate nodules. Gaps in the evidence There is a large and accessible body of evidence as to the effectiveness (Q1) and harms (Q2) of LDCT screening for lung cancer. Nevertheless, there are significant gaps in the evidence about the program components that are required to implement an effective LDCT screening program (Q3). Questions about LDCT screening acceptability and feasibility were not explicitly included in the scope. However, as the evidence is based primarily on US programs and UK pilot studies, the relevance to the local setting requires careful consideration. The Queensland Lung Cancer Screening Study provides feasibility data about clinical aspects of LDCT screening but little about program design. The International Lung Screening Trial is still in the recruitment phase and findings are not yet available for inclusion in this Evidence Check. The Australian Population Based Screening Framework was developed to “inform decision-makers on the key issues to be considered when assessing potential screening programs in Australia”.(10) As the Framework is specific to population-based, rather than high-risk, screening programs, there is a lack of clarity about transferability of criteria. However, the Framework criteria do stipulate that a screening program must be acceptable to “important subgroups such as target participants who are from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, people from disadvantaged groups and people with a disability”.(10) An extensive search of the literature highlighted that there is very little information about the acceptability of LDCT screening to these population groups in Australia. Yet they are part of the high-risk population.(10) There are also considerable gaps in the evidence about the cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening in different settings, including Australia. The evidence base in this area is rapidly evolving and is likely to include new data from the NELSON trial and incorporate data about the costs of targeted- and immuno-therapies as these treatments become more widely available in Australia.
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Ossoff, Will, Naz Modirzadeh, and Dustin Lewis. Preparing for a Twenty-Four-Month Sprint: A Primer for Prospective and New Elected Members of the United Nations Security Council. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/tzle1195.
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Under the United Nations Charter, the U.N. Security Council has several important functions and powers, not least with regard to taking binding actions to maintain international peace and security. The ten elected members have the opportunity to influence this area and others during their two-year terms on the Council. In this paper, we aim to illustrate some of these opportunities, identify potential guidance from prior elected members’ experiences, and outline the key procedures that incoming elected members should be aware of as they prepare to join the Council. In doing so, we seek in part to summarize the current state of scholarship and policy analysis in an effort to make this material more accessible to States and, particularly, to States’ legal advisers. We drafted this paper with a view towards States that have been elected and are preparing to join the Council, as well as for those States that are considering bidding for a seat on the Council. As a starting point, it may be warranted to dedicate resources for personnel at home in the capital and at the Mission in New York to become deeply familiar with the language, structure, and content of the relevant provisions of the U.N. Charter. That is because it is through those provisions that Council members engage in the diverse forms of political contestation and cooperation at the center of the Council’s work. In both the Charter itself and the Council’s practices and procedures, there are structural impediments that may hinder the influence of elected members on the Security Council. These include the permanent members’ veto power over decisions on matters not characterized as procedural and the short preparation time for newly elected members. Nevertheless, elected members have found creative ways to have an impact. Many of the Council’s “procedures” — such as the “penholder” system for drafting resolutions — are informal practices that can be navigated by resourceful and well-prepared elected members. Mechanisms through which elected members can exert influence include the following: Drafting resolutions; Drafting Presidential Statements, which might serve as a prelude to future resolutions; Drafting Notes by the President, which can be used, among other things, to change Council working methods; Chairing subsidiary bodies, such as sanctions committees; Chairing the Presidency; Introducing new substantive topics onto the Council’s agenda; and Undertaking “Arria-formula” meetings, which allow for broader participation from outside the Council. Case studies help illustrate the types and degrees of impact that elected members can have through their own initiative. Examples include the following undertakings: Canada’s emphasis in 1999–2000 on civilian protection, which led to numerous resolutions and the establishment of civilian protection as a topic on which the Council remains “seized” and continues to have regular debates; Belgium’s effort in 2007 to clarify the Council’s strategy around addressing natural resources and armed conflict, which resulted in a Presidential Statement; Australia’s efforts in 2014 resulting in the placing of the North Korean human rights situation on the Council’s agenda for the first time; and Brazil’s “Responsibility while Protecting” 2011 concept note, which helped shape debate around the Responsibility to Protect concept. Elected members have also influenced Council processes by working together in diverse coalitions. Examples include the following instances: Egypt, Japan, New Zealand, Spain, and Uruguay drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2016 on the protection of health-care workers in armed conflict; Cote d’Ivoire, Kuwait, the Netherlands, and Sweden drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2018 condemning the use of famine as an instrument of warfare; Malaysia, New Zealand, Senegal, and Venezuela tabled a 2016 resolution, which was ultimately adopted, condemning Israeli settlements in Palestinian territory; and A group of successive elected members helped reform the process around the imposition of sanctions against al-Qaeda and associated entities (later including the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant), including by establishing an Ombudsperson. Past elected members’ experiences may offer some specific pieces of guidance for new members preparing to take their seats on the Council. For example, prospective, new, and current members might seek to take the following measures: Increase the size of and support for the staff of the Mission to the U.N., both in New York and in home capitals; Deploy high-level officials to help gain support for initiatives; Partner with members of the P5 who are the informal “penholder” on certain topics, as this may offer more opportunities to draft resolutions; Build support for initiatives from U.N. Member States that do not currently sit on the Council; and Leave enough time to see initiatives through to completion and continue to follow up after leaving the Council.
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Mapping the Public Voice for Development—Natural Language Processing of Social Media Text Data: A Special Supplement of Key Indicators for Asia and the Pacific 2022. Asian Development Bank, August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/fls220347-3.
Full textAbstract:
This publication explores how natural language processing (NLP) techniques can be applied to social media text data to map public sentiment and inform development research and policy making. The publication introduces the foundations of natural language analyses and showcases studies that have applied NLP techniques to make progress on the Sustainable Development Goals. It also reviews specific NLP techniques and concepts, supported by two case studies. The first case study analyzes public sentiments on the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) in the Philippines while the second case study explores the public debate on climate change in Australia.