Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / Whigg

Contents

Journal articles
Dissertations / Theses
Books
Book chapters
Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Whigg'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 February 2022

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Whigg.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Journal articles on the topic "Whigg"

1

Baskerville, Stephen W., Peter Adman, and Katharine F. Beedham. "Prefering a Whigg to a whimsical: The Cheshire election of 1715 reconsidered." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 74, no. 3 (September 1992): 139–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.74.3.10.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

PELTONEN, MARKKU. "POLITENESS AND WHIGGISM, 1688–1732." Historical Journal 48, no. 2 (May 27, 2005): 391–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004449.

Full text

Abstract:

This article re-examines the role of civility and politeness in the writings of whig authors from 1688 to 1732. It argues that politeness was not an exclusively whig concept. Nor was there any unanimity amongst the whigs about its meaning. Politeness was a hotly debated topic in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, but differences in its interpretations did not follow party lines. The notions of politeness formulated by whig authors after 1688 differed from each other as much as they differed from those framed by non-whigs. The article also reconsiders the account that the whig theorists used their analysis of politeness to defend the commercial values of post-1688 England and Britain. Again, there was no agreement on this amongst the whigs. Some of them explicitly denied the putative link between commerce and politeness, some of them were not interested in it, and even those who argued for it still interpreted politeness in its traditional courtly terms rather than in post-courtly urban terms.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

ROSZMAN, JAY R. "‘IRELAND AS A WEAPON OF WARFARE’: WHIGS, TORIES, AND THE PROBLEM OF IRISH OUTRAGES, 1835 TO 1839." Historical Journal 60, no. 4 (January 30, 2017): 971–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000467.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThis article contends that the Irish policy of both the Whig and Tory parties has received rather short shrift in the historiography surrounding Britain's decade of reform. In an attempt to rectify this gap, the article traces the emergence of the Whig policy of ‘justice to Ireland’ between 1835 and 1839; a policy championed by an emerging activist leadership within the party that promoted Catholics in Irish administration and attempted to pass substantial legislative reform. This ambitious Whig agenda upended a thirty-five-year consensus that relied on coercion to rule Ireland's recalcitrant population. Tories vehemently opposed this change, and used Irish agrarian violence – so-called ‘outrages’ – to undermine the success of the Whigs’ novel approach to governing Ireland through remedial legislation. This confrontation over Irish policy led to an 1839 House of Lords committee on Irish crime that passed a vote of censure on the Whigs’ Irish policy and nearly toppled Melbourne's government. However, the article demonstrates how the Whigs’ Irish policy was the one question that held together their big tent coalition of Whigs, English radicals, and O'Connellites, thus extending their administration for another two years.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

ZBORAY, RONALD J., and MARY SARACINO ZBORAY. "Gender Slurs in Boston's Partisan Press During the 1840s." Journal of American Studies 34, no. 3 (December 2000): 413–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875851006450.

Full text

Abstract:

During the height of the 1840 presidential campaign season, the Democratic editor, Charles Gordon Greene, printed in his Boston Morning Post the following lampoon of the September 10 Bunker Hill Whig Convention: “ ‘Madam, I am astonished that you do not wave your handkerchief; I thought that the women were all whigs,’ said a gentleman to a lady while the procession was passing by them on Thursday. ‘You are mistaken, sir,’ was the answer – ‘the whigs are all women.’ ” Greene efficiently slung this partisan mud at the 80,000 men and women who demonstrated their support for the Whigs at the gathering. The editor fastened upon the opposition's previous pronouncement that “ ‘The Ladies are all Whigs’ ” and inverted it to effeminize men who would vote for William Henry Harrison. “The Whigs are all women,” “Colonel” Greene now declared. On this page of one of Boston's most widely read dailies, the gender of both Whig men and women was questioned and distinctions between them became blurred in unflattering ways. Greene thus defiled both sexes with one swift printed gesture.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Monod, Paul. "The Politics of Handel's Early London Operas, 1711–1718." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 36, no. 3 (January 2006): 445–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219506774929746.

Full text

Abstract:

Athough aristocratic Whigs were the primary supporters of opera during the last years of Queen Anne's reign, Whig publicists launched a series of attacks against Italian opera that revealed social and ideological tensions within the party. The Earl of Shaftesbury, an ardent Whig, gave intellectual weight to the Whig aristocratic taste for opera, but proponents of the popular theater remained unconvinced that this foreign art form could be reconciled with Whig principles. Handel's operas reflected, as well as responded to, these debates.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Bogart, Dan. "Political Party Representation and Electoral Politics in England and Wales, 1690–1747." Social Science History 40, no. 2 (2016): 271–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2016.4.

Full text

Abstract:

The Whig and Tory parties played an important role in British politics in the decades following the Glorious Revolution. This article introduces new data on the political affiliation of all Members of Parliament in England and Wales between 1690 and 1747. The data have numerous applications for research. The focus here is on majority party representation and the electoral politics of constituencies. I show that the Whigs had stronger representation in municipal boroughs with small and narrow electorates, whereas the Tories were stronger in county constituencies and in boroughs with large and more democratic electorates. The Whigs were stronger in the Southeast region and the Tories in Wales and the West Midlands. After the Whig leader, Robert Walpole, became prime minister in 1721 the Whigs lost some presence in their traditional strongholds including counties where the Dissenter population was large. Finally, I incorporate data on electoral contests and show that the majority party generally lost strength in constituencies following contests.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Kriegel, Abraham D. "A Convergence of Ethics: Saints and Whigs in British Antislavery." Journal of British Studies 26, no. 4 (October 1987): 423–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385898.

Full text

Abstract:

There is a paradox in the legislative success of British antislavery that invites further inquiry. While one can hardly diminish the role of evangelical Christianity in the abolition of the slave trade and, decades later, of slavery in the empire, each bill was passed by an aristocratic government predominantly Whig in composition. The first measure, the abolition of the slave trade in 1807, was passed by the Ministry of All the Talents, a coalition of Foxite Whigs and Grenvillites, in a parliament that remained almost exclusively a body of the landed interest. While the first reformed parliament of 1833 may not have been quite so preponderantly landed in its composition, it abolished slavery in the empire under the leadership of Lord Grey's government, the most aristocratic of the century. Like the Talents Ministry, the government of Lord Grey was a coalition, at least in its inception. But its moving spirits were Whigs. Yet, with some few exceptions, the role of the Whigs in British antislavery has not received the attention it deserves. In particular, one must inquire how and why a group of worldly aristocrats, especially the older generation of Fox, Grey, and Holland, should have associated themselves with an evangelical crusade. Whig aristocrats, after all, subscribed to an ethic that Evangelicals disdained, particularly in its emphasis on worldly honor; and evangelical humility, in turn, often appeared to at least some Whigs as righteous humbug.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Wasson, Ellis Archer. "The Great Whigs and Parliamentary Reform, 1809–1830." Journal of British Studies 24, no. 4 (October 1985): 434–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385846.

Full text

Abstract:

The genesis of the Reform Act of 1832 is still not fully understood. It has become fashionable for historians to direct their attention toward two groups of Whigs who are seen as the ultimate arbiters of policy. The first, men of high visibility such as Lords Grey and Holland, was certainly of importance. The Reform Bill prime minister was the most brilliant political tactician the Whigs had produced since Walpole. But the senior leaders of the 1830s were already becoming rather antiquated in their ideas, and men of their type and generation were generally very moderate reformers. The other group to whom historians attribute the progressive elements of Whiggism, the Edinburgh Reviewers and especially Henry Brougham, are seen as the “new men,” the radicalizers and educators of Whiggery. Yet Brougham, for example, frequently worked against the efforts of advanced Whigs to unify and strengthen the party. Indeed, he actually regretted the liberal nature of the Reform Bill. The “new men” who might have played such a role in the House of Commons, Romilly, Horner, and Whitbread, were dead by 1818, the victims of disease and madness. Mackintosh and Macaulay contributed to the party's articulation of principles but did not shape them in the 1810s and 1820s.No peaceful steps could have been taken toward actual constitutional change without the acquiescence, indeed the active cooperation, of the great Whig magnates. No Whig government could hope to survive for long or call itself Whig without support from the great families, most of them cousins by blood or marriage, whose surnames and titles were inextricably bound up with mythology anchored in the events of 1688–89.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Carpenter, Daniel, and Benjamin Schneer. "Party Formation through Petitions: The Whigs and the Bank War of 1832–1834." Studies in American Political Development 29, no. 2 (October 2015): 213–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x15000073.

Full text

Abstract:

When President Andrew Jackson removed the public deposits from the Bank of the United States, he set off an economic and political crisis from which, scholars agree, the Whig Party emerged. We argue that petitioning in response to removal of the deposits shaped the emergence of the Whig Party, crystallizing a new line of Jacksonian opposition and dispensing with older lines of National Republican rhetoric and organization. Where petitioning against removal of the deposits was higher, the Whigs were more likely to emerge with organization and votes in the coming years. We test this implication empirically by using a new database of petitions sent to Congress during the banking crisis. We find that petitioning activity in 1834 is predictive of increased support for Whig Party candidates in subsequent presidential elections as well as stronger state Whig Party organization.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Hammer, Dean C. "The Puritans as Founders: The Quest for Identity in Early Whig Rhetoric*." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 6, no. 2 (1996): 161–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1996.6.2.03a00030.

Full text

Abstract:

In looking at the politics of the opening decades of the nineteenth Century, scholarly attention has been drawn to the self-destruction of the Federalists, the ascendancy of the Jeffersonian Republicans, or the emergence of the Jacksonian Democrats. What gets lost in the way scholars view this political drama is the coalescence of an American Whig identity, forged in the decade of the 1820's. At least part of this inattention can be explained by scholarly appraisals of the Whig party as intellectually incoherent, politically cynical, and, ultimately, unsuccessful.The Whig position was, indeed, a curious one: the Whigs heralded the growth of the modern capitalist market that would unleash the forces of entrepreneurial individualism, yet they decried the loss of the precommercial values of deference, virtue, and hierarchical Community; they embraced the prosperity brought about by commerce, yet they feared the corruption of virtue that resulted from the pursuit of interest; and they looked forward to a capitalist economy while glancing back at an antidemocratic Federalism and Puritan moralism.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

More sources

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Whigg"

1

Hunn, S. A. "Negative perceptions of Whiggery 1760-1807." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390352.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Page, James A. (James Allen) 1946. ""These Whigs are Singing Songs Again!" Whig Songs as Campaign Literature Prior to the 1844 Presidential Race." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277889/.

Full text

Abstract:

Whig campaign strategists in the presidential election of 1840 developed new campaign tactics that included widespread use of campaign songs. They used these songs to sing the praises of their own candidate and policies while at the same time attacking the opposing party's candidate and policies. As early as 1842 these songwriters began writing songs in anticipation of the campaign in 1844. Prior to the nomination of candidates in May, 1844, the Whigs had published several songbooks including hundreds of song titles. In addition to supporting the candidacy of Henry Clay as the Whig candidate, the songs ridiculed several potential Democratic candidates including Martin Van Buren, John C. Calhoun, James Buchanan, and others. Whigs also used imagery to support their candidate and attack the foe. Despite extensive efforts to influence the election with campaign songs, no hard evidence exists that documents the effect of campaign songs, either positively or negatively.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Ben, hassine Asma. "Les réformes whigs en Inde britannique : 1830-1857." Thesis, Paris Est, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PESC0049/document.

Full text

Abstract:

L’Inde britannique fut la scène d’importantes réformes ciblant les pratiques économiques, juridiques, sociales, religieuses, culturelles, éducatives et journalistiques des Indiens. Dans cette thèse, il s’agit de repenser les réformes whigs menées entre 1830, date à laquelle les Whigs dominèrent de nouveau le Parlement, et 1857, date à laquelle la domination britannique de l’Inde fut considérablement bouleversée par une révolte sans précédent. Les réformistes whigs avaient certainement anglicisé les autochtones mais n’avaient pas réussi à les occidentaliser. Il s’est avéré que la majorité des Indiens avaient bien résisté aux tentatives de conversions dirigées par des évangélistes en préservant leurs religions, en défendant leurs traditions et en ravivant leur culture. Le gouvernement colonial de la Compagnie avait bien modernisé l’éducation indienne, introduit les chemins de fer, bâti des ponts, fourni de nouveaux moyens de communication comme le télégraphe et amélioré l’infrastructure, mais c’était plutôt pour faciliter ses propres échanges commerciaux et pour protéger les intérêts économiques et stratégiques de l’Empire britannique par le biais d’une armée redoutable. Une fois les intellectuels instruits à l’anglaise avaient réalisé la discrimination et l’indifférence des Britanniques à leur égard, ils entamèrent leur réaction politisée et leur long combat pour obtenir l’indépendance de leur pays. Les réformes whigs avaient échoué et ne permirent pas aux Indiens d’atteindre le progrès promis, ce qui engendra un conflit culturel profond, aggravant les différences existantes entre la colonie et l’Empire
British India was the scene of large-scale Whig reforms regarding the economic, judicial, social, religious, cultural, educational and press practices of native Indians. This thesis is rethinking major Whig reforms from 1830, when a Whig majority was back in Parliament, to 1857, when the British rule in India through the East India Company was markedly shaken by an unprecedented revolt. Whig reformers anglicised their native subjects but could not westernize them. Most Indians proved to be resilient enough to preserve their religions, maintain their traditions and revive their culture rather than surrender to the Evangelicals’ plans to convert them into Christianity. The Indian Government of the East India Company definitely modernised Indian education, introduced railroads, built bridges, provided telegraph for better communication and improved infrastructure, but it was more for facilitating its own trade exchanges and protecting the economic and strategic interests of the British Empire as a whole relying on its powerful army. Once the anglicised Indian intellectuals experienced British discrimination and indifference, they started their politicised reaction and headed towards independence. Whig reforms failed to bring about the promised progress for Indians and resulted in a profound cultural and colonial conflict sharpening the differences between the colony and the Empire

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Hasselbrinck, William R. "The Whigs of Indiana, 1834-1843." Virtual Press, 1985. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/434087.

Full text

Abstract:

The purpose of this study was to determine, record, and interpret the history of the Whig political party in Indiana from 1834 through 1843. Emphasis was placed on the history of the administrations of Whig governors Noah Noble, David Wallace, and Samuel Bigger and the Nineteenth through the Twenty-seventh General Assemblies. Those Whigs who were the elected members of the executive and legislative branches of Indiana government were the principals of the study.These subject Whigs were analyzed and characterized in terms of (1) geographic origin, (2) age, (3) ancestry, (4) formal education, (5) religious preference, (6) military service, and (7) occupation. The philosophical basis for Whiggery in Indiana was considered an important element in the study.Findings1. These Whigs were a comparatively youthful and nomadic group coming from allareas of what was then the United States but principally from Kentucky, Pennsylvania, the Carolinas, and Virginia.2. Virtually all were native to the United States with an ancestry traceable to northern and western Europe.3. Little formal education was found beyond the common school except among those who were professionals.4. Whigs dominated the executive and legislative branches during the period studied and were frequently elected officers in the Indiana Militia.5. Much diversification existed in Whig vocation, occupation, and profession. Whigs universally had undertaken numerous economic pursuits.6. Nearly all were Protestant; however, only a minority were associated with institutionalized religious groups. Religious persuasion was little related to Whig political success.7. Philosophically Whigs stood with national doctrine but, within Indiana, only local and state matters were of concern to them.Conclusions1. The Indiana Whigs differed little from Democrat or other political or economic groups within the state. They were not solely Federalist or neo-Federalist or Jeffersonian in practice.2. They were strivers who were bourgeois in their attitudes, but who gave no indication of having achieved economic or social success before coming to Indiana. They represented no organized social or economic group and were not members of an aristocracy.3. The Whigs were popular individuals who were deemed capable of best implementing an internal improvements program within the state. The Whig party rose and declined on that issue.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Irving, Sean. "Friedrich Hayek : an unrepentant old Whig." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/friedrich-hayek-an-unrepentant-old-whig(00b11b88-a425-4fae-817d-09bce488c160).html.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis examines how Friedrich Hayek’s concern with free market action led him to adopt a neo-roman concept of liberty and it traces how this development informed his view of the relationship between government, democracy and the economy. For Hayek, liberalism that made freedom in economic life its core concern was the ‘true’ liberalism, and he distinguished this from a ‘false’ liberalism that advocated government action as a means of enabling ‘self-development’. Influenced by Carl Schmitt, Hayek viewed the democratic process as encouraging false liberalism. Recognising the contested nature of liberalism, over the course of the 1940s and ‘50s he set out to decontest it: to win acceptance of his definition of the tradition. He sought to demonstrate the legitimacy of his true liberalism with reference to intellectual history and the work of Whig authors. It was in their work that Hayek came into contact with the neo-roman concept of liberty. Theirs however was a partial interpretation of Roman liberty. The generally privileged status of the Whig authors, combined with a genuine fear of government, resulted in a focus on the danger of public power, or imperium, to the exclusion of private power, or dominium. This complemented Hayek’s own opposition to government economic activity. This thesis contends that arriving at a concept of liberty was the pivotal point in Hayek’s intellectual career. From then on his work ceased to be defensive. Instead, despondent at the growing appeal of social justice in the 1960s and alarmed at union influence and inflation in the ‘70s, he actively promoted an alternative free market vision. This culminated in his intellectual emergency equipment: the ‘denationalisation of money’ and ‘a model constitution’. Informed by his partial version of the neo-roman concept, he advocated a weak state and a curtailment of democratic power. Despite his strong focus on imperium there are points in Hayek’s thought at which he recognises that private power can also pose a threat to free market action. This thesis concludes with the suggestion that integrating a more comprehensive version of the neo-roman concept of liberty into Hayek’s thought results in a very different vision of the appropriate relationship between government, democracy and the economy to the one he developed.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Orme, Trent Eugene. "Scottish Whig Party, c. 1801-20." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9769.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis analyses the Scottish Whig party between 1801 and 1820 with particular focus on party structure, organisation, and ideology. It seeks to provide a picture of the Scottish Whig party between these dates and to demonstrate that the party developed and maintained a sophisticated structure, cultivated an active and diverse body of members, and contributed to the intellectual development of the national Whig party. Chapter One explores the multiple opinions that existed within the Scottish Whigs on the issue of reform and how these ideas were disseminated in the press. Chapter Two discusses the fissures that existed within the Edinburgh Whigs and notes the generational gap which saw the younger Whigs compete with the older ones for pre-eminence within the party. Chapter Three extends this study beyond the confines of Edinburgh and examines the importance of a culture of conviviality to the party through a study of the dinners held throughout Scotland in honour of Charles James Fox. Extending beyond the urban centres, Chapter Four delves into the complexities of county politics in Scotland and the methods that the Whigs developed in order to overcome local challenges. Chapter Five explores the practical means by which the opposition party maintained itself, specifically through the patronage of university chairs and livings in the Church of Scotland. Through a brief exploration of the career of John Allen, Chapter Six discusses the importance of London and Holland House to the Scottish Whigs and provides suggestions for further research. Finally, it is asserted that, by the 1820s, a diverse and dynamic Scottish Whig party had emerged and was actively contributing to the national Whig party intellectually, by developing a 'new' Scottish Whiggism, and in terms of personnel. Throughout, this thesis demonstrates the flexibility of terms such as 'Whig' and 'Foxite principles' and argues for a broader interpretation of political activity and involvement as being vital to the study of early nineteenth-century politics.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Tolley, S. G. A. "The Whig oligarchy : representation and imagery, 1700-1733." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2013. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1415898/.

Full text

Abstract:

There has been a marked interest over the last decade in understanding the nature of early modern ‘public opinion’. One noticeable feature has been the utilisation of the vast array of cheap print, including pamphlets, ballads and newspapers, to highlight contemporary political interests. This thesis aims to use these resources to look at the popular representation of four key political figures of the early eighteenth century ‘Whig Oligarchy’, Charles 2nd Viscount Townshend, James 1st Earl of Stanhope, Charles 3rd Earl of Sunderland and Sir Robert Walpole. This research project attempts to reassess the importance of these figures in a cultural context and to offer a unique comparative framework, evaluating public concerns over ministerial lives, actions and initiatives. This is not a series of biographical accounts but an analysis of how these statesmen were viewed in different literary forms and imagery, revising the importance of ‘political personality’ to the early eighteenth century consumer. The tendency is often to portray Walpole’s rise to de facto prime minister as a solitary drama with a cast of supporting figures, creating a political history of the early eighteenth century that is often seen in terms of merely pre and post Walpole. This thesis sets Walpole in the milieu of his contemporaries, being just one of several influential figures who rose through the Whig party during the 1700’s and jostled for office during the 1710’s. There is a dearth in the current historiography of studies in ministerial representation, particularly in the period following George I’s accession to the British throne in 1714. This study will provide considerable insight into how early eighteenth century writers and artists perceived their political masters, helping to forge a truly national public profile around them - one that often transcended social and geographical boundaries.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Walsh, Christopher. "Whigs, Tories, and the Taxation of Augustan England, 1689-1715." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35251.

Full text

Abstract:

After the Glorious Revolution of 1688 the divisions within English society found additional expression through political parties as contemporaries staked out ideological positions on numerous issues and crises facing the nation. While the parties fought over issues of sovereignty and governance, the development of a taxation regime, required to pursue and support the nation’s almost constant wars on the continent, was also drawn into this contest. The nature of the debates over taxation on landed property provides an important lens through which to understand the ideological positions of both Whigs and Tories over matters of not only political economy, but religion, society, and governance. The English Land Tax, is one of the most important fiscal instruments of Augustan England and reveals how Whigs and Tories articulated positions on the aftermath of 1689, on the financial revolution that followed, and on the nature of governance at the beginning of the ‘long eighteenth century.’

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Williams, Abigail. "Whig literary culture : poetry, politics, and patronage, 1678-1714." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339967.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Gallagher, Brian Martin. "The whig interpretation of the history of Red River." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26473.

Full text

Abstract:

The whig interpretation, which can be most simply defined as the idea that past events led in direct and progressive stages to the present, has long been recognized as a basic historiographic fallacy. The fullest expression of the whig interpretation of western Canadian history is to be found in the works of George F.G. Stanley and W.L. Morton. In presenting a narrative reconstruction of the events surrounding Canada's annexation of Red River, these authors primarily attempt to justify Canadian policy as the extension of British civilization. Their interpretation is deeply flawed by a racist view of the aboriginal peoples of the region who are regarded as savages. That the works of these men fully encompass the whig interpretation is of less significance than the resurgence of that outlook amongst the present generation of historians. Regressive nationalistic and ethnocentric themes have been at the centre of much that has recently been written about Red River. A characteristic feature of these works is the tendency to emphasize racial and religious divisions within the Metis community rather than to pose more fundamental questions about the social structure. Although the farmers and hunters of Red River were drawn together by a common Cree kinship, John Elgin Foster argues that the offspring of Hudson's Bay Company employees and Cree women, whom he calls the "Country-born," were strongly attached to British institutions and traditions. Foster uses this concept of the separate identity of the "Country-born" to introduce a new version of the whig interpretation, arguing that it was the respect of the "Country-born" for British institutions which created social order. While rejecting Foster's image of social harmony in Red River, Frits Pannekoek introduces another form of the whig interpretation with the argument that society was disintegrating because of racial and religious strife and therefore the Canadian incursion was necessary to restore social order to the settlement. Employing the characteristic whig model of social change as a simple progression, Sylvia Van Kirk provides further support for the idea that society in Red River was divided by arguing that the Foss-Pelly scandal added to the growing reluctance on the part of Company officers to marry mixed-blood women. Although these three historians, claim to be concerned with the dynamics of social change in Red River, they fail to consider the lack of social mobility among the lower class and ignore evidence about the polyglot character of the elite. In order to expose the whig bias in the works of Foster, Pannekoek, and Van Kirk it is necessary look at marriage patterns in society as a whole rather than just within the elite. Among the most convincing refutations of whig historiography to date is the quantitative analysis of land tenure in Red River by Douglas Sprague, which confirms that the Metis were not nomadic. Using the data base compiled by Sprague and Ronald Frye, I have analyzed marriage patterns among the population at large and in three representative parishes of Red River. The conclusion derived from this analysis is that the early development of a capitalistic labour market in Red River reduced social mobility for the great majority of the people even as it created a polyglot mercantile oligarchy.
Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

More sources

Books on the topic "Whigg"

1

Wasson, Ellis Archer. Whig renaissance: Lord Althorp and the Whig Party 1782-1845. New York: Garland Pub., 1987.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Bord, Joe. Science and Whig Manners. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230595231.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

The Whigs of Florida, 1845-54. Gainesville, Fla: University of Florida Press, 1989.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Whigs, radicals and liberals, 1815-1914. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1995.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Pearce, James Alfred. Old line Whigs for Buchanan & Breckinridge. [S.l: s.n., 1986.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

The Whig world: 1760-1837. London: Hambledon and London, 2005.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Basil, Williams. The Whig supremacy, 1714-1760. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Nicholas, Alexander. The Whig Interpretation of Retailing. Coleraine: University of Ulster, 1995.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Hay, William Anthony. The Whig Revival, 1808–1830. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230510623.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

The Whig revival, 1808-1830. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.

Find full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

More sources

Book chapters on the topic "Whigg"

1

Lottes, Günther. "Whigs." In Enzyklopädie der Neuzeit, 525–26. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-00063-7_183.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Stewart, Robert. "The Whig Decade." In Party and Politics, 1830–1852, 48–61. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19653-1_4.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Wilkinson, David. "Whig into Tory." In The Duke of Portland, 137–70. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230595958_6.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Jenkins, T. A. "Whigs, Radicals and Gladstonians." In The Liberal Ascendancy, 1830–1886, 151–96. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23483-7_5.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Williams, Abigail. "Whig and Tory Poetics." In A Companion to Eighteenth-Century Poetry, 444–57. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470996638.ch33.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Watson, George. "The Wisdom of the Whigs." In The Idea of Liberalism, 98–109. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17987-9_8.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Forbes, Suzanne. "Whigs and Tories, 1709–1712." In Print and Party Politics in Ireland, 1689-1714, 195–227. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71586-5_7.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Bord, Joe. "Manners, Science and Politics." In Science and Whig Manners, 1–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230595231_1.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

James, Elinor, Paula McDowell, Betty S. Travitsky, and Anne Lake Prescott. "Sir, I Would have the distinction of Whigg and Tory laid aside. n.d. [c. 1683–5?]." In The Early Modern Englishwoman: A Facsimile Library of Essential Works, 17–18. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315256825-6.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Carlson, Christina M. "‘A Child of Heathen Hobbs’:1 political prints of the Popish Plot and Exclusion Crisis – the revision of a republican mode." In From Republic to Restoration. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719089688.003.0017.

Full text

Abstract:

This chapter examines political prints that responded to the Popish Plot and Exclusion Crisis (1679–82). It compares the political prints of the “Tory” Sir Roger L’Estrange, Licenser to the Press, with that of the “Whig” Stephen College, a “Protestant Joiner”. College was executed for his political cartoon, “A Ra-ree Show”, in 1682. This chapter uses these satirical engravings in order to contextualize the so-called “Tory Reaction” of 1681. It argues that one of the reasons why the Tories were so successful, by most accounts, in their efforts to discredit the Whigs has to do with the concept of loyalism. As the Whig agenda became increasingly tied to republican and non-conformist aims, their connection to loyalism began to dissolve. This made the Whigs vulnerable to challenges to their beliefs and practices both from without (by Tories) and from within (by the mainline elements from inside the Whig party itself).

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Reports on the topic "Whigg"

1

Huit, Katherine. Oregon Territorial Governor John Pollard Gaines: A Whig Appointee in a Democratic Territory. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.7166.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!