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1

Rensmann, Lars. "The New Politics of Prejudice: Comparative Perspectives on Extreme Right Parties in European Democracies." German Politics and Society 21, no. 4 (December 1, 2003): 93–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503003782353358.

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Piero Ignazi, Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003)Cas Mudde, The Ideology of the Extreme Right (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003)Martin Schain, Aristide Zolberg, and Patrick Hossay, eds., Shadows over Europe: The Development and Impact of the Extreme Right in Western Europe (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002)
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2

ARAUJO, ANA CRISTINA. "European public opinion and the Lisbon earthquake." European Review 14, no. 3 (June 8, 2006): 313–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798706000317.

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At the end of November 1755, news of the Lisbon earthquake spread rapidly to all capital cities of Europe. Horrific reports gave rise to a wealth of sensational journalism. As Samuel Johnson and others attest, this was particularly marked in Great Britain. The catastrophe remained a popular subject of flysheets, newspapers, and engravings for months on end. The event was magnified many times over in the eyes and minds by the popular press, which led to forms of public distress. For the first time in the western world, the press, on the occasion of the Lisbon earthquake, helped create the illusion of proximity and unity between the peoples of different nations in Europe. As Voltaire said, ‘L'Europe ressemblait à une grande famille réunie après ses différences’.
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DIXON, C. SCOTT. "URBAN CULTURE AND COURT CULTURE IN THE EUROPEAN PAST." Historical Journal 40, no. 3 (September 1997): 825–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007449.

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Flesh and stone. The body and the city in western civilization. By Richard Sennett. London: Faber & Faber, 1994. Pp. 431. ISBN 0-571-17390-X. £25.00Renaissance warrior and patron. The reign of Francis I. By R. J. Knecht. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Pp. xxv+612. ISBN 0-521-41796-1. £45.00.The early modern city 1450–1750. By Christopher R. Friedrichs. London: Longman, 1995. Pp. ix+381. ISBN 0-582-01321-6. £14.99.The court artist. On the ancestry of the modern artist. By Martin Warnke. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. Pp. xx+299. ISBN 0-521-36375-6. £35.00.Renaissance and revolution. Humanists, scholars, craftsmen & natural philosophers in early modern Europe. Edited by J. V. Field and Frank A. J. L. James. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Pp. xv+291. ISBN 0-521-43427-0. £37.50.
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Skrobacki, Waldemar A. "The Logics and Politics of Post-WWII Migration to Western Europe." Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no. 1 (March 2008): 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908080384.

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The Logics and Politics of Post-WWII Migration to Western Europe, Anthony M. Messina, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007, pp. xv, 290.One of the most contentious and politically sensitive issues in Europe is immigration. The demographic trends indicate that the Old Continent is indeed getting older. To maintain their living standards, Europeans have to either increase birth rates or open the gates to immigrants in an orderly and welcoming way. Yet despite the practicality and, sooner rather than later, the necessity for an open, comprehensive and pro-active immigration policy, European countries are far from having one. At best, they have procedures concerning how to handle foreigners. The main “culprits” for this state of affairs are the people rather than governments. The Europeans, however rational the arguments for increasing immigration may be, are unwilling to embrace it. Paradoxically, those who are most opposed (and vote accordingly) are older people, even though they depend most on a large taxpayer base without which cheques from government-run pension plans would stop flowing eventually and publicly managed health care systems would run out of money.
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Reljic, Slobodan. "Brussels’ despotism and disgusting decencies: On ordered truth - purchased justice - EU’s colonialism by Hannes Hofbauer, Belgrade, 2012." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 143 (2013): 355–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1343355r.

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Eastern European societies became victims of the western economic expansion after the Berlin Wall had collapsed; their states were ruined and they were subsequently robbed. The expansion of the EU to the east, in reality, is nothing else but subduing half of the European continent to the interests and the logic of Western European companies. Brutal expansion, in which the end justifies the means, creates the boomerang effect that endangers basic values of liberal society as a whole. Hence, the law that sanctions public doubt in verdicts of the Hague Tribunal on the events in Srebrenica that took place in July 1995, is now transforming into jeopardy for freedom of the press, bringing back verbal censorship and even focusing the attention of historians to the one and only truth.
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Startsev, I. M. ""WHAT THEORIES WILL BRING TO RUSSIA": THE NEGATIVE ASPECTS OF THE WESTERN WAY OF LIFE IN THE RUSSIAN PRESS OF THE TIMES OF NICHOLAS I." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 2 (August 3, 2018): 60–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2018-2-60-67.

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The article examines the image of the West in the Russian press of the era of Nicholas I. When considering the image of the West, the emphasis is on negative trends that the Russian press found in modern Western life. One of the main subjects of criticism was parliamentarism. The parliamentary system was criticized for its weakness and inability to pursue a consistent policy. Also, Russian magazines criticized the West for abandoning traditional values and deviating from religion. The departure from religious morality in France and other countries was perceived as a cause of cultural decline. Capitalism was criticized by Russian journals from the moral point of view. The commercialization of life, coupled with the decline of morality, was seen as the main reason for the decline of Western European literature. It is concluded that all trends spotted by the Russian press in Western life began to manifest themselves in Russia at the end of the reign of Nicholas I and became public in the era of Alexander II.
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7

Linderman, Alf, and Mia Lövheim. "Measuring Resurgence of Religion?" Nordicom Review 37, s1 (July 7, 2020): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2016-0026.

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AbstractThe debate about a resurgence of religion in the public life of Western European societies is ongoing in media and academic circles. Yet there is a shortage of systematic and longitudinal empirical studies of the coverage of religion in European mass media. This article presents some empirical findings, but the focus is on methodological considerations in a longitudinal quantitative content analysis of indicators of religion in editorials in the Swedish daily press from 1976 to 2010. We present and discuss how the selection of keywords and of analytical units affects the outcome of our analysis as to tendencies over time regarding the frequency of religion indicators. As our results show, the question of a resurgence of religion in the daily press has no simple answer. Thus, methodological issues concerning reliability, validity and reflexivity are of crucial importance for this and similar studies measuring cultural change as reflected in the daily press.
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8

Linklater, Andrew. "Process sociology, the English School, and postcolonialism – understanding ‘civilization’ and world politics: a reply to the critics." Review of International Studies 43, no. 4 (September 8, 2017): 700–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210517000389.

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AbstractThis article responds to critics of Violence and Civilization in the Western States-Systems (Cambridge University Press, 2016). It provides a rejoinder to challenges to the attempted synthesis of process sociology and the English School analysis of international society. It rebuts the postcolonial contention that the process-sociological analysis of the impact of the European ‘civilizing process’ on the modern states-system is Eurocentric. The article explains how process sociology contributes to the postcolonial critique of ‘civilization’. It concludes by arguing that their combined strengths of the two perspectives can inform the comparative study of Western and non-Western ‘civilizing processes’ and support the development of a more ‘global IR’.
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Soper, J. Christopher. "JØRGEN S. NIELSEN, Towards a European Islam (London: Macmillan Press, 1999). Pp. 163. $59.95 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 4 (November 2000): 588–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002932.

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Jørgen Nielsen's Towards a European Islam provides a very good introduction to the role that Islam plays in the experience of most non-European immigrants to Western Europe. As Nielsen correctly notes, there is an overwhelmingly Muslim character to immigration in the region, but few of the recent studies on immigration have looked systematically at the issue of the role religion plays in the lives of these newly arrived migrants. This relative silence is surprising given that there are an estimated 9 million Muslims in Western Europe, which makes them the largest religious minority in the region. Nielsen's book, therefore, is a healthy corrective for a literature that too often ignores this important question. The book's greatest strength is its description of the complex process by which Muslims seek to integrate their religious values and practices into social and political cultures that are not well suited to accommodating those views.
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Johnson, Lawrence J. "Book Reviews: Mallinson, V. (1981). The Western European Idea in Education. New York: Pergamon Press." Journal of the Division for Early Childhood 10, no. 1 (January 1986): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/105381518601000111.

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Blavatskyy, Serhiy. "The framing of the Jewish pogroms upon the Ukrainian terrains via a prism of the Ukrainian foreign-language press in Europe (1919―1920s)." Proceedings of Research and Scientific Institute for Periodicals, no. 9(27) (2019): 87–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0331-2019-9(27)-6.

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It has been attempted to make an empirical study of the framing of the Jewish pogroms upon the Ukrainian terrains in 1919 in the Ukrainian press in the West European languages in Europe (1919―1920s). For the first time, in the communication and media studies discourses, there have been elicited new, previously unknown, findings of specificity of the framing of the Jewish pogroms in the Ukrainian foreignlanguage periodicals. Those were: «Bulletiner fra det Ukrainske Pressburo» (Copenhagen, 1919—1920s), «La Voce dell “Ucraina”» (Roma, 1919—1920s), «The Ukraine» (London, 1919—1920s), «Bureau Ukrai nien de Presse: Bulletin d’Informations» (Paris, 1919—1920s), «France et Ukraine» (Paris, 1920), «L’Europe Orientale» (Paris, 1919—1920s), «Die Ukraine» (Berlin, 1918—1926s). First, it has been elucidated that the «attribution of responsibility» frame was dominant in the content of the Ukrainian foreign-language press in Western Europe. Second, the conclusion about dialectic of the frames of «attribution of responsibility» and «morality» in the coverage of the Jewish pogroms upon the Ukrainian terrains has been made. In this regard, we conclude that the «morality» frame was connected with the internationalization of this problematic in the geopolitical discourse of international relations of the postwar period. On the contrary, the frame of «attribution of responsibility» was linked to localization of the Jewish question in the multilateral conflict on the Ukrainian territories in 1919. The main conclusion of this paper is that the coverage of the Jewish pogroms in the Ukrainian foreign-language press in Europe was made primarily in counterpropaganda purposes. The follow-up studies are to make a comparative study of the stereotypes about Jews’ perception in the Ukrainian-language press both in Ukraine and abroad (in Europe or the USA), as well as in the West European and American press of the Ukrainian Revolution period (1917―1921s). Thus, these future studies will either refute or confirm the validity of the findings and conclusions of this research. Keywords: framing, the Jewish pogroms, the Ukrainian terrains, the foreign-language press, Europe.
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12

Alloul, Houssine, and Roel Markey. "“PLEASE DENY THESE MANIFESTLY FALSE REPORTS”: OTTOMAN DIPLOMATS AND THE PRESS IN BELGIUM (1850–1914)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 2 (April 7, 2016): 267–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816000040.

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AbstractSimilar to ruling elites in Western Europe, the Ottomans were preoccupied with foreign “public opinion” regarding their state. Historians have devoted attention to Ottoman state efforts at image building abroad and, to a lesser degree, related attempts to influence the European mass press. Yet, an in-depth study of this subject is lacking. This article turns to one of the prime, though largely neglected, actors in Ottoman foreign policy making: the sultan's diplomats. Through a case study of Ottoman envoys to Belgium, it demonstrates how foreign “press management” evolved and was adapted to shifting domestic and international political circumstances. Increasingly systematic attempts to influence Belgian newspapers can be discerned from the reign of Abdülhamid II onward. Brokers between Istanbul and “liberal” Belgium's thriving newspaper business, Ottoman diplomats proved essential to this development. Ultimately, however, Ottoman efforts to counter Belgian (and European) news coverage of the empire had little impact and occasionally even worked counterproductively, generating the very Orientalist images they aimed to combat in the first place.
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13

GARRETT, AARON. "FORUM: THE IDEA OF THE SELF." Modern Intellectual History 3, no. 2 (August 2006): 299–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244306000758.

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The following comments and response were presented at a symposium on Jerrold Seigel's The Idea of the Self: Thought and Experience in Western Europe since the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), held at the Center for European Studies, Harvard University, on 14 October 2005. The symposium was organized by David Armitage, Peter Gordon and Judith Surkis and was sponsored by the CES's Colloquia in Intellectual and Cultural History.
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14

Clement, Andrew Anzur. "News from the East: Perceptions of the Free Movement of Persons in the Polish Popular Press." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 31, no. 4 (July 18, 2017): 799–817. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417716511.

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The free movement of persons in the EU has been thought of as reflecting an ideal of supranational solidarity within the single market. However, over the past decade, it has become a source of political contention among European peoples. Much attention has been paid to Western European, anti-EU sentiment regarding Central Eastern European migration. Yet euroskeptic populism has recently risen within the eastern EU as well. Despite this phenomenon, less attention has been given to discursive views of the free movement of persons in the eastern expansion countries. This contribution takes issue with transactionalist and utilitarian approaches to identity formation. It argues that resilient national identity shapes the perception of national interests regarding the market-based citizenship promoted by the EU institutions. Through qualitative analysis of the high-circulation popular Polish press, this study finds that when viewed through national identity–based interest perceptions, the free movement of persons is not framed in terms of “actual” economic benefits or opportunities. Instead, it is framed as a dubious benefit of EU integration, in relation to many obligations of EU membership. In contrast, the press discourse examined here frames intra-Union migration as the continuing unfortunate necessity of emigration. Thus, national identity conceptions may influence the eastern EU press narrative, causing it to frame the free movement of persons negatively, in terms of perceived interests.
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Rabo, Annika. "ONN WINCKLER, Demographic Developments and Population Policies in Ba⊂thist Syria (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 1999). Pp. 223. $100.00 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 3 (August 2000): 428–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002622.

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The globe is estimated to have 6 billion people today. The rapid increase of the human population has for decades been a common Western bogeyman. Now, at the turn of the millennium, the threat is brought out again. Today “the human time bomb” connotes uncontrolled fecundity in the Other, the non-Western or non-European. Demographic research shows that many countries in the Middle East and North Africa have among the highest rates of population growth in the contemporary world. Unlike Europe, where the nightmare of demographers and politicians is the aging and decreasing population, the Middle East still has a rapidly increasing and young population. Quite clearly, many politicians in the European Union are worried about the “uncontrollable overflow” of populations over its borders from the southern and eastern Mediterranean shores.
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Zemskyi, Yurii S., and Valerii V. Diachok. "Narrative sources on the diplomatic game of European countries around the events of the Polish uprising of 1863." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 2, no. 1 (January 4, 2020): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26190114.

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The purpose of the article – to disclose the meaning of the difference between the official, publicly declared position and the real (national) interests of Western European countries regarding their attitude to January 1863 Polish Uprising. Research methods: are analysis and synthesis, comparative, deduction, generalization. Main results: are despite the official statements by Western European governments to support the Poles' demands during the uprising of 1863 (in satisfaction of the Russian empire of their national rights), no real efforts were made. This state of affairs is clarified, with a meticulous analysis of true intentions of foreign policy of European countries. In the context of the implementation of policy in the nineteenth century, European governments could no longer ignore public opinion. After all, in the nineteenth century there was the epoch of affirmation in Europe of the ideals of the French Revolution and the formation of the institutions of civil society (free press, trade unions, public organizations, political parties, etc.). Involving information from narrative sources on events of 1863 clearly reveals the peculiarities of foreign policy and convinces that, in making final decisions, governments of the countries were guided by their own national interests (and not by the mind of public). Therefore, the Polish uprising became an opportunity to compete for the redistribution of influences among the leading countries of Europe and the interests of the Poles turned out to be only an instrument for achieving completely different goals. Concise conclusions: are the support of Western European governments in the Polish uprising were driven by public demands, but the real goal of each of the countries involved diplomatically to address this problem was to strengthen their own political stance in international affairs on the continent. Practical significance: this article will contribute to a better understanding of complex issues when assessing the position of Western European countries in the international politics of the mid-nineteenth century. Originality: compares information from publicly-published and diplomatically-concealed sources. Scientific novelty: the knowledge about the significant difference between the diplomatic statements and the real intentions of the foreign policy efforts of the Western European countries in the international relations of the middle of the nineteenth century were supplemented. Article type: analytic.
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Duchesne, Erick. "VAN REES, G. Boulder, The Western European Union at the Crossroads : Between Trans-Atlantic Solidarity and European Integration. Westview Press, 1998,170 p." Études internationales 30, no. 2 (1999): 458. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/704051ar.

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Cordier, door Geert. "Het Conflict van de Westelijke Sahara : Een Muur van Zand en Een Muur van Stilte." Afrika Focus 2, no. 3-4 (January 12, 1986): 251–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0020304003.

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The Conflict of the Western Sahara: A Wall of Sand and a Wall of Silence. For more than a decade the Saharawi people have been fighting for their independence, first against the Spanish colonialists then against Morocco and Mauretania. Although Mauretania has withdrawn from the conflict, the POLISARIO-front, the liberation organisation of the Saharawi people, remains at war with Morocco. The Western Sahara, thus still forms a pole of tension in Northern Africa but the European Press does not pay it much attention. However committees to support the Saharawi people have been trying to break clown this wall of silence. An “intergroupe de solidarité avec le peuple sahraoui”, set up in the European parliament in May 1986, may constitute a major step towards mobilizing public opinion on the Saharawi case. This article, which gives a chronology of the conflict in its regional context, seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the problems of the Saharawi.
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Frėjutė-Rakauskienė, Monika. "Real or Created?: Representation of the “Refugee Crisis” in Lithuanian Press Discourse 2015-2017." Informacijos mokslai 88 (April 29, 2020): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2020.88.30.

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The article analyses the media portrayal of publicly named “refugee or migration crisis”, after a Syrian migration through the Mediterranean Sea to European countries seeking asylum due to a military conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic. The article presents research data on refugee discourse of the most popular Lithuanian Internet news portals in the period of March 2015–February 2017. The article aims to discuss the parallels between Lithuanian and Western European media depiction of refugees and the “refugee crisis”. The article analyzes main topics and their changes in time, as well as identifies the threats constructed in the media, which are related to asylum of refugees and their integration in host countries. In addition, the article discusses the possible influence of such depiction on public attitudes.
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Wagner, Rudolf. "The Early Chinese Press and the Agency of Its Readers: The Dynamics of the Transcultural Spread of the “Press” as an Institution." Itinerario 44, no. 2 (August 2020): 412–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115320000236.

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AbstractHabermas saw the public sphere as coterminous with the national space. Anderson dreamed of newspaper readers facing the same paper for breakfast forming an “imagined community,” which he saw as vital for supplementing the subjective side of nationhood. Historical evidence supports neither proposition. Both remain locked in a nation-state focused history and have to sideline large and crucial parts of the record. This article studies two early Chinese-language periodical publications characterised by their radical difference to the standard European models, the East Western Monthly Magazine (1833–1838) and the Shenbao (1872–1949), and considers the implications of these examples for dominant conceptual frameworks.
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Braun, Aurel. "Resetting Russian–Eastern European relations for the 21st century." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, no. 3-4 (September 2012): 389–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.07.009.

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Optimism and opportunity in Russian–East European relations just a couple of years ago, especially with the Obama government’s express desire to “press the reset button” with Moscow, generated much hope, but it seems now that this also camouflaged deep issues of structure and process. Beyond historical mistrust and fear, an increasing drift away from democracy by Russia, while Eastern Europe, (geographically more broadly defined than during the Cold War), largely has sought closer political, economic and military integration with their Western neighbors, appears to have created two solitudes that may be irrevocably moving in different directions. Further, Russian ambitions and unrealistic expectations of regaining superpower status together with the belief that there may even be a shortcut to that restoration by manipulating the Western European powers, encouraging divisions within NATO and the European Union and isolating Eastern Europe or at least some of the states in the region, not only increases regional mistrust but ironically also diverts Russia away from the much needed fundamental economic and political changes that could transform it into a truly modern and successful state and a better neighbor and partner. Add issues such as the deployment of anti-ballistic missile defense systems in Eastern Europe over which Moscow continues to express vociferous military alarm but which in reality disguises Russian hegemonic ambitions or at best political fear, as well as Russia’s political use of energy and pipelines, and we have a combination that makes regional relations increasingly acrid and thus does not bode well for the future.
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Hanitzsch, Thomas, Arjen Van Dalen, and Nina Steindl. "Caught in the Nexus: A Comparative and Longitudinal Analysis of Public Trust in the Press." International Journal of Press/Politics 23, no. 1 (November 15, 2017): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161217740695.

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Despite signs of declining press trust in many western countries, we know little about trends in press trust across the world. Based on comparative survey data from the World Values Survey (WVS) and European Values Study (EVS), this study looks into national levels of trust in the press and identifies factors that drive differences across societies and individuals as well as over time. Findings indicate that the widely noted decline in media trust is not a universal trend; it is true for only about half of the studied countries, with the United States experiencing the largest and most dramatic drop in trust in the press. Political trust has emerged as key factor for our understanding of trust in the press. We found robust evidence for what we called the trust nexus—the idea that trust in the news media is strongly linked to the way publics look at political institutions. The link between press trust and political trust was considerably stronger in politically polarized societies. Furthermore, our analysis indicates that the relation between press trust and political trust is becoming stronger over time. We reason that the strong connection between media and political trust may be driven by a growing public sentiment against elite groups.
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Blavatskyy, Serhiy. "The cartographic propaganda in the Ukrainian foreign-language press in Europe (1900―1920s)." Proceedings of Research and Scientific Institute for Periodicals, no. 10(28) (January 2020): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0331-2020-10(28)-5.

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This paper seeks to develop new avenues for a study of the Ukrainian foreign-language press in Europe during the Ukrainian Revolution (1917―1921s). Specifically, it aims to explore the so-called «cartographic» argument in the editorial policies and content of these periodicals issued in West European languages in the West European countries. More specifically, we seek to study map propaganda on the basis of the content of the Ukrainian press published in the West European languages in Europe during the Paris Peace Conference (1919―1920s). The latter aimed at justifying the territorial integrity of Ukraine in terms of the Ukrainian terrains in the Eastern Europe and its representation in the European maps. It originated in the early 1900s, specifically, in Austria, and more specifically ― in the Ukrainian German-language reviews («Ruthenische Revue» and «Ukrainische Rundschau»). In our view, the Ukrainian post-WWI map propaganda was inspired by the Count M. Tyshkevych (Tyszkiewicz) and S. Sheloukhine, specifically, their groundbreaking work «Documents historiques sur l’Ukraine et ses relations avec la Pologne, la Russie et la Suede (1569―1764) publies avec notices explicatives et cartes par le C-te Michel Tyszkiewicz…» (Lausanne, 1919). We argue a specific correlation between map representation of respective stateless people and a justification of its nationstate aspirations in the European public sphere. Specifically, it has been argued that the cartographic propaganda was an element of strategic communication of the «territorialization of national identity» of Ukrainians in the internationally recognized borders of the UNR (according to the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty of Feb. 1918). The findings of this research prove an existence of continuum of map propaganda in the transnational media discourse transcending temporal and spatial boundaries. The follow-up studies on the research subject are to explore a persistence of the media patterns of map representation of the Ukrainian ethnic terrains in the media discourse, specifically, in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian «hybrid war» (since 2014). More specifically, a promising and relevant avenue is to study «map propaganda» over the question of belonging of the Crimea and its map representation in Ukrainian, Russian or in the Western public realms. Keywords: map propaganda, historical maps, ethnic terrains, Ukraine, Ukrainian, press.
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Tottoli, Roberto. "The Oxford Handbook of American Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 32, no. 4 (October 1, 2015): 97–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i4.1005.

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Shortly after publishing Jocelyne Cesari’s edited Handbook of European Islam(Oxford University Press: 2014), Oxford University Press more or less roundsoff the topic of Muslims in the western world with this volume on the UnitedStates. The editors, Yvonne Y. Haddad and Jane I Smith, have made amplecontributions on this topic during the last twenty years at least. This volume,to some extent, updates their previous works that have followed the evolutionand changes seen by the country’s Muslim communities (e.g., Muslim Communitiesin North America [Albany: SUNY Press, 1994], edited by both, andThe Muslims of America [New York: Oxford University Press, 1991], editedby Haddad). This may not be the last step in this direction, but it is certainlythe most comprehensive and ambitious one so far.The titles of their previous works, and indeed of this volume, touch on apreliminary problem. As a matter of fact, the volume should have borne thetitle Islam in the USA, since Central and Latin America and even Canada arenot mentioned. Many reasons, in any case, justify this circumscribed focus.As rightly pointed out in the “Introduction” (p. 4), American Islam is the mostheterogeneous in the world and no doubt constitutes the main issue when dealingwith Islam in North, Central, and South America. It is also the most heterogeneousand the most complex. As a matter of fact, these complex lines ofevolution of the West’s Islamic communities are exemplified by a simple comparisonbetween the two handbooks. Whereas Cesari’s edited European Islamwas described with an extensive first part that introduced the history and evolutionof Muslim communities in European countries plus some thematicchapters, in this book the approach is different.The thirty chapters deal with a number of specific topics identified assignificant, not to say fundamental, and are, furthermore, organized in three ...
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Drachewych, Oleksa. "Great disappointment, shifting opportunities: a glimpse into the Comintern, Western European parties and their colonial work in the Third Period." Twentieth Century Communism 18, no. 18 (March 30, 2020): 150–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334799.

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In early 1929, Robin Page Arnot and James Ford, both sponsored by the Comintern, each set out on a trip to investigate what Western European communist parties had accomplished in their campaigns on colonialism and racial inequality. Both men issued stern reports suggesting more could be done; but following these investigations a proposed European colonial conference never happened. The League Against Imperialism petered out. The International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers formed, but consistently dealt with discrimination and received limited, if any, help from European communist parties. Using Executive Committee politsecretariat documents, this article argues that the Comintern quickly abandoned an emphasis on colonial work, instead focusing on domestic campaigns when contacting these parties between 1929 and 1935. Highlighting the migration of these ideas transnationally, while offering a comparative analysis of the Executive Committee of the Communist International's interventions into each party, this research serves as a starting point for further inquiry into why the Comintern elected to not press these European parties to do more. Was their inaction because the Comintern was always Eurocentrically-minded? Was it because Comintern leaders were only paying lip service to these concepts? Was it that the Comintern prioritized other matters, especially as the Great Depression and the rise of fascism brought new challenges to communism? This article sheds some light on these questions by exposing the way in which the Comintern instructed each party to focus on in their broader campaigns.
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SZEMAN, IOANA. "Finding a Home on Stage: A Place for Romania in Europe?" Theatre Research International 28, no. 2 (June 26, 2003): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883303001068.

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Home, a pioneering theatrical production in post-communist Romania, cast homeless/orphaned youth in the Youth Theatre in Bucharest. The ‘orphan problem’ has been one of the most covered topics on Romania in western media, and one of the signs of Romania's ‘backwardness’, while neglect and indifference have characterized local press coverage. The significance of the production in changing the Romanian public's perception of these young people, many of whom are from the Roma ethnic group, is analysed, as are much wider political implications. Emma Nicholson, the European Parliament rapporteur for Romania, saw Home and afterwards expressed her support for Romania's acceptance into the European Union. The production and its reception permit a tracing of the historical relationship between the performance of Romanian marginality and national identity in relation to Europe.
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Greskiv, Olga. "Regional Press of Western Ukraine as a Factor of National Idea Shaping in the Context of Modern State Building Processes." Current Issues of Mass Communication, no. 22 (2017): 40–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2312-5160.2017.22.40-51.

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The main objective of this research was to analyze the Western Ukraine regional press as a factor of shaping national idea at the time of gaining and strengthening state independence. The methodology of research included the content analysis, which involved the systematic reading and observation of the texts. This method let us to identify the following role of the press in the context of state building: firstly, to actualize the sense of national idea and deepen the public interest in its comprehension; secondly, in the process of state development, the new priorities were set and gradually integrated into the hierarchy of national priorities through the public discussion in mass media, particularly in the newspaper publications; thirdly, the public discourse on the national idea had a direct impact on the development of strategies for state development and the formation of socio-cultural basis for the establishment of a modern Ukrainian political nation. The researcher came to the conclusion that the national press actually became the ideological driver for the people’s will. The results of the research indicate that the basic semantic accents of the newspaper discourse on the national idea are interconnected with the state development strategy, patriotism, restoration of historical truth, research on people’s traditions, culture, philosophy and etc. The European integration course is considered as an important element of shaping national idea of Ukraine.
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Casino, Gonzalo, Roser Rius, and Erik Cobo. "National citation patterns ofNEJM,The Lancet,JAMAandThe BMJin the lay press: a quantitative content analysis." BMJ Open 7, no. 11 (November 2017): e018705. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2017-018705.

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ObjectivesTo analyse the total number of newspaper articles citing the four leading general medical journals and to describe national citation patterns.DesignQuantitative content analysis.Setting/sampleFull text of 22 general newspapers in 14 countries over the period 2008–2015, collected from LexisNexis. The 14 countries have been categorised into four regions: the USA, the UK, Western World (European countries other than the UK, and Australia, New Zealand and Canada) and Rest of the World (other countries).Main outcome measurePress citations of four medical journals (two American:NEJMandJAMA; and two British:The LancetandThe BMJ) in 22 newspapers.ResultsBritish and American newspapers cited some of the four analysed medical journals about three times a week in 2008–2015 (weekly mean 3.2 and 2.7 citations, respectively); the newspapers from other Western countries did so about once a week (weekly mean 1.1), and those from the Rest of the World cited them about once a month (monthly mean 1.1). The New York Times cited above all other newspapers (weekly mean 4.7). The analysis showed the existence of three national citation patterns in the daily press: American newspapers cited mostly American journals (70.0% of citations), British newspapers cited mostly British journals (86.5%) and the rest of the analysed press cited more British journals than American ones.The Lancetwas the most cited journal in the press of almost all Western countries outside the USA and the UK. Multivariate correspondence analysis confirmed the national patterns and showed that over 85% of the citation data variability is retained in just one single new variable: the national dimension.ConclusionBritish and American newspapers are the ones that cite the four analysed medical journals more often, showing a domestic preference for their respective national journals; non-British and non-American newspapers show a common international citation pattern.
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Michalak, Laurence. "MOHJA KAHF, Western Representations of the Muslim Woman: From Termagant to Odalisque (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1999). Pp. 207. $16.95 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 4 (November 2001): 638–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801344070.

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The Muslim woman—secluded, oppressed, and either longing for liberation or ignorant in her false consciousness—has been an enduring topos in the Western imagination since the spread of Islam. Right? Wrong. Mohja Kahf explains that in fact “the question of the liberty, or lack thereof, of the Muslim woman” does not appear until around the 17th century, and the image of the subjugated Muslim woman, with its trappings of harems and veils, does not reach full fruition until the 18th and 19th centuries. If we go back to the 8th century, even after the Muslims had conquered Spain and part of France, there was a lack of European curiosity about Muslims and a tendency to see them as just another enemy who was not particularly different from the pagans of Europe. Orientalism and its gendered images came much later and were based on and helped to justify Western domination over the East, especially during the rise and heyday of colonialism. What, then, was the European image of the Orient—in particular, of Muslim women—during the many centuries before Orientalism, when the Muslim world was as powerful as, or even more powerful than, Europe? Kahf answers this question by introducing us to a series of fictional Muslim women from European literature of the Middle Ages through the late Romantic period.
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Yushchuk, Tetiana. "THE FIGURE OF I. MAZEPA IN THE MONOGRAPHIC RESEARCH OF THEODOR MASKIW." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1, no. 32 (April 28, 2021): 106–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2021-32-106-111.

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The article analyzes the monographic studies of T. Maсkiw, which concerned the figure of I. Mazepa. The personal contribution of the historian to the study of political circumstances and public sentiments in which the documents described by scientists were created, the genesis and texts of research sources, as well as their influence on memoirists of that era are determined. Attention is drawn to the refutation by scientists of falsified data and erroneous assumptions of other researchers about the figure of the hetman. The types and kinds of sources used by T. Maсkiw in his research are described. The differences in the factual content of texts of sources of different European countries, the dependence of these texts on the place of creation of the source and its author are studied, the structure, genesis and differences of the main works of the historian on this subject are analyzed. Emphasis is placed on new information on the history of Ukraine in the time of I. Mazepa, which T. Maсkiw found in European archives. The archeographic aspect of the historian’s activity is also reflected in the article. An important contribution of the author can be considered his reflections on the objectivity / subjectivity of the European press, which covered the events of Europe and Ukraine in the era of hetman I. Mazepa, its influence on European politicians, as well as the dependence of the press on the state. The main attention in the research is paid to the ukrainian-language monograph «Hetman Ivan Mazepa in the that time western European sources 1687-1709». An analysis of the change in assessments of political events in Ukraine by the foreign press after the transition of the hetman to the side of the Swedish king, a description of the reasons for this transition, the dependence of foreign assessments of the events of 1708 on the position of the Russian Empire, causes and consequences for I. Mazepa, vicissitudes of granting the hetman the title of Prince of the Holy Roman Empire.
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Vonnard, Philippe. "Gathering Europe in Football: UEFA, the Development of European Football and the Cold War (1949–1961)." STADION 44, no. 1 (2020): 34–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2020-1-34.

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At a meeting in Basel on 15 June 1954, 25 of Europe’s national football associations agreed to form a representative body for European football, a decision which would, four months later, give rise to the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA). Five years later, the new body had exceeded the expectations of most of its founders and had become one of the most important actors in European football. Furthermore, it appeared as the sole pan-European body as other “European organizations” - created at the same period - in other fields never crossed the Iron Curtain and were mainly composed by Western Bloc or neutral countries. This paper - which summarizes some of the key arguments examined in the book Creating a United Europe of Football (2020) - looks back at UEFA’s formation and early development. In doing so, it examines the issues of why UEFA developed so quickly, even though conditions for this development were not initially conducive, and how UEFA managed to overcome Cold War divisions to become a truly pan-European body. The article brings together information from original archive documents (mainly from UEFA’s and FIFA’s Documentation Centres, but also from national football association archives), French press reports (mostly from L’Equipe and France Football) and interviews with three leading figures in European football during the 1950s.
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Harder, Lois. "State Feminism and Political Representation." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 2 (June 2007): 537–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070515.

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State Feminism and Political Representation, Joni Lovenduski, ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005, pp. xix, 315.Lovenduski's edited volume is an 11-country (10 western European countries and the US), analysis of the effects of women's policy agencies on efforts to increase the representation of women in the political process—in legislatures, on party lists and in public administration. The book is the product of a 10-year collaboration among scholars involved in the Research Network on Gender Politics and the State and it exhibits the rich rewards that such a lengthy and involved affiliation among like-minded scholars can produce.
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Rapacki, Ryszard, and Adam Czerniak. "Emerging models of patchwork capitalism in Central and Eastern Europe: empirical results of subspace clustering." International Journal of Management and Economics 54, no. 4 (December 31, 2018): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ijme-2018-0025.

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Abstract The main aim of this paper was to shed a new empirical light on the nature and most salient features of the evolving postcommunist capitalism in 11 Central and Eastern European (CEE11) countries against the backdrop of Western European models of capitalism. The research approach capitalizes on the conceptual framework put forward by Amable [2003, The diversity of modern capitalism, Oxford University Press, Oxford] , i.e., it seeks to identify the current clusters or models of capitalism in 25 European Union (EU) countries in six institutional areas. However, in contrast to the original Amable’s methodology, the subspace clustering method was used, what allowed to take into account a vast set of 132 institutional measures and to analyze their change between 2005 and 2014. The main finding is that CEE11 countries developed their own distinct model of capitalism dubbed “patchwork capitalism.” In all but two areas, i.e., product market competition and financial intermediation, postcommunist countries form their own institutional clusters that are substantially different from those observed in Western EU countries. In addition, the paper shows that each CEE11 country followed its own distinct vector of change, which eventually led to a unique patchwork of institutions. Yet, the institutional variance within the region is smaller than the difference between CEE11 countries and other country clusters in the EU.
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34

Duina, Francesco. "Rethinking Europe's Future. By David P. Calleo. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001. 381p. $24.95. From the Nation State to Europe?: Essays in Honor of Jack Hayward. Edited by Anand Menon and Vincent Wright. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. 261p. $65.00 cloth, $24.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 678–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402920368.

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Rethinking Europe's Future and From the Nation State to Europe? belong to two different genres of European studies. From the Nation State to Europe? is a collection of academic essays about the transformation of the nation-state in the European Union's context and its implications for social scientific theoretical concepts. Rethinking Europe's Future is by contrast aimed at politicians and policymakers. Its major objective is to discourage policies designed to push Europe and NATO to expand eastward, perhaps to embrace Russia, and instead to encourage Western Europe to assert itself as a major independent, even if not fully united, force in the world. Despite this disciplinary difference, however, the two books complement each other well. The former is about the present state of affairs in Europe; the latter concerns the future and, for that purpose, a good deal of the past. Both involve excellent scholarship and thoughtful arguments, though organizationally they share some weaknesses. They should prove interesting to any student of European affairs.
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Arslanov, Rafael A., and Elena V. Linkova. "“Carbonarists in the Tsar’s guard!”: Uprising of December 14, 1825 in the European Press: Documents from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire and the State Archive of Turin." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2020): 602–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-2-602-614.

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The article studies perception of the uprising of December 14, 1825 in the Western European public opinion as reflected in the press. The source base of the study consists of archival (including previously unpublished) documents found by the authors while working in the State Archive of Turin, and also of the considerable fond 11 “Foreign newspapers,” stored in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. The authors investigate and summarize assessments of the Decembrists’ uprising that appeared in the European press in late 1825 – early 1826 and identify the origin of the newspaper information. Working with archival documents, the authors have used a number of methods that are typical for both historical research (retrospective, analytical, comparative methods) and source studies (heuristic, textual, and hermeneutic methods). These methods allow the authors not only to analyze the documents and determine their epistemological value, but also to comprehend their content in historical context. The article concludes that the European public opinion not just showed interest in the events in St. Petersburg, but also tried to analyze them, to identify their sources and their consequences for Russia and Europe. There were two trends in the coverage of the Decembrist uprising. Firstly, publicists repeated the information received through official channels. Secondly, journalists were inclined to believe that the revolutionary tendencies that emerged in the Russian army after the Napoleonic wars were characteristic of all European countries. The accumulated scientific material allows the authors to come to certain conclusions that are valuable for studying not just the uprising on the Senate square on December 14, 1825, but also mechanisms of formation of the image of Russia on the international arena.
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Burk, Kathleen. "The Marshall Plan: Filling in Some of the Blanks." Contemporary European History 10, no. 2 (July 2001): 267–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301002053.

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Dominique Barjot, Rémi Baudouï and Danièle Voldman, eds., Les Reconstructions en Europe (1945–1949) (Paris: Editions Complexe, 1997), 342 pp., FF175, ISBN 2-870-27693-1. Matthias Kipping and Ove Bjarnar, eds., The Americanisation of European Business: The Marshall Plan and the Transfer of US Management Models (London: Routledge, 1998), 235 pp., £50.00, ISBN 0-415-17191-1. Jeffry M. Diefendorf, Axel Frohn and Hermann-Josef Rupieper, eds., American Policy and the Reconstruction of Western Germany, 1945–1955 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press and the German Historical Institute, Washington, DC, 1993), 537 pp., £45.00, ISBN 0-521-43120-4. Hans-Herbert Holzamer and Marc Hoch, eds., Der Marshall-Plan: Geschichte und Zukunft (Landsberg/Lech: Olzog, 1997), 214 pp., ISBN 3-789-29349-0. Haus der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 50 Jahre Marshall-Plan (Berlin: Argon Verlag, Berlin, 1997), 140 pp., ISBN 3-870-24387-2. Günter Bischof, Anton Pelinka and Dieter Stiefel, eds., The Marshall Plan in Austria (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 2000), 588 pp., ISBN 0-765-80679-7. Michael Kennedy and Joseph Morrison Skelly, eds., Irish Foreign Policy 1919–1966: From Independence to Internationalism (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2000), 352 pp., £39.50, ISBN 1-851-82404-9. Bernadette Whelan, Ireland and the Marshall Plan 1947–1957 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2000), 426 pp., £39.50, ISBN 1-851-82517-7. Charles Silva, Keep Them Strong, Keep them Friendly: Swedish–American Relations and the Pax Americana, 1948–1952 (Stockholm: Akademitryck AB, 1999), 376 pp., Kl.10.00, ISBN 9-171-53974-3. Chiarello Esposito, America's Feeble Weapon: Funding the Marshall Plan in France and Italy, 1948–1950 (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1994), 226 pp., £49.50, ISBN 0-313-29340-6. Fernando Guirao, Spain and the Reconstruction of Western Europe 1945–57 (London: Macmillan, 1998), 240 pp., ISBN 0-312-21291-7. Martin A. Schain, Marshall Plan Fifty Years After (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2001), £30.00, ISBN 0-333-92983-7 was published after this article went to press.
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Kontler, László. "Relocating the “Human Zoo”: Exotic Displays, Metropolitan Identity, and Ethnographic Knowledge in Late Nineteenth-Century Budapest." East Central Europe 47, no. 2-3 (November 9, 2020): 173–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763308-04702002.

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Abstract This article inquires into the meaning and valence of late nineteenth-century exotic displays in Budapest, a location without the colonial stakes that apparently determined the course of the “human zoo” in most Western European contexts. It explores the reporting on ethnic shows in the metropolitan press, points out stereotypical and more idiosyncratic representations, and examines these against the background of arising scientific discourses in anthropology and ethnography. While in some corners at least the ethnic shows were understood and promoted as potential instruments of engendering a cosmopolitan sense of “being-in-the-world” for a recently emancipated province of a continental empire, the responses do not appear to have satisfied such expectations.
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Schönwald, Matthias. "New Friends – Difficult Friendships: Germany and its Western Neighbours in the Postwar Era." Contemporary European History 11, no. 2 (May 2002): 317–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302002096.

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Daniel Gossel, Briten, Deutsche und Europa. Die Deutsche Frage in der britischen Außenpolitik 1945–1962 (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1999), 259pp., DM 88.00, ISBN 3-515-07159-8. Klaus Larres, ed., Uneasy Allies: British-German Relations and European Integration Since 1945 (Oxford:Oxford University Press, 2000) 344pp., $85.00, ISBN 0-19-829383-6. Werner Rouget, Schwierige Nachbarschaft am Rhein: Frankreich–Deutschland, ed. Ernst Weisenfeld and Joachim Bitterlich (Bonn: Bouvier, 1998), 160pp., DM 29.80 ISBN 3-416-02762-0. Friso Wielenga, Vom Feind zum Partner. Die Niederlande und Deutschland seit 1945. (Münster: Agenda Verlag, 2000), 522pp., DM 59.80, ISBN 3-896880721. Robert Bohn, Jürgen Elvert and Karl Christian Lammers, eds., Deutsch-skandinavische Beziehungen nach 1945 (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1998), 280pp., DM 96.00, ISBN 3-515-07320-5. Birgit Aschmann, ‘Treue Freunde. . .’? Westdeutschland und Spanien 1945–1963 (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1999), 502pp., DM 188.00, ISBN 3-515-07579-8. Guido Müller, ed., Deutschland und der Westen: Internationale Beziehungen im 20. Jahrhundert, Festschrift für Klaus Schwabe. (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1998), 381pp., DM 138.00, ISBN 3-515-07251-9. Gottfried Niedhart, Detlef Junker and Michael W. Richter, eds., Deutschland in Europa. Nationale Interessen und internationale Ordnung im 20.Jahrhundert. (Mannheim: Palatium, 1997), 397pp., DM 98.00, ISBN 3-920671-29-5.
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Merican, Ahmad Murad. "Malay Editorial Cartoons in the 1930s: Humour and Sarcasm in Visualising the Other." Jurnal Pengajian Media Malaysia 22, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jpmm.vol22no2.3.

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This article defines Malay identity through their portrayal of the Malay Other - the Arabs, Indian Muslims and the Europeans. The Arabs and Peranakan Arabs were identified as foreigners in disguise, the Europeans colonisers as harbingers of modernity. From this perspective not much have been written, using editorial cartoons in Malaysia. This article then focuses on the depiction by the Malay of what constitutes the foreigner (and the West). The medium of the cartoon was a recent innovation in Malay-language newspapers, having first appeared in the first issue of Warta Jenaka a weekly pictorial newspaper on 7 September of 1936. This article surveys three major periodicals in the 1930s including that of Warta Ahad and Utusan Zaman in their construction of ambivalence toward colonialism and Western influence. These were the inter-war years. The periodicals capture Malay sentiments couched in humor and sarcasm ranging from the proximate culture of the Arabs to British or European notions of race, modernity and progress. It is cognizant of the colonial condition and the milieu and the inherent character of the Malay press, serving as instruments of criticism and satire. The visual ethno- nationalistic discourse is observed with regard to the trajectory of modernity brought into Malay awareness during the period.
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Muceku, Albana. "The Organization of the Albanian Education System and the Status of the Italian Language in the Period 1920-1944." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 4 (January 21, 2017): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v4i4.p36-42.

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The article in question reflects in a summarized way the organization of the Albanian education system in the years 1920-1944, as well as the status and position of the Italian language in this system, during that period. The existing interest in the Italian language in Albania is closely related to the old relations the two countries have had. Notwithstanding fluctuations that such relations have undergone, this connection never disappeared. This long-standing relationship is the result of good neighborly ties built and maintained naturally by the people of the two countries. The wish of Ahmet Zog (the king in power at the time) and his cabinet was to create a state based on Western European models. Therefore, there was wide cooperation, not just in the economic and diplomatic field, but also in other areas, particularly concerning relations with the Italian state which at that period was the main supporter of Albania, and also with other western countries. Western European models served to establish and strengthen the Albanian state which had just been taking shape trying to follow the model European-leaning states. Based on historical facts, during the period 1920-1944, the Albanian educational system underwent numerous changes. These changes enabled the Albanian education system to take the form of a more unified and more developed model. The influence of the Italians in Albania was obvious in different fields such as the commercial, economic and social sectors. Given that this period was characterized by the intensification of the relations between Italy and Albania, it was inescapable that this relationship would be manifested also in the field of education. Therefore, this paper intends to demonstrate through historical facts extracted from press articles and publications of the time, the changes to the Albanian education system in the years 1920-1944, as well as the status of the Italian language during this period.Keywords: Albanian education, Italian language, organization, influence, relations.
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Urbániková, Marína, and Michał Tkaczyk. "Strangers ante portas: The framing of refugees and migrants in the Czech quality press." European Journal of Communication 35, no. 6 (June 9, 2020): 580–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323120928224.

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This article examines how the two most popular Czech quality dailies framed refugees and migrants during the European refugee crisis in 2015. It explores the extent to which the framing described by previous studies carried out in Western and/or destination countries can also be identified in the newspapers of a country that has had only minimal experience with migration. Instead of identifying frames beforehand and coding them as holistic variables, a routinely used approach to frame analysis, it employs a more reliable and transparent method of hierarchical cluster analysis. The dailies framed the refugees and migrants mainly as a burden on host society, as victims of a humanitarian crisis and, to a lesser degree, as a security threat. The results show that the frames used by the Czech dailies closely correspond to those described in previous research, despite the different methods of analysis and the different geographical and cultural settings.
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Sawaie, Mohammed. "RIFA⊂A RAFI⊂ AL-TAHTAWI AND HIS CONTRIBUTION TO THE LEXICAL DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN LITERARY ARABIC." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 3 (August 2000): 395–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800021152.

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In the 19th century, Europe had a tangible impact on the Arab East. During this period, Arabic-speaking regions were brought into intimate contact with the West, both through military intrusion (e.g., the French in 1798–1801 and the British in Egypt in 1882), and institutional penetration (e.g., the founding of Western-style schools and higher-education institutions in the Levant in the 1800s by Christian missionaries such as the Syrian Protestant College in 1866, now the American University of Beirut, and [the Jesuit] St. Joseph University, also in Beirut, in 1874). This overpowering European encroachment on the Arab East in the 19th century resulted in cultural and linguistic identity crises. Muhammad ⊂Ali, who ruled Egypt from 1805 until 1848, dispatched groups of students to Western countries such as Italy, Austria, and France to study at their universities and technical institutions. At home, he established schools with Western-language instruction, and sponsored translations of scientific works initially into Turkish, and later into Arabic, from Italian and French, thus making available new disciplines such as various branches of engineering, military science, and agriculture. In 1822, he established a printing press in the Bulaq section of Cairo.1 From then on, Arabicized versions of European terms such as “theater” (tiy―atru), “journal” (jurn―al), “the post” (al-busta), and “politics” (al-bulit―iq―a) signaled the arrival of Western institutions and technology in Arabic-speaking regions, and such terms were adopted by writers in their writings. The cultural, political, military, and technological challenges that resulted from the European contact with the Arab East, and the institutional changes that accompanied them, proved to be a crucial turning point in the development of the Arabic language, particularly its lexicon. However, interest in language matters was central to the Arab renaissance (Nahda) of the 19th century. Arab writers; intellectuals; and translators such Rifa⊂a Rafi⊂ al-Tahtawi (1801/2–73), (Ahmad) Faris al-Shidyaq (1801/04?–87), Nasif al-Yaziji (1800–71), and Butrus al-Bustani (1819–83), among others, debated Arabic linguistic issues in terms of their own literary and linguistic heritage. These and other authors discussed the “internal” needs of Arabic, not only issues of translating the culture of the Western societies. They wrote grammars and compiled other literary textbooks to facilitate the teaching of Arabic and to overcome difficulties of learning the language associated with older, traditional ways of language teaching and to raise awareness of the literary tradition of Arabs. These intellectuals also engaged in the preparation of glossaries and dictionaries appropriate to the needs of their societies.2
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Londregan, John. "The Politics of Institutional Choice: The Formation of the Russian State Duma By Steven S. Smith and Thomas F. Remington. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001. 180p. $42.50 cloth, $16.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 249–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402454330.

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Politics of Institutional Choice is an important contribution to the literature on legislative institutions. The authors' backgrounds complement each other to good effect. The result is a study that is both conversant with the literature on legislative politics in the United States and Western Europe and solidly grounded in the politics of contemporary Russia. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the adoption of reformed legislative institutions by the Russian Republic in 1993 left the newly elected representatives with the need to devise a working set of parliamentary institutions for the newly formed bicameral legislature. The “building materials” out of which these were fashioned—legislative committees, party caucuses, rules allocating agenda control to leaders—resemble those of the U.S. Congress and Western European parliaments, but the institutional structure was adapted to the needs of Russian politics.
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Bassin, Mark. "Russia between Europe and Asia: The Ideological Construction of Geographical Space." Slavic Review 50, no. 1 (1991): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500595.

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Gehört Russland zu Europa? Der Geograph hat die Antwort am ehesten zur Hand.Georg von RauchWe should remember that a geographical region is in the last resort an abstraction with a history which can sometimes tell us much about the past.Denys HayRussia's position between Europe and Asia is once again a timely subject. On the most official level, it figures regularly in Mikhail Gorbachev's pronouncements on foreign policy: somberly invoked either in western capitals in order to press his vision of a “common European home” from the Atlantic to the Urals or in the Far East to affirm the Soviet Union's natural identity as an Asian country. At the same time, dissident intellectual circles in the Soviet Union have been expostulating upon the Europe-Russia-Asia juxtaposition for some years and frequently enough arrive at conclusions very different from those of the general secretary.
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45

Horn, Gerd-Rainer. "Stephen Gundle, Between Moscow and Hollywood: The Italian Communists and the Challenge of Mass Culture, 1943–1991. Durham: Duke University Press, 2000. 269 pp. $64.95 cloth; $21.95 paper." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 170–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904220130.

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The Italian Communist Party (PCI) after 1943, writes Stephen Gundle, managed to construct “the last great left-wing subculture in Western Europe” (7). Given the unusual interest in “culture” in the broadest sense of the term exhibited by Palmiro Togliatti, the undisputed key figure in post-war Italian Communist politics, an English-language study of the PCI's cultural policies is thus highly welcome and long overdue. Stephen Gundle manages to present an informative and authoritative account, which is highly recommended for anyone interested in the politics of culture and the culture of politics within the European Left.
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46

Albrecht, Catherine. "Jerzy Jedlicki. A Suburb of Europe: Nineteenth-Century Polish Approaches to Western Civilization. Budapest: Central European Press, 1999. Pp. xxvii, 307, bibliography, index." Austrian History Yearbook 31 (January 2000): 189–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800014521.

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47

Doerr, E. "Abortion and Divorce in Western Law: American Failures, European Challenges. By Mary Ann Glendon. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1987. 197 pp. $10.95." Journal of Church and State 33, no. 1 (January 1, 1991): 148–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/33.1.148.

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48

Schulz, Anne, Werner Wirth, and Philipp Müller. "We Are the People and You Are Fake News: A Social Identity Approach to Populist Citizens’ False Consensus and Hostile Media Perceptions." Communication Research 47, no. 2 (August 21, 2018): 201–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0093650218794854.

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This study aims to investigate the relationships between citizens’ populist attitudes, perceptions of public opinion, and perceptions of mainstream news media. Relying on social identity theory as an explanatory framework, this article argues that populist citizens assume that public opinion is congruent with their own opinion and that mainstream media reporting is hostile toward their own views. To date, only anecdotal evidence suggests that both assumptions are true. The relationships are investigated in a cross-sectional survey with samples drawn from four Western European countries ( N = 3,354). Multigroup regression analysis supports our hypotheses: False consensus and hostile media perceptions can clearly be linked to populist attitudes in all four regions under investigation. Moreover, our findings show a gap between hostile media perceptions and congruent public opinion perceptions, which increases with increasing populist attitudes to the point that the persuasive press inference mechanism is annulled.
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Mellado, Claudia, Cornelia Mothes, Daniel C. Hallin, María Luisa Humanes, Maria Lauber, Jacques Mick, Henry Silke, et al. "Investigating the Gap between Newspaper Journalists’ Role Conceptions and Role Performance in Nine European, Asian, and Latin American Countries." International Journal of Press/Politics 25, no. 4 (April 3, 2020): 552–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161220910106.

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Based on a standardized operationalization of the watchdog, civic, interventionist, loyal-facilitator, infotainment, and service roles, this study combines survey ( N = 643) and content analysis data ( N = 19,908) to explain gaps between newspaper journalists’ role conceptions and the performance of their press organizations in nine countries from Latin America, Western Europe, and Asia. Taking an institutional approach by focusing on institutional influences on the conception–performance gap at three levels (individual, organizational, societal), our results show that these gaps are largest for the two roles most connected with the public functions of journalism, the civic, and the watchdog roles. Multilevel analyses offer significant evidence on that, across all six analyzed roles, the size of the gaps differed more clearly between journalists and between media organizations, than among countries. Although influences on an individual level (i.e., perceived autonomy) have some explanatory power, influences on the organizational level and, more specifically, ownership and codified editorial policies are the factors that best explain conception–performance gaps. The implications of these findings are discussed in light of the public skepticism about the performance of journalism and the media.
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Miodowski, Adam. "The monthly magazine «Praca Kobiet» about the activities of organizations related to the Women’s International Democratic Federation (March – December 1946)." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-2-71-83.

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The research on women’s history presented in this publication supplements the gap existing in polish historiography. The gap includes not only knowledge about the activities of women's organizations associated in the Women’s International Democratic Federation (including the polish Social-Civic League of Women). The same applies to the assessment of the role of women in political, social and cultural changes taking place in Poland (and in the world) in the first years after the end of World War II. The main purpose of this publication is to show the historical conditions of the activities of the Social-Civic League of Women, as well as similar organizations in other European, African and North American countries. The basic source used in the research process is the monthly «Praca Kobiet» (and additionally the periodical «Nasza Praca»). The work uses a methodology typical for studies based on press sources. Their list includes the following methods: analytical-empirical, deductive-nomological, deductive-hypothetical and classical method of content analysis. The effect of the undertaken research is to establish that the information articles on the activities of organizations associated in the Women’s International Democratic Federation published on the pages of the «Praca Kobiet» monthly were in fact agitation and propaganda. The polish feminist press manipulated facts and thus influenced the formation of pro-communist and anti-Western views of women. The topic is not exhausted and needs to be continued. Further research will require a wider use of press sources not only from Poland, but also from other countries.
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