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Hunn, S. A. "Negative perceptions of Whiggery 1760-1807." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390352.
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Page, James A. (James Allen) 1946. ""These Whigs are Singing Songs Again!" Whig Songs as Campaign Literature Prior to the 1844 Presidential Race." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277889/.
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Whig campaign strategists in the presidential election of 1840 developed new campaign tactics that included widespread use of campaign songs. They used these songs to sing the praises of their own candidate and policies while at the same time attacking the opposing party's candidate and policies.
As early as 1842 these songwriters began writing songs in anticipation of the campaign in 1844. Prior to the nomination of candidates in May, 1844, the Whigs had published several songbooks including hundreds of song titles. In addition to supporting the candidacy of Henry Clay as the Whig candidate, the songs ridiculed several potential Democratic candidates including Martin Van Buren, John C. Calhoun, James Buchanan, and others. Whigs also used imagery to support their candidate and attack the foe.
Despite extensive efforts to influence the election with campaign songs, no hard evidence exists that documents the effect of campaign songs, either positively or negatively.
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Ben, hassine Asma. "Les réformes whigs en Inde britannique : 1830-1857." Thesis, Paris Est, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PESC0049/document.
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L’Inde britannique fut la scène d’importantes réformes ciblant les pratiques économiques, juridiques, sociales, religieuses, culturelles, éducatives et journalistiques des Indiens. Dans cette thèse, il s’agit de repenser les réformes whigs menées entre 1830, date à laquelle les Whigs dominèrent de nouveau le Parlement, et 1857, date à laquelle la domination britannique de l’Inde fut considérablement bouleversée par une révolte sans précédent. Les réformistes whigs avaient certainement anglicisé les autochtones mais n’avaient pas réussi à les occidentaliser. Il s’est avéré que la majorité des Indiens avaient bien résisté aux tentatives de conversions dirigées par des évangélistes en préservant leurs religions, en défendant leurs traditions et en ravivant leur culture. Le gouvernement colonial de la Compagnie avait bien modernisé l’éducation indienne, introduit les chemins de fer, bâti des ponts, fourni de nouveaux moyens de communication comme le télégraphe et amélioré l’infrastructure, mais c’était plutôt pour faciliter ses propres échanges commerciaux et pour protéger les intérêts économiques et stratégiques de l’Empire britannique par le biais d’une armée redoutable. Une fois les intellectuels instruits à l’anglaise avaient réalisé la discrimination et l’indifférence des Britanniques à leur égard, ils entamèrent leur réaction politisée et leur long combat pour obtenir l’indépendance de leur pays. Les réformes whigs avaient échoué et ne permirent pas aux Indiens d’atteindre le progrès promis, ce qui engendra un conflit culturel profond, aggravant les différences existantes entre la colonie et l’EmpireBritish India was the scene of large-scale Whig reforms regarding the economic, judicial, social, religious, cultural, educational and press practices of native Indians. This thesis is rethinking major Whig reforms from 1830, when a Whig majority was back in Parliament, to 1857, when the British rule in India through the East India Company was markedly shaken by an unprecedented revolt. Whig reformers anglicised their native subjects but could not westernize them. Most Indians proved to be resilient enough to preserve their religions, maintain their traditions and revive their culture rather than surrender to the Evangelicals’ plans to convert them into Christianity. The Indian Government of the East India Company definitely modernised Indian education, introduced railroads, built bridges, provided telegraph for better communication and improved infrastructure, but it was more for facilitating its own trade exchanges and protecting the economic and strategic interests of the British Empire as a whole relying on its powerful army. Once the anglicised Indian intellectuals experienced British discrimination and indifference, they started their politicised reaction and headed towards independence. Whig reforms failed to bring about the promised progress for Indians and resulted in a profound cultural and colonial conflict sharpening the differences between the colony and the Empire
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Hasselbrinck, William R. "The Whigs of Indiana, 1834-1843." Virtual Press, 1985. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/434087.
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The purpose of this study was to determine, record, and interpret the history of the Whig political party in Indiana from 1834 through 1843. Emphasis was placed on the history of the administrations of Whig governors Noah Noble, David Wallace, and Samuel Bigger and the Nineteenth through the Twenty-seventh General Assemblies. Those Whigs who were the elected members of the executive and legislative branches of Indiana government were the principals of the study.These subject Whigs were analyzed and characterized in terms of (1) geographic origin, (2) age, (3) ancestry, (4) formal education, (5) religious preference, (6) military service, and (7) occupation. The philosophical basis for Whiggery in Indiana was considered an important element in the study.Findings1. These Whigs were a comparatively youthful and nomadic group coming from allareas of what was then the United States but principally from Kentucky, Pennsylvania, the Carolinas, and Virginia.2. Virtually all were native to the United States with an ancestry traceable to northern and western Europe.3. Little formal education was found beyond the common school except among those who were professionals.4. Whigs dominated the executive and legislative branches during the period studied and were frequently elected officers in the Indiana Militia.5. Much diversification existed in Whig vocation, occupation, and profession. Whigs universally had undertaken numerous economic pursuits.6. Nearly all were Protestant; however, only a minority were associated with institutionalized religious groups. Religious persuasion was little related to Whig political success.7. Philosophically Whigs stood with national doctrine but, within Indiana, only local and state matters were of concern to them.Conclusions1. The Indiana Whigs differed little from Democrat or other political or economic groups within the state. They were not solely Federalist or neo-Federalist or Jeffersonian in practice.2. They were strivers who were bourgeois in their attitudes, but who gave no indication of having achieved economic or social success before coming to Indiana. They represented no organized social or economic group and were not members of an aristocracy.3. The Whigs were popular individuals who were deemed capable of best implementing an internal improvements program within the state. The Whig party rose and declined on that issue.
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Irving, Sean. "Friedrich Hayek : an unrepentant old Whig." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/friedrich-hayek-an-unrepentant-old-whig(00b11b88-a425-4fae-817d-09bce488c160).html.
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This thesis examines how Friedrich Hayek’s concern with free market action led him to adopt a neo-roman concept of liberty and it traces how this development informed his view of the relationship between government, democracy and the economy. For Hayek, liberalism that made freedom in economic life its core concern was the ‘true’ liberalism, and he distinguished this from a ‘false’ liberalism that advocated government action as a means of enabling ‘self-development’. Influenced by Carl Schmitt, Hayek viewed the democratic process as encouraging false liberalism. Recognising the contested nature of liberalism, over the course of the 1940s and ‘50s he set out to decontest it: to win acceptance of his definition of the tradition. He sought to demonstrate the legitimacy of his true liberalism with reference to intellectual history and the work of Whig authors. It was in their work that Hayek came into contact with the neo-roman concept of liberty. Theirs however was a partial interpretation of Roman liberty. The generally privileged status of the Whig authors, combined with a genuine fear of government, resulted in a focus on the danger of public power, or imperium, to the exclusion of private power, or dominium. This complemented Hayek’s own opposition to government economic activity. This thesis contends that arriving at a concept of liberty was the pivotal point in Hayek’s intellectual career. From then on his work ceased to be defensive. Instead, despondent at the growing appeal of social justice in the 1960s and alarmed at union influence and inflation in the ‘70s, he actively promoted an alternative free market vision. This culminated in his intellectual emergency equipment: the ‘denationalisation of money’ and ‘a model constitution’. Informed by his partial version of the neo-roman concept, he advocated a weak state and a curtailment of democratic power. Despite his strong focus on imperium there are points in Hayek’s thought at which he recognises that private power can also pose a threat to free market action. This thesis concludes with the suggestion that integrating a more comprehensive version of the neo-roman concept of liberty into Hayek’s thought results in a very different vision of the appropriate relationship between government, democracy and the economy to the one he developed.
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Orme, Trent Eugene. "Scottish Whig Party, c. 1801-20." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9769.
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This thesis analyses the Scottish Whig party between 1801 and 1820 with particular focus on party structure, organisation, and ideology. It seeks to provide a picture of the Scottish Whig party between these dates and to demonstrate that the party developed and maintained a sophisticated structure, cultivated an active and diverse body of members, and contributed to the intellectual development of the national Whig party. Chapter One explores the multiple opinions that existed within the Scottish Whigs on the issue of reform and how these ideas were disseminated in the press. Chapter Two discusses the fissures that existed within the Edinburgh Whigs and notes the generational gap which saw the younger Whigs compete with the older ones for pre-eminence within the party. Chapter Three extends this study beyond the confines of Edinburgh and examines the importance of a culture of conviviality to the party through a study of the dinners held throughout Scotland in honour of Charles James Fox. Extending beyond the urban centres, Chapter Four delves into the complexities of county politics in Scotland and the methods that the Whigs developed in order to overcome local challenges. Chapter Five explores the practical means by which the opposition party maintained itself, specifically through the patronage of university chairs and livings in the Church of Scotland. Through a brief exploration of the career of John Allen, Chapter Six discusses the importance of London and Holland House to the Scottish Whigs and provides suggestions for further research. Finally, it is asserted that, by the 1820s, a diverse and dynamic Scottish Whig party had emerged and was actively contributing to the national Whig party intellectually, by developing a 'new' Scottish Whiggism, and in terms of personnel. Throughout, this thesis demonstrates the flexibility of terms such as 'Whig' and 'Foxite principles' and argues for a broader interpretation of political activity and involvement as being vital to the study of early nineteenth-century politics.
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Tolley, S. G. A. "The Whig oligarchy : representation and imagery, 1700-1733." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2013. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1415898/.
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There has been a marked interest over the last decade in understanding the nature of early modern ‘public opinion’. One noticeable feature has been the utilisation of the vast array of cheap print, including pamphlets, ballads and newspapers, to highlight contemporary political interests. This thesis aims to use these resources to look at the popular representation of four key political figures of the early eighteenth century ‘Whig Oligarchy’, Charles 2nd Viscount Townshend, James 1st Earl of Stanhope, Charles 3rd Earl of Sunderland and Sir Robert Walpole. This research project attempts to reassess the importance of these figures in a cultural context and to offer a unique comparative framework, evaluating public concerns over ministerial lives, actions and initiatives. This is not a series of biographical accounts but an analysis of how these statesmen were viewed in different literary forms and imagery, revising the importance of ‘political personality’ to the early eighteenth century consumer. The tendency is often to portray Walpole’s rise to de facto prime minister as a solitary drama with a cast of supporting figures, creating a political history of the early eighteenth century that is often seen in terms of merely pre and post Walpole. This thesis sets Walpole in the milieu of his contemporaries, being just one of several influential figures who rose through the Whig party during the 1700’s and jostled for office during the 1710’s. There is a dearth in the current historiography of studies in ministerial representation, particularly in the period following George I’s accession to the British throne in 1714. This study will provide considerable insight into how early eighteenth century writers and artists perceived their political masters, helping to forge a truly national public profile around them - one that often transcended social and geographical boundaries.
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Walsh, Christopher. "Whigs, Tories, and the Taxation of Augustan England, 1689-1715." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35251.
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After the Glorious Revolution of 1688 the divisions within English society found additional expression through political parties as contemporaries staked out ideological positions on numerous issues and crises facing the nation. While the parties fought over issues of sovereignty and governance, the development of a taxation regime, required to pursue and support the nation’s almost constant wars on the continent, was also drawn into this contest. The nature of the debates over taxation on landed property provides an important lens through which to understand the ideological positions of both Whigs and Tories over matters of not only political economy, but religion, society, and governance. The English Land Tax, is one of the most important fiscal instruments of Augustan England and reveals how Whigs and Tories articulated positions on the aftermath of 1689, on the financial revolution that followed, and on the nature of governance at the beginning of the ‘long eighteenth century.’
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Williams, Abigail. "Whig literary culture : poetry, politics, and patronage, 1678-1714." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339967.
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Gallagher, Brian Martin. "The whig interpretation of the history of Red River." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26473.
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The whig interpretation, which can be most simply defined as the idea that past events led in direct and progressive stages to the present, has long been recognized as a basic historiographic fallacy. The fullest expression of the whig interpretation of western Canadian history is to be found in the works of George F.G. Stanley and W.L. Morton. In presenting a narrative reconstruction of the events surrounding Canada's annexation of Red River, these authors primarily attempt to justify Canadian policy as the extension of British civilization. Their interpretation is deeply flawed by a racist view of the aboriginal peoples of the region who are regarded as savages. That the works of these men fully encompass the whig interpretation is of less significance than the resurgence of that outlook amongst the present generation of historians.
Regressive nationalistic and ethnocentric themes have been at the centre of much that has recently been written about Red River. A characteristic feature of these works is the tendency to emphasize racial and religious divisions within the Metis community rather than to pose more fundamental questions about the social structure. Although the farmers and hunters of Red River were drawn together by a common Cree kinship, John Elgin Foster argues that the offspring of Hudson's Bay Company employees and Cree women, whom he calls the "Country-born," were strongly attached to British institutions and traditions. Foster uses this concept of the separate identity of the "Country-born" to introduce a new version of the whig interpretation, arguing that it was the respect of the "Country-born" for British institutions which created social order. While rejecting Foster's image of social harmony in Red River, Frits Pannekoek introduces another form of the whig interpretation with the argument that society was disintegrating because of racial and religious strife and therefore the Canadian incursion was necessary to restore social order to the settlement. Employing the characteristic whig model of social change as a simple progression, Sylvia Van Kirk provides further support for the idea that society in Red River was divided by arguing that the Foss-Pelly scandal added to the growing reluctance on the part of Company officers to marry mixed-blood women. Although these three historians, claim to be concerned with the dynamics of social change in Red River, they fail to consider the lack of social mobility among the lower class and ignore evidence about the polyglot character of the elite.
In order to expose the whig bias in the works of Foster, Pannekoek, and Van Kirk it is necessary look at marriage patterns in society as a whole rather than just within the elite. Among the most convincing refutations of whig historiography to date is the quantitative analysis of land tenure in Red River by Douglas Sprague, which confirms that the Metis were not nomadic. Using the data base compiled by Sprague and Ronald Frye, I have analyzed marriage patterns among the population at large and in three representative parishes of Red River. The conclusion derived from this analysis is that the early development of a capitalistic labour market in Red River reduced social mobility for the great majority of the people even as it created a polyglot mercantile oligarchy.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Middleton, Catherine M. "Opposition to Indian removal and the emergence of the Second Party System in the United States, 1828-1834." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365476.
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Rutherford, Susan Lesley. "Reformation principles : the religious and political ideas of Benjamin Hoadly (1676-1761)." Thesis, Northumbria University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323935.
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Phillipson, Nicholas. "The Scottish Whigs and the reform of the Court of Session : 1785-1830 /." Edinburgh : the Stair Society, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36664460d.
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Vaudry, Janice C. "James Caulfeild, the earl of Charlemont : portrait of an Irish whig peer." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61768.
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Gent, David Christopher. "Aristocratic Whig politics in early-Victorian Yorkshire : Lord Morpeth and his world." Thesis, University of York, 2010. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/876/.
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This thesis explores the provincial life of George W. F. Howard (1802-64), 7th Earl of Carlisle, better known as the early-Victorian Whig aristocrat and politician Lord Morpeth. It challenges accounts which have presented Whiggery as metropolitan in ethos, by demonstrating that Morpeth strongly engaged with the county of Yorkshire as a politician, philanthropist and landlord. It provides the first dedicated account of how Whiggery operated, and was perceived, in a provincial setting. An introduction summarises the current historiography on the Whigs, and establishes the rationale behind the study. Chapter One details the pivotal influence of Morpeth’s Christian faith on his thought. It suggests that his religious values shaped both his non-political and political actions, ensuring a correlation between them. Chapters Two and Four are concerned with Morpeth’s career as M.P. for Yorkshire (1830-32) and the West Riding (1832-41, 1846-48). They suggest that Morpeth played a key role in building an alliance between the region’s liberals and Whiggery, based around the idea that the Whigs would offer political, economic and ecclesiastical reforms. However, they show how this alliance gradually splintered, partly owing to differences between the Whigs and some of the region’s nonconformist liberals over issues of Church and State and the Whigs’ social reform policies. Chapter Three details Morpeth’s activities as a philanthropist in the county. It suggests that this maintained his links to his supporters, shaped his views on social questions, and enhanced his political reputation. Chapter Five explores his relationship with Castle Howard, his Yorkshire estate. It demonstrates his attachment to the house and integration into local society, his involvement in promoting agricultural and infrastructural improvement in the district, and his concern to improve the moral, physical and spiritual welfare of his tenants. Both chapters show the links between Morpeth’s provincial life and his career as a statesman.
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Hanham, Andrew Arthur. "Whig opposition to Sir Robert Walpole in the House of Commons, 1727-34." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1991. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.492675.
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Attuel-Hallade, Aude. "Thomas Babington Macaulay et la Révolution française : la pensée libérale whig en débat." Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030169.
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Le « père de l'histoire whig » Thomas Babington Macaulay a été dès son vivant, et après sa mort, traduit dans nombre de pays, en Europe (Allemagne, France, Pays-Bas), comme hors des frontières européennes (Mexique). Incarnant à partir de la fin du XIXe siècle une histoire libérale progressiste et surtout non scientifique, attaquée par les historiens « professionnels », il n'en demeure pas moins très présent dans les manuels scolaires et universitaires jusqu'après la Seconde Guerre mondiale voire jusque dans les discours politiques contemporains. En 1931, puis en 1944, Herbert Butterfield tente de définir son interprétation de l'histoire. Ce dernier veut démontrer comment action politique et vision de l'histoire whigs incarnent un modèle, pragmatique, réformiste, à l'antithèse du modèle révolutionnaire français, qui explique l'exceptionnelle stabilité politique anglaise, britannique voire impériale du Royaume-Uni, depuis la Glorieuse Révolution. Dès lors les successeurs de Butterfield, en premier lieu J. G. A. Pocock et John Burrow, éclairent cette tradition libérale whig, devenue nationale, bientôt synonyme d'interprétation burkéenne de l'histoire. Pourtant, en s'appuyant sur le dialogue entre libéraux britanniques (whigs comme Millar, Mackintosh, utilitaristes comme les Mill, père et fils) et libéraux français (comme Constant, Guizot et Tocqueville), illustrant par ailleurs les riches échanges entre Royaume-Uni et France au XIXe siècle – avant que l’oeuvre de Macaulay ne soit que très épisodiquement traduite et commentée au XXe siècle en France –, et sur une étude minutieuse des écrits de Macaulay portant sur la Révolution française, cette thèse entend démontrer qu'au - delà de la division politique du parti whig lors de la période révolutionnaire, l'histoire whig de Macaulay incarne une pensée politique, une interprétation des révolutions anglaises et françaises et une philosophie libérale de l'histoire nouvelles rompant avec Hume et avec Burke. En mettant au coeur de l'histoire l'émancipation politique et religieuse des individus, Macaulay défend la démocratisation et la laïcisation des sociétés et illustre une histoire libérale post-Révolutionnaire, un nouveau paradigme whig, qui ne peuvent être qualifiés de conservateurs ni de contre-RévolutionnairesThe "father of Whig History", Thomas Babington Macaulay, was, during his lifetime and after his death,translated in numerous European countries ( Germany, France, The Netherlands ) as well as outside Europe(Mexico). Embodying, from the end of the nineteenth century, a liberal, progressive and especially nonscientifichistory, denounced by "professional " historians, he remained no less highly present in school anduniversity textbooks up to the Second World War, and even in contemporary and current political speeches.In 1931, and then in 1944, Herbert Butterfield attempted to define his interprétation of history and sought todemonstrate how political action and historical vision embody a pragmatic and reformist model, theantithesis of the French revolutionary model, which explains the exceptional English, British, even imperial,political stability of Great Britain since the Glorious Revolution. Since then, Butterfield's successors, andfirst among them, J. G. A. Pocock and John Burrow, have been shedding light on this liberal, becomenational, whig tradition, soon to be synonymous with the Burkean interpretation of history. However, basedon the dialogue between British liberals ( Whigs such as Millar and Mackintosh, Utilitarians such as theMills, father and son ), and French liberals ( such as Constant, Guizot and Tocqueville), while illustrating inother respects the fruitful exchange between Great Britain and France during the nineteenth century - beforeMacaulay's work was only very episodically translated and commented on in the twentieth century in France- and on a thorough exploration of Macaulay's work on the French Revolution, this study intends todemonstate that beyond the political division of the Whig party during the revolutionary period, Macaulay'sWhig history sanctions a new line of political thought, a new interprétation of the English and FrenchRévolutions and liberal philosophy of history, breaking with Hume and Burke. By placing the political andreligious emancipation of individuals at the heart of history, Macaulay defended the democratization and thesecularization of society and illustrated a post-Revolutionary liberal history, a new Whig paradigm, thatcannot be called conservative nor counter- revolutionary
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Huit, Katherine Louise. "Oregon Territorial Governor John Pollard Gaines: A Whig Appointee in a Democratic Territory." PDXScholar, 1996. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5293.
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In 1846 negotiations between Great Britain and the United States resulted in the end of the Joint Occupancy Agreement and the Pacific Northwest became the property of the United States. Nineteenth Century Oregon represented a new beginning for many citizens of the United States and around the world. The settlers arriving in the Oregon Country consisted of a hardy, self reliant, breed; yet they sought the protection of the United States government from Native Americans living in the region and from Great Britain's Hudson's Bay Company. When Oregon became a territory, in 1848, the pioneers struggled to preserve their independence. They resented federally appointed officials sent to govern them by the United States Government. Governor John Pollard Gaines, the subject of this study, came to Oregon as a federally appointed official. Previous studies of the Oregon Territorial Government have examined in detail the marked conflict between the political parties of the Oregon Territory. Before 1850 Oregon did not have two distinct political parties. Governor Gaines, a Whig, acted as a catalyst for the birth of a strong Democratic party in Oregon. On the federal level the Whig and Democratic parties had been at odds since the time of Andrew Jackson. The Whigs were proponents of economic progress contained within a social and political framework. Whigs promoted individual and national independence; Democrats promoted the dependence cf one class upon another. Whigs believed the pursuit of individual liberty and national prosperity depended upon an active government representative of its citizens' interests. This study examines "home rule" Democrats, their treatment of Governor Gaines, and the ramifications of the Governor's reactions at a local and federal level. As a federally appointed official sent to govern the distant Oregon Territory, Gaines endured abuse from "home rule" citizens. Conclusions drawn from this study demonstrate that Gaines's affiliation with the Whig party is secondary to his being an "outsider." His treatment as governor would not have been much different if he had been a Democrat sent to the Territory by the federal government.
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Marshall, Louise. "Dramatic histories and party politics, 1719-1745." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/6c6b9a09-88a5-4628-9f66-dfda1639b3e7.
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Early eighteenth-century politics were dominated by the rise to power and fall from grace of Sir Robert Walpole. This thesis examines varied responses to the Walpole regime from opposition Whig, Tory, Jacobite and pro-government writers. The discussion focuses on history plays from the period 1719-1745 and considers the role of these texts as vehicles for political comment and propaganda. Of key concern throughout the thesis is the rhetoric of patriotism. Patriot ideology pervades the texts and crosses conventional party boundaries. Alongside patriotism other themes pertinent to political commentary of the period are discussed. In chapter one, 'Ancient Britons and Liberty' texts appropriating Saxon and Celtic history are discussed in relation to contemporary concerns for maintaining the political liberty of the British nation. In chapter two, 'Kings, Ministers, Favourites and Patriot Rhetoric' plays that focus on favouritism are examined alongside contemporary criticism of Walpole as 'favourite' of the Hanoverians. In chapter three, 'Gender and Party Politics in Adaptations of Shakespeare's Histories' the updating of Shakespeare to suit contemporary taste and the impact of these alterations are reflected in a repoliticisation of the plays for party agendas. In chapter four, 'Britain, Empire and Julius Cæsar' representations of Cæsar that suggest positive interpretations of the Emperor conflict with contemporary opinion regarding his contribution to the fall of the Roman republic. Implications for Britain’s own colonial endeavour are also considered in chapter five, ‘Religion and the Ideology of Empire in Turkish History Plays'. This chapter examines plays in which the Scanderbeg history is appropriated to offer a model of British colonialism. Reflecting on Britain's past glories or, past failings, the plays discussed in this thesis offer not only comment on contemporary politics but also representations of an idealised Britishness. By demonstrating what Britons had once been these texts suggest what modem Britons should be.
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Durban, Michael. "The prince of the Whigs : the life and career of William Cavendish, fourth Duke of Devonshire." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.275722.
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Kidd, Colin Craig. "Scottish Whig historiography and the creation of an Anglo-British identity 1689 - c.1800." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.317686.
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Buvalovas, Thais Helena dos Santos. "Hipólito da Costa em Londres: libertadores, whiggs e radicais no discurso político do Correio Braziliense (1808-1812)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-30042013-102854/.
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Hipólito José da Costa se tornou célebre como editor do Correio Braziliense, periódico que publicou durante seu exílio em Londres, de 1808 a 1822. A historiografia mais recente em língua portuguesa tem identificado Hipólito como herdeiro do reformismo ilustrado português, mas o discurso de seu jornal mostra que ele transitava em âmbito bem mais vasto. Esta tese demonstra que o Correio Braziliense estava inserido numa rede textual bastante ampla, de filiação anglo-americana e âmbito transoceânico, cujo principal centro de gravidade e articulação era a capital britânica. Os textos publicados pelo exilado luso-brasileiro entre os anos de 1808 e 1812, período ao qual está circunscrito este trabalho, permitem distinguir com clareza sua filiação a um corpo de ideias que não encontra referências no universo mental da sociedade portuguesa e cujo nexo pode ser localizado no chamado whiggismo, bem como em vertentes mais radicais do pensamento político britânico.Hipólito José da Costa became renowned as editor of Correio Braziliense, a periodical which he published during his exile in London, from 1808 to 1822. The most recent historiography in Portuguese has identified Hipólito as heir to the Portuguese enlightened reformism, but his publication´s discourse shows that he was moving in much wider circles. This thesis demonstrates that Correio Braziliense was inserted in a very broad textual network, with Anglo-American affiliation and transoceanic extent, whose main center of gravity and articulation was the British capital. The texts published by the Portuguese-Brazilian exile from the years 1808 to 1812, the period which is covered by this work, allows one to clearly distinguish his affiliation with a set of ideas which has no reference to the mental world of the Portuguese society and whose nexus can be found in the so-called whiggism, as well as in more radical aspects of British political thought.
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Arnold, Benjamin P. "A whig and something more : Sir James Graham, party and politics c. 1810 to 1846." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.543723.
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Bord, Joseph Oliver. "Aspects of Whig politics with reference to science and the Georgic tradition, c.1790-1850." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.613071.
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Targett, Simon. "Sir Robert Walpole's newspapers 1722-1742 : propaganda and politics in the age of Whig supremacy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1991. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251504.
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Farrell, Stephen Michael. "Divisions, debates and 'dis-ease' : the Rockingham Whig Party and the House of Lords, 1760-1785." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265410.
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This thesis is a study of the political party led by the second Marquess of Rockingham, from the perspective of the Upper Chamber of Parliament. The historiography of the Rockingham Whigs is extensive but underplays the House of Lords, while the literature on the House of Lords is growing, but lacks a major analysis of this significant opposition group. This is, therefore, a contribution to the debate on the nature of party in the eighteenth century. In Part I, the large number of surviving division lists and related parliamentary sources are analyzed, in order to provide a picture of the size and structure of the membership of the party in the House of Lords. In Part II, a session by session narrative of the debates in the Upper Chamber illustrates the leadership's attempts at parliamentary management, and shows how the Rockinghamite peers developed an increasingly coherent outlook on domestic, colonial and constitutional issues. Part Ill illuminates how Rockinghamite peers were caught between the conflicting poles of onerous political duties, and the attractions of local or particularist interests. On an analogy with their own bodily illnesses, and their conflated ideas of the diseased condition of the constitution, this dilemma is examined in terms of ease and 'dis-ease', in order to understand the party's collective mentality. What emerges is a complex portrait of the Rockingham Whig party in the House of Lords. At the centre there was a core of regular voters, a steady ideological out look, and a solid commitment to public life. But for the rest of the Rockingham Whigs there were great variations in the degree of their political allegiance, in the extent of their articulated affiliation to the leadership's policies, and in the continuity of their political motivations. Yet despite all the problems that they faced in opposition, the Rockingham Whig party succeeded in maintaining a well defined cohesion.
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McDaniel, Elizabeth Bleecker. "A History of Music in Old Mount Vernon with Particular Attention to Woodward Hall and the Nineteenth-Century American Opera House." The Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1043091567.
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Huggins, Benjamin L. "Republican principles, opposition revolutions, and Southern Whigs Nathaniel Macon, Willie Mangum, and the course of North Carolina politics, 1800-1853 /." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3310.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Mason University, 2008.Vita: p. 669. Thesis director: Jane T. Censer. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Jan. 11, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 657-668). Also issued in print.
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Fleischman, Lesley. "Elite environmentalism the roots of the modern environmental movement in the 19th century Whig philosophy of George Perkins Marsh /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/1005.
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Evans, Paul J. "Power and principle : the discussion of Whig ideology and Jacobitism in the speeches and correspondence of the Pelhamite triumvirate, 1746-54." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416871.
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De, Miranda Manuel Luís P. G. B. "The moral, social and political thought of the third Earl of Shaftesbury, 1671-1713 : unbelief and Whig republicanism in the early Enlightenment." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251577.
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Ferry, Richard J. "Abraham Lincoln the Jacksonian Whig a study in the political philosophy of Abraham Lincoln by an examination of his dealings with his cabinet /." Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1442831.
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Thesis (M.A. in History)--S.M.U., 2007.Title from PDF title page (viewed Mar. 18, 2008). Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-05, page: 2256. Adviser: Glenn Linden. Includes bibliographical references.
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Mitchell, Annie. "The character of an independent Whig : a study of the work of John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon, including a comparative analysis of the social and political thought of Bernard Mandeville." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1317678/.
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Traditionally Cato's Letters have been seen as a keynote text in the construction of the civic humanist paradigm, a perspective which has come to dominate contemporary understanding of the intellectual currents at work in the shaping of eighteenth century Britain and America. Within this paradigm the Letters have been viewed as emblematic of a 'neo-Harringtonian' critique of Court corruption and the 'new economic order'. However there are significant problems with this interpretation and this thesis argues that the attitude of Trenchard and Gordon towards Walpole's ministry was more nuanced than is usually suggested; that they were prepared to lend his administration their support when occasion demanded. Against the trend to downplay the religious and ideological differences between Whigs and Tories, in order to prioritise the Court-Country division, this thesis suggests that Trenchard and Gordon's position towards Walpole can best be understood in terms of their commitment to traditional Whig principles of freedom of conscience and opposition to arbitrary rule, rather than on the basis of a preoccupation with issues of wealth and virtue. Contrary to the accepted view that Trenchard and Gordon were opposed to commerce and the financial instruments which it generated, and that they viewed a society motivated by self-interest as a threat to civic virtue and liberty, this thesis contends that their 'scientific' political and moral philosophy both naturalised self-interest and redrew it as the foundation of liberty. In the process of calling into question 'Cato's' status as a civic humanist icon, this thesis also points to similarities between Trenchard and Gordon's thought and that of Bernard Mandeville, who conventionally has been represented as Cato's antithesis. By comparing the work of all three writers, and the way in which they were viewed by contemporaries, it is argued that in terms of religious, political and moral philosophy there are major points of convergence in their ideology.
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Short, Steven W. "Texas Annexation and the Presidential Election of 1844 in the Richmond, Virginia, and New Orleans, Louisiana, Newspaper." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2001. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2998/.
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This thesis examines the issue of Texas annexation from the viewpoints of two southern cities: Richmond, Virginia, and New Orleans, Louisiana. It looks primarily at four major newspapers, two in each city: the Richmond Enquirer and the Richmond Whig; and the New Orleans Times-Picayune and the New Orleans Whig. These four newspapers were examined thoroughly from January 1844 to July 1845. In addition to the above newspapers, the Congressional Globe and national voting patterns on Texas annexation were examined. Analysis of the editorial articles in the above newspapers offers the best possibility of understanding public sentiment toward Texas annexation and the presidential election of 1844. The evidence examined in this study indicates that Texas annexation became a decisive issue in the presidential election of 1844. It also shows that, although the press and elements within both Democratic and Whig parties were aware that the slavery question was intricately linked to the Texas annexation issue, slavery and sectional politics were not the primary factors influencing annexation. Ultimately, fundamental concerns regarding western expansion in general, especially for the Whigs, and political party loyalty proved the decisive factors in the presidential election of 1844 and Texas annexation. The evidence gathered in this study indicates that Texas annexation deliberately became an issue in the presidential election by the Democratic party. It also shows that although consideration was given to the slavery question by elements of both the Whig and Democratic parties, sectional politics did not enter into play concerning the annexation of Texas.
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Arendt, Emily Jane. "Affairs of State, Affairs of Home: Print and Patriarchy in Pennsylvania, 1776-1844." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1417528942.
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Ouali, Mohand. "Les réactions britanniques face à la prise d'Alger par la France en 1830 : luttes et rivalités coloniales, politiques et diplomatiques en Méditerranée depuis le projet de combinaison avec Méhémet Ali en janvier 1830 jusqu'au bombardement de Tanger de 1844." Thesis, Paris 8, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA080005.
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Au cours de la première moitié du XIXème siècle, la Méditerranée a constitué un espace conflictuel particulier entre la France et La Grande-Bretagne. L’Affaire d’Alger en 1830 marquera à ce titre un nouveau point de désaccord entre Londres et Paris au même moment où l’empire britannique inaugurait une ère de grandes réformes sociales, parlementaires et idéologiques. La diplomatie outre-Manche particulièrement sous les Tories insistera, avec véhémence sur la nécessité du retrait des troupes de l’armée d’Afrique de sa nouvelle acquisition en Afrique du Nord : Alger. Ce dossier de politique étrangère fera l’objet d’un travail parlementaire soutenu et dont les organes de la presse écrite, à l’instar du quotidien The Times, s’en feront l’écho. C’est Aberdeen, diplomate et homme politique de premier ordre, qui est le premier à estimer que l’entreprise échafaudée par Charles X, roi de France, dissimule des intentions néo-impériales. Aussi, le Foreign Office ne ménagera pas ses forces, notamment par la multiplication de ses requêtes, gageant que le nouveau gouvernement de Juillet puisse honorer les engagements des Bourbons. Le refus des Conservateurs du maintien de la colonie d’Alger témoigne ainsi de l’importance de l’espace méditerranéen dans le contexte des rivalités coloniales et des stratégies impériales. Malgré le silence des Whigs après leur accès au pouvoir en novembre 1830 sur l’avenir d’Alger, l’opposition au sein de la Chambre des Lords et la Chambre des Communes s’est illustrée pour exiger que les garanties fournies par les Bourbons soient satisfaites. Le retour des Tories sur ce sujet a de ce fait donné un cachet international à l’Affaire d’AlgerThe Mediterranean Sea was to constitute a key ground of diplomatic struggle between the two traditional rivals, -Great-Britain and France- during the first half of the nineteenth century. If the British officials vehemently demanded a rapid withdrawal of French troops from the newly conquered Algiers, this subject, despite its obvious importance, has been rarely advocated in the historical interest. Hence, the present essay which aims to provide a new approach by examining the British point of view regarding the guaranties given by France to evacuate Algiers after its invasion in 1830. Thus, the work of the Foreign Minister, Aberdeen, will be a particular focus so as to get a better understanding of the British demands, notably the withdrawal of French forces. Moreover, the decision to maintain the North African colony was also a matter of passionate parliamentary controversy reported by the press; that is precisely what we will focus in order to understand British foreign policy towards the Barbary Regencies and the stakes in the Mediterranean. So, the parliamentary opposition introduced the question of Algiers as a matter of international interest. The French troops’ evacuation from Algiers was one the Tories’ examples to criticize British foreign policy under the Whig Governments
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Harris, Eleanor M. "The Episcopal congregation of Charlotte Chapel, Edinburgh, 1794-1818." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/19991.
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This thesis reassesses the nature and importance of the Scottish Episcopal Church in Edinburgh and more widely. Based on a microstudy of one chapel community over a twenty-four year period, it addresses a series of questions of religion, identity, gender, culture and civic society in late Enlightenment Edinburgh, Scotland, and Britain, combining ecclesiastical, social and economic history. The study examines the congregation of Charlotte Episcopal Chapel, Rose Street, Edinburgh, from its foundation by English clergyman Daniel Sandford in 1794 to its move to the new Gothic chapel of St John's in 1818. Initially an independent chapel, Daniel Sandford's congregation joined the Scottish Episcopal Church in 1805 and the following year he was made Bishop of Edinburgh, although he contined to combine this role with that of rector to the chapel until his death in 1830. Methodologically, the thesis combines a detailed reassessment of Daniel Sandford's thought and ministry (Chapter Two) with a prosopographical study of 431 individuals connected with the congregation as officials or in the in the chapel registers (Chapter Three). Biography of the leader and prosopography of the community are brought to illuminate and enrich one another to understand the wealth and business networks of the congregation (Chapter Four) and their attitudes to politics, piety and gender (Chapter Five). The thesis argues that Daniel Sandford's Evangelical Episcopalianism was both original in Scotland, and one of the most successful in appealing to educated and influential members of Edinburgh society. The congregation, drawn largely from the newly-built West End of Edinburgh, were bourgeois and British in their composition. The core membership of privileged Scots, rooted in land and law, led, but were also challenged by and forced to adapt to a broad social spread who brought new wealth and influence into the West End through India and the consumer boom. The discussion opens up many avenues for further research including the connections between Scottish Episcopalianism and romanticism, the importance of India and social mobility within the consumer economy in the development of Edinburgh, and Scottish female intellectual culture and its engagement with religion and enlightenment. Understanding the role of enlightened, evangelical Episcopalianism, which is the contribution of this study, will form an important context for these enquiries.
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Chalker, Matthew Edward. "English funerary monuments 1782-1795 : taste, politics and memory." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3189.
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This thesis discusses the funerary monuments of Charles Watson-Wentworth, 2nd Marquis of Rockingham (1730-1782) and William Weddell (1736-1792). It investigates how each man’s political, social, cultural and collecting activities constructed their self-identities. Then, it discusses the construction and formal characteristics of their funerary monuments. Finally, it analyzes how the monuments reflect these identities and evaluates the relative efficacy of the practice.text
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Harris, Geoffrey Shields. "Toward a new whig interpretation of history: common schools in burke county, north carolina, from 1853 to 1861. /." 2008. http://www.lib.ncsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11082007-011202/unrestricted/etd.pdf.
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Fernandes, João Jorge Capelo Sottomayor Spínola. "O Legado Político-Jurídico de Simon de Montfort segundo os seus Conterrâneos Vitorianos." Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/58222.
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Simon de Montfort é visto popularmente como o fundador da Câmara dos
Comuns. No entanto, escassas são as obras que discutem as interpretações que os
vitorianos efectuaram do seu legado político, numa época rica em reformas
parlamentares.
Na presente tese, recorremos a obras de diferentes séculos para traçar
minuciosamente a avaliação dos objectivos e da conduta de Montfort, desde o século
XIII até ao Reform Act de 1867, a fim de descobrir uma possível evolução. Pelo mesmo
motivo, discutimos também a História da Câmara dos Comuns durante o mesmo
período.
A nossa investigação levou-nos a concluir que, não obstante as críticas ferozes
efectuadas a Montfort desde o século XVII até finais do século XVIII, o conde de
Leicester foi glorificado pelos vitorianos como um símbolo da instituição parlamentar.
Aliás, a ideia de que Montfort fora comandante de Robin dos Bosques atribuiu à figura
do conde de Leicester um carácter quase mítico. Isto foi um resultado da historiografia
Whig, adoptada pela vasta maioria dos autores vitorianos, que considerava que
Montfort tinha lutado pela restauração dos direitos anglo-saxónicos, abolidos após a
conquista de Guilherme I.Simon de Montfort is popularly regarded as the founder of the House of Commons. However, few are the works discussing the interpretations the Victorians made of his political legacy, during a time rich in parliamentary reforms. In the present thesis, I shall make use of works from different centuries to trace thoroughly the evaluation made of Montfort's goals and conduct, from the thirteenth century to the approval of the Reform Act of 1867, in order to discover a possible evolution. For the same reason, I shall also discuss the History of the House of Commons during the same period. My research led me to conclude that, despite the criticism directed at Montfort from the sixteenth century to the end of the eighteenth, the earl of Leicester was glorified by the Victorians as a symbol of parliamentary representation. In fact, the idea that Montfort was commander to Robin Hood provided the figure of the earl of Leicester an almost mythical quality. This was due to the adoption of Whig historiography by the vast majority of Victorian authors, who argued that Montfort had fought for Anglo-Saxon rights, which were abolished after William I's conquest.
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Hoblová, Kristýna. "Reflexe vylučovací krize (1678-1683) v soudobé literatuře." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-351925.
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The Reflection of the Exclusion Crisis (1678-1683) in Contemporary Literature Kristýna Hoblová abstract This work of literary history analyses the reflection of the Exclusion Crisis (1678-1683) in contemporary literature across genres. It is based on the theory of the rise of the public sphere by Jürgen Habermas and on the theory of Michael McKeon, understanding the ideology of the late Stuarts as a last remnant of aristocratic ideology. The Exclusion Crisis is presented here as a period of unsettling negotiations between the declining Stuart ethos and the Whig ideology of the rising mercantile classes. The interpretation of chosen texts serves to discover creative transformations of the political discourse of the newly emerging political parties of Whigs and Tories, stressing the negotiations between genres, individual authors and political ideologies. The first chapter offers a brief overview of the socio-historical context, Habermas's theory of the rise of the public sphere and Michael McKeon's conception of aristocratic ideology. It also introduces the Tory political theory defending the Stuart divine right of kings on the basis of Robert Filmer's patriarchal household-state analogy and the Whig defence against absolutist tendencies of the Stuarts through asserting the priority of Law over the Royal...
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Zachary, Lauren E. "Henry S. Lane and the birth of the Indiana Republican Party, 1854-1861." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4668.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)Although the main emphasis of this study is Lane and his part in the Republican Party, another important part to this thesis is the examination of Indiana and national politics in the 1850s. This thesis studies the development of the Hoosier Republican Party and the obstacles the young organization experienced as it transformed into a major political party. Party leaders generally focused on states like New York and Pennsylvania in national elections but Indiana became increasingly significant leading up to the 1860 election. Though Hoosier names like George Julian and Schuyler Colfax might be more recognizable nationally for their role in the Republican Party, this thesis argues that Lane played a guiding role in the development of the new third party in Indiana. Through the study of primary sources, it is clear that Hoosiers turned to Lane to lead the organization of the Republican Party and to lead it to its success in elections. Historians have long acknowledged Lane’s involvement in the 1860 Republican National Convention but fail to fully realize his significance in Indiana throughout the 1850s. This thesis argues that Lane was a vital leader in Hoosier politics and helped transform the Republican Party in Indiana from a grassroots movement into a powerful political party by 1860.
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Smith, Tamara Leanne. "Too foul and dishonoring to be overlooked : newspaper responses to controversial English stars in the Northeastern United States, 1820-1870." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2010-05-921.
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In the nineteenth century, theatre and newspapers were the dominant expressions of popular culture in the northeastern United States, and together formed a crucial discursive node in the ongoing negotiation of American national identity. Focusing on the five decades between 1820 and 1870, during which touring stars from Great Britain enjoyed their most lucrative years of popularity on United States stages, this dissertation examines three instances in which English performers entered into this nationalizing forum and became flashpoints for journalists seeking to define the nature and bounds of American citizenship and culture. In 1821, Edmund Kean’s refusal to perform in Boston caused a scandal that revealed a widespread fixation among social elites with delineating the ethnic and economic limits of citizenship in a republican nation. In 1849, an ongoing rivalry between the English tragedian William Charles Macready and his American competitor Edwin Forrest culminated in the deadly Astor Place riot. By configuring the actors as champions in a struggle between bourgeois authority and working-class populism, the New York press inserted these local events into international patterns of economic conflict and revolutionary violence. Nearly twenty years later, the arrival of the Lydia Thompson Burlesque Troupe in 1868 drew rhetoric that reflected the popular press’ growing preoccupation with gender, particularly the question of woman suffrage and the preservation of the United States’ international reputation as a powerfully masculine nation in the wake of the Civil War.
Three distinct cultural currents pervade each of these case studies: the new nation’s anxieties about its former colonizer’s cultural influence, competing political and cultural ideologies within the United States, and the changing perspectives and agendas of the ascendant popular press. Exploring the points where these forces intersect, this dissertation aims to contribute to an understanding of how popular culture helped shape an emerging sense of American national identity. Ultimately, this dissertation argues that in the mid-nineteenth century northeastern United States, popular theatre, newspapers, and audiences all contributed to a single media formation in which controversial English performers became a rhetorical antipode against which “American” identity could be defined.text
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Post, Andy. "Political Atheism vs. The Divine Right of Kings: Understanding 'The Fairy of the Lake' (1801)." 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10222/50412.
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In 'Political Atheism vs. The Divine Right of Kings,' I build on Thompson and Scrivener’s work analysing John Thelwall’s play 'The Fairy of the Lake' as a political allegory, arguing all religious symbolism in 'FL' to advance the traditionally Revolutionary thesis that “the King is not a God.”
My first chapter contextualises Thelwall’s revival of 17th century radicalism during the French Revolution and its failure. My second chapter examines how Thelwall’s use of fire as a symbol discrediting the Saxons’ pagan notion of divine monarchy, also emphasises the idolatrous apotheosis of King Arthur. My third chapter deconstructs the Fairy of the Lake’s water and characterisation, and concludes her sole purpose to be to justify a Revolution beyond moral reproach. My fourth chapter traces how beer satirises Communion wine, among both pagans and Christians, in order to undermine any religion that could reinforce either divinity or the Divine Right of Kings.A close reading of an all-but-forgotten Arthurian play as an allegory against the Divine Right of Kings.