Journal articles on the topic 'Western Balkan Region'
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1
Djokic, Aleksandar. "The Perspectives of Russia’s Soft Power in the Western Balkans Region." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 231–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-2-231-244.
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The article analyzes the perspectives of Russia’s soft power in the Balkans. The Russian Federation has longstanding historical, political, cultural and economic ties to the Balkan region. Therefore, being free of a one-sided ideological approach that hampered the usage of soft power by the USSR during the Cold War era, Russia stands at the crossroads as to how best to use it’s great potential for peaceful diplomacy and influence in the Western Balkans. The article will provide an analysis of the achievements of the Russian Federation in regards to extending it’s influence in the Western Balkans, but also the downsides of it’s foreign policy. The analysis will encompass several Western Balkan states and their ties to Russia in terms of soft power: Serbia, Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The article raises the question: whether Russia can withstand the struggle for influence over the Balkans with it’s greatest rivals in the region - the United States and the EU? The author concludes that it depends largely on the various approaches and methods used by Russian diplomacy and the level of funding of various projects that can be used to extend Russia’s cultural influence in the Balkan peninsula.
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Grcic, Mirko. "Balkans as the cultural subcontinent of Europe." Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 85, no. 1 (2005): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd0501209g.
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New world order and rearrangement of Europe transform the position of Balkan region -instead as the "crossroad" between East and West, it is more often included into the area of Western influence. In European relations developed "core" is gradually spreading toward "periphery" removing the traditional Balkan culture. The europeisation of Balkans and spreading of Western European civilization's circle gives the arguments that the term Balkans should be replaced with the term Southeastern Europe. The europeisation or balkanization is not geopolitical but civilization choice in front of all Balkan nations.
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Cocco, Emilio. "Where is the European Frontier? The Balkan Migration Crisis and its Impact on Relations between the EU and the Western Balkans." European View 16, no. 2 (December 2017): 293–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12290-017-0471-5.
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For centuries the Western Balkans region has been a place of origin for migration into Europe as well as a transit route to Europe for migrants coming from other regions of the world. The 2015–16 migration crisis brought the region into the spotlight as large numbers of migrants used the Balkan migration route on their way to Western Europe. Individual countries and the EU institutions developed weak and often contradictory responses to the crisis. This has had a negative effect on the Balkan peoples' perception of the EU, which had previously been positive. On a symbolic level the migration crisis has revealed the fragile relationship between the EU and the Western Balkan states. In the future, EU policy should focus on developing an integrated strategy for managing its external borders and migration, one that prevents member states from pushing back migrants at their borders.
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Jusufi, Gezim, and Bashkim Bellaqa. "Trade Barriers and Exports between Western Balkan Countries." Naše gospodarstvo/Our economy 65, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 72–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ngoe-2019-0021.
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AbstractThe aim of the paper is to identify the trade barriers imposed by the Western Balkan countries. All barriers, whether tariff or non-tariff, undoubtedly impede the normal development of trade between countries. Therefore, the paper examines merchandise trade patterns in the Western Balkan region and tries to identify the main drivers of and obstacles to intra-regional trade. Intra-regional trade comes second in importance, after trade with the European Union (EU); it underperformed and was in decline in the last few years. In the region with political challenges as the Western Balkans, non-tariff barriers significantly reduce trade exchanges between the countries in this region. Currently, the trade and political disputes (tax rate 100%) between Kosovo and Serbia showed that the imposed tariffs in trade created a political reaction between the countries, interrupting the dialogue between these countries. The originality and value of the paper are reflected in its dealing with such topics as trade barriers, genesis in ethnic and political disputes that are prominent in the Balkan region.
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Ulunyan, A. A. "The Balkans in academic discourse and foreign policy practice of today’s Hungary." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2022): 102–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.02.06.
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The article examines the role and place of the Balkans in the academic discourse and foreign policy practice of today’s Hungary in the context of the existing approaches to the Balkan problematics in the Hungarian historical tradition. The author draws attention to the fact that the modern academic view of the Balkans in Hungary has certain features, expressed in the attempts to determine the structure of the Balkan space from the standpoint of political and historical geography. Therefore, representatives of the Hungarian academic and expert-analytical community are studying the Western Balkans as a special part of the region, designed, in their opinion, to solve a specific problem – the accession of the Western Balkan countries to the European Union. In the current Hungarian realities, academic discourse has made it possible to formulate the «Balkan agenda» in a broader sense. The main topic of the discussions is the problem of Hungary's interaction with both the whole region and its «special part». At the same time, when pursuing the Balkan policy, the Hungarian side seeks to use the capabilities of the Visegrad Group and use Hungary’s membership in the EU to promote the idea of the need for the earliest possible admission of the countries of the Western Balkans to this Union. This approach is intended to strengthen the Hungarian position in the Balkan region as a whole, as well as draw US attention to Hungary’s efforts to implement this project. The article attempts to determine the place and role of the «Balkan vector» in Hungary’s foreign policy from the point of view of the interests of the center-right political forces currently in power, headed by Prime Minister V. Orbán. During his second term in office (since 2010), the Balkan theme has taken one of the leading places in Hungary’s foreign policy. First of all, Hungary actively supported a number of countries in the region in their aspiration to join the EU. At the same time, economic ties with the region were strengthened with the parallel use of «soft» power to form a positive image of Hungary in the socio-political circles of particular countries of the peninsula. Strategically, the Balkan theme of contemporary Hungarian discourse not only reflects the country’s foreign policy agenda, but also shapes it.
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Cufurovic, Mirela. "Fully Known Yet Wholly Unknowable." Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 2, no. 1 (April 9, 2017): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v2i1.31.
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The Balkan region has left scholars perplexed over its origin and definition, to which they have provided different answers. This challenge stems from the region’s long history; a history where civilisations met, collided, and even merged leading to a dynamic, multilayered region. However, one civilisation stuck with the Balkans centuries after its demise – the Ottoman Empire. This Ottoman legacy marked the Balkans as “the ‘other’ within” Europe at the turn of the nineteenth century when scholars and travel writers began to attach political connotations to the name. Being referred to as ‘Turkey-inEurope,’ the identity of the Balkans became premised on the dichotomy of East versus West, in which the Balkans represented the East – the Orient – purely because of its Ottoman history. It is for this reason that the Balkans, more than any other geographical appellation, conjure up pejorative connotations. So much so, that many tend to either avoid the term altogether – including the Balkan nation-states – or use an ostensibly neutral term like ‘South-east Europe’ to refer to the region. And so, the question remains: who are the Balkans?
This paper examines the ground between historical reality and Western imagination regarding the Balkans by focusing on Balkan identity as conflicted between East and West, and explores the extent to which Balkan scholarship has ‘Orientalised’ the region, whereupon the Balkan nation-states began to disassociate themselves from the Balkan label to appear more ‘European.’ The paper will argue it is because of this complexity – the divide between East and West – that the Balkan region is, paradoxically, fully known yet wholly unknowable: known to Europe, yet distant from it due to its Oriental past and tendencies.
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Bjelic, Predrag, Danijela Jacimovic, and Ivan Tasic. "Effects of the world economic crisis on exports in the CEEC: Focus on the Western Balkans." Ekonomski anali 58, no. 196 (2013): 71–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka1396071b.
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The world economic crisis that paralyzed the world economy in 2008 and 2009 had a profound impact on all countries in the world. Due to the interconnectedness of national economies the crisis spread rapidly from its centre in the United States to the world. There were two main transmission channels for the spread of the crisis between countries - international trade and the exchange of private capital between states in the form of foreign direct investment (FDI). This economic downturn has greatly influenced the domestic economic stability of the Western Balkan economies. The Western Balkan countries have shaped their economic policy towards European Union (EU) membership, resulting in a high degree of liberalization in international economic relations accompanied by a commitment to free international capital movement. Since this region has close economic ties with the EU the crisis spread to the region very quickly, manifesting itself in decreasing regional exports to the EU market and a downward trend of FDI inflow to the region. This paper will focus on the impact of the world economic crisis on the Western Balkan economies and especially on their exports and FDI inflow. Our empirical analysis, based on panel data, uses a wider sample of Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC) which includes the Western Balkans, since we wanted to analyze if the effects of the economic crisis in the Western Balkans are specific or are common to most countries in transition. The analysis shows that Western Balkan exports have suffered due to the crisis, but reveals some interesting results on the different dynamics of export flows which depend on regional trade integration for their destination.
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Dalillah Mohd Isa, Ammalina, Spahic Omer, and Fauziah Fathil. "FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO THE ACHIEVEMENT OF THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST OF THE BALKAN IN THE 14TH CENTURY." International Journal of Advanced Research 11, no. 01 (January 31, 2023): 1023–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/16114.
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The Ottomans first made an appearance in the Balkan region after John Kantakouzenos requested Sultan Orhan Is assistance to win the Byzantine throne. During their later assistance, the Ottomans acquired Fort of Tzympe in Gallipoli as their base in the Balkan region. After the annexation of Gallipoli city, the Ottomans affirmed their intention to expand their territory westward that, in less than half of a century, they subjugated almost the entire Balkan region. The objective of this study is to analyse contributory factors for the achievement of the Ottoman conquest and expansion in the Balkans in the 14th century. This study applied historical approach and content-analysis method. This study discovered that the factors contributing to the achievement of the Ottoman rapid conquest and expansion in the Balkan in the 14th century are complex in that the weakening state of Balkan kingdoms, which has often been pointed out, is not the exclusive reason. Apart from the weakness of the Balkans political state, other factors include the absence of military assistance from the neighbouring kingdom to the Balkan rulers in fighting the Ottoman Empire, the strategic location of the Ottoman Empire providing abundant human resources close to the Balkans, the Ottoman military prowess including the high morale of the Ottoman army, the ingenuity of the Ottoman sultans who acted as military commanders in devising conquest and expansion strategy, the Ottoman method of conquest which ensured the continuous obedience of the Balkan region under Ottoman rule and the inclination of the Balkan people towards the Ottoman-Islamic rule rather than the Western-Catholic rule.
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Echimovich, Mariana, Vitaliy Alekseevich Danilov, Zarina Fazlitdinovna Mardonova, and Maxim Kirillovich Karpukhin. "Evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkan countries in the context of their European and Euro-Atlantic." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 3 (March 2021): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.3.37080.
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This article traces the evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkan countries in the context of their European and Euro-Atlantic integration over the period from the mid-1990s to 2020. The key goal lies in the analysis of formation and development of the European and Euro-Atlantic vectors in foreign policy of the Western Balkans. The relevance of the selected topic is defined by fact that all Western Balkan countries are somehow involved in the European and Euro-Atlantic integration processes, which prompts transformations in their home and foreign policy. In post-Cold War era, the Western Balkans depart from their foreign policy course, which they have followed since the end of the World War II. The conflicts that were related to dissolution of Yugoslavia underline the expansion of influence of the North Atlantic Alliance as the major “peacekeeper”, and the European Union, which took on the role of post-conflict settlement. In the under their influence. Tracing the evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkans within the framework of their European and Euro-Atlantic integration defines the scientific novelty of this research. The acquired conclusions can be implemented in theoretical and practical activity. The article explores the regional initiatives of NATO and EU, which were aimed at stabilization of the Western Balkan region through transformation of state and social institutions, development of interstate cooperation, and involvement in regional integration processes. For determination of the role of the European Union and NATO in foreign policy of the Western Balkans, the author analyzed the doctrinal documents of the Western Balkan countries, which highlighted the priority of European and Euro-Atlantic vector.
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Echimovich, Mariana, Vitaliy Alekseevich Danilov, Zarina Fazlitdinovna Mardonova, and Maxim Kirillovich Karpukhin. "Evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkan countries in the context of their European and Euro-Atlantic." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 4 (April 2021): 56–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.4.37080.
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This article traces the evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkan countries in the context of their European and Euro-Atlantic integration over the period from the mid-1990s to 2020. The key goal lies in the analysis of formation and development of the European and Euro-Atlantic vectors in foreign policy of the Western Balkans. The relevance of the selected topic is defined by fact that all Western Balkan countries are somehow involved in the European and Euro-Atlantic integration processes, which prompts transformations in their home and foreign policy. In post-Cold War era, the Western Balkans depart from their foreign policy course, which they have followed since the end of the World War II. The conflicts that were related to dissolution of Yugoslavia underline the expansion of influence of the North Atlantic Alliance as the major “peacekeeper”, and the European Union, which took on the role of post-conflict settlement. In the under their influence. Tracing the evolution of foreign policy priorities of the Western Balkans within the framework of their European and Euro-Atlantic integration defines the scientific novelty of this research. The acquired conclusions can be implemented in theoretical and practical activity. The article explores the regional initiatives of NATO and EU, which were aimed at stabilization of the Western Balkan region through transformation of state and social institutions, development of interstate cooperation, and involvement in regional integration processes. For determination of the role of the European Union and NATO in foreign policy of the Western Balkans, the author analyzed the doctrinal documents of the Western Balkan countries, which highlighted the priority of European and Euro-Atlantic vector.
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Ganić, Mehmed. "Does Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) Contribute to Poverty Reduction? Empirical Evidence from Central European and Western Balkan Countries." Scientific Annals of Economics and Business 66, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/saeb-2019-0003.
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Abstract This paper seeks to empirically examine the validity of nexus between Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and poverty reduction in the context of twelve European transition and post-transition countries divided in two regions, between 2000 and 2015. The empirical analysis investigates whether some variations in poverty reduction are influenced by countries’ FDI performance and lead by progress in the EU integration process. The study finds that the nexus between FDI and poverty reduction varies between two regions (the Western Balkan region and the Central Europe region). While the relationship between FDI and poverty reduction has a positive effect in the Western Balkan region, it is insignificant and negative in the Central European region. In addition, the findings confirm some earlier assumptions that FDI impacts poverty reduction more strongly in poorer countries (the Western Balkan region) than in wealthier countries (the Central European region).
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Husic-Mehmedovic, Melika, and Emir Agic. "Regional Approach to Luxury Market Segmentation: The Case Of Western Balkans." International Journal of Management Science and Business Administration 1, no. 5 (2015): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijmsba.1849-5664-5419.2014.15.1001.
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Nature of the luxury brand requires limited market in order to maintain exclusivity. Individual countries in the Western Balkans are not lucrative per se, therefore, regional segmentation is needed in the case of luxury brands. Countries of Western Balkan, i.e. Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Serbia and Slovenia are all post-socialist, post-war countries currently going through major transitions. Rather small markets are yet to be established in its final form politically, economically, socially and culturally and individually. Foreign investors and world’s leading companies are concerned mainly about the size of the potential individual market. The main idea of this paper is to analyze luxury consumption in the Western Balkans region in order to identify some consumption patterns and to describe the regional luxury consumer. Broad study among 800 respondents in four countries defines demographics and buying intent of the luxury consumers. Moreover, this study identified luxury consumer region-wide and helps luxury brand managers to target those small countries together as a rather significant market segment of approximately 20.000 consumers. The region that has shared similar historical and cultural facts proved to have similar or the same luxury consumption patterns. This paper has significant practical value for the luxury brand managers and their segmentation of the Western Balkan countries. They will decide much easier to target this region knowing that consumers are sharing the same lifestyle and preferences regarding the luxury consumption. Main limitation of the research is the average income of the sample. However, the top market segment is always difficult to reach with surveys, therefore, qualitative approach might be used in the further studies in this regard.
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Entina, Ekaterina, and Alexander Pivovarenko. "Russia’s Foreign Policy Evolution in the New Balkan Landscape." Politička misao 56, no. 3-4 (March 11, 2020): 179–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.3-4.08.
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The article reflects on the issue of the foreign policy strategy of modern Russia in the Balkans region. One of the most significant aspects of this problem is the difference in views between Russia and the West. Authors show how different interpretations of the events in former Yugoslavia in the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s predetermined the sense of mutual suspicion and mistrust which spread to other regions such as the post-Soviet space. Exploring differences between the Russian and the Western (Euro-Atlantic) views on the current matters, authors draw attention to fundamental differences in terminology: while the Western narrative promotes more narrow geographical and political definitions (such as the Western Balkan Six), traditional Russian experts are more inclined to wider or integral definitions such as “the Balkans” and “Central and Southeast Europe”. Meanwhile none of these terms are applicable for analysis of the current trends such as the growing transit role of the Balkans region and its embedding in the European regional security architecture. Therefore, a new definition is needed to overcome the differences in vision and better understand significant recent developments in the region. Conceptualizing major foreign policy events in Central and Southeast Europe during the last three decades (the 1990s, 2000s and 2010s), authors demonstrate the significance of differences in tools and methods between the Soviet Union and the modern Russia. Permanent need for adaptation to changing political and security context led to inconsistence in Russian Balkan policy in the 1990s. Nevertheless, Russia was able to preserve an integral vision of the region and even to elaborate new transregional constructive projects, which in right political circumstances may promote stability and become beneficial for both Russia and the Euro-Atlantic community.
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Qorraj, Gazmend. "Towards European Union or Regional Economic Area: Western Balkans at Crossroads." Naše gospodarstvo/Our economy 64, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ngoe-2018-0002.
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Abstract The aim of the paper is to reflect upon the dilemma or whether the EU will continue the integration process in the Western Balkans or backlash on regional cooperation instruments and initiatives within the framework of the Western Balkans. The Regional Economic Area (REA) is analyzed as the more recent policy of the European Union for the remaining Balkan countries. It is crucial to analyze the idea behind REA, starting from two main assumptions: first, the creation of REA stemmed from EU internal challenges; and second, REA came up as a creative EU approach in efforts to find a specific model for reforms in the Western Balkans in the frame of regional institutions. The paper also discusses regional trade and specifically the role of the Regional Cooperation Council (RCC) in coordinating these initiatives in the Western Balkans. Taking into consideration the EU current challenges as well as difficulties of the Western Balkan countries to overcome the political and economic problems, then regional cooperation could appear as an alternative to the EU integration process for the Western Balkans. The main conclusion of this paper is that the Western Balkans needs the EU’s direct support, in particular, since RCC and other regional instruments cannot enforce, support and monitor the initiatives and reforms in the region.
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Stojkov, Borislav, and Aleksandar Djordjevic. "Meaning of crossborder planning in western Balkan countries." Glasnik Srpskog geografskog drustva 84, no. 2 (2004): 113–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gsgd0402113s.
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The crossborder cooperation takes very important place in integration processes in Europe. Establishing the crossborder regions is one of prerequisites for more efficient cooperation. Many examples prove the whole spectrum of positive effects generated by such cooperations. Based on sound methodological foundations, crossborder spatial planning is the first step towards successful spatial integration and a prerequisites for other forms of cooperation, economic and political in particular. The territory of Serbia is characterized by a large number of border regions with different features and potentials. The Drina area, with its very specific physical social, economic and historic features and above all, with natural resources and potentials, asks for a creative methodology to enable adequate spatial integration of this crossborder region. The paper is elaborating the idea of forming a crossborder region as indispensable for the future, compared with sectorial planning up to date. The example of crossborder region "Drina-Sava-Majevica" offers positive initiatives in functional integrating communes alongside the river Drina.
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Lakić, Nikola. "History education and the security community building in the Western Balkans: A critical view." Journal of Regional Security 8, no. 2 (2013): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995x132spl33.
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Definitional properties of the security community's 'dependable expectations of peaceful change' exist whenever neither side makes further violence unimaginable. School education in the Western Balkans intensifies the thinking that hostility and conflicts are natural and immutable and makes understanding of war as something inevitable and justified. In this article I draw on Pinar Bilgin's claim that unfulfilled potential in terms of knowledge and ideas that already exist in the region could help popularize the cause for a security community and facilitate its creation. By adopting immanent critique, a methodological orientation of the Welsh School, in the analysis of the Balkan Conferences (1930-1933) I demonstrate that factual manipulation of history has historically been frequently adopted by Balkan state elites in their permanent desire to build hegemony around ethno-centrism. It was briefly proposed at the Second and Third Conferences that new history textbooks that would overcome ethnocentrism and deepen the trust between the Balkan populations should be introduced in order to achieve rapprochement. In this article I argue that community-minded emancipatory education which adopts multi-perspective methodology and reflective pedagogy harbor crucial potential for further promotion of sustainable peace, facilitating trust in the Western Balkans and inducing the citizens to think of themselves as belonging to a single region.
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Romanenko, Sergei. "THE BALKANS / SOUTH-EASTERN EUROPE: THE REGION OF MYSTERY AND MYSTERIES OF THE REGION." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 22–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.02.
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Based on the study of various types of sources and analysis of Russian and foreign literature, the author conceptually substantiates an approach to the study of the Balkan region / South-Eastern Europe. One of the main problems considered in the article is the change in the course of the history of the 19 th-21 st centuries the ratio of the concepts of «Balkans/South-Eastern Europe», «Eastern Europe», «Central-Eastern and South-Eastern Europe», «Western Balkans», «Western Balkan countries» and «European Western Balkans». The author characterizes various historical stages of the development of the region in the context of world wars and revolutions of the 20 th century, shows the specifics of political and ethnic processes, the internal political situation in each country and relations between the states of the region, the correlation between the processes of regionalization and globalization. With the disappearance of Eastern Europe in the form in which it existed in 1949-1991, after the anti-communist social and national revolutions in the former socialist countries of Europe in 1989-1992, an integral part of the process of national self-determination was the change in the regional self-identification of each people, society and state. If in the 2000 s, positive dynamics prevailed both in terms of internal political development, intraregional and global international relations, then in the 2010 s, the forward movement has stalled in terms of both the internal economic, social and political development of the states of the region, and the settlement of interethnic and interstate conflicts in the region against the background of a general aggravation of international relations. The article examines the role of regional identification and self-identification as elements of national self-awareness. The author also characterizes the challenges facing the countries of the region in the short, medium and long terms and indicates that the choice of the Balkans / South-Eastern Europe, despite the specificity caused by their historical fate, and all the difficulties of development and conflicts, has already been made: the Balkans (like Russia as well) is an integral part of Europe.
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Lampe, John. "Serbia and Southeastern Europe between Global and East European History." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 277–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.3.lam.277-295.
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Drawing on a half century of Balkan research and publication that started in Belgrade, John Lampe reviews three new Western histories of the region and their attention to Serbia from prominent Western historians. Germany’s Calic examines only Southeastern Europe, while Connelly from the US and Bideleux and Jeffries from the UK include the Balkans in their volumes on Eastern Europe.
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Griessler, Christina. "The V4 Countries’ Foreign Policy concerning the Western Balkans." Politics in Central Europe 14, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 141–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2018-0013.
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Abstract This contribution explores the Visegrad Four’s (V4) foreign policy initiatives in the Western Balkans by considering each state’s interests and policies and the evolution of joint V4 objectives. My underlying hypothesis is that the foreign policy‑related behaviour of individual states is shaped by certain roles that they assume and by their national interests. This work uses role theory to explain the V4 states’ foreign policies both generally and in the specific case of the Western Balkans. The V4 have prioritised cooperation with this region, and I analyse the programmes of the last four V4 presidencies (Slovakia 2014-2015, the Czech Republic 2015-2016, Poland 2016-2017 and Hungary 2017-2018) to reveal key foreign policy objectives and explore why they were selected. At the same time, I examine the interests of each V4 country and the reasons for their joint attention to the Western Balkan region. My analysis shows that the V4 perceive themselves as supportive and constructive EU and NATO members and see their policies as reflective of European values. Moreover, they believe they should contribute to EU enlargement by sharing experiences of economic and political transformation with the Western Balkan states and serving as role models.
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Duni, Ll, Sh Kuka, and N. Kuka. "Local relations for convertingMLtoMWin Southern-Western Balkan region." Acta Geodaetica et Geophysica Hungarica 45, no. 3 (September 2010): 317–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/ageod.45.2010.3.6.
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Lažetić, Marina. "'Migration crisis' and the far right networks in Europe: A case study of Serbia." Journal of Regional Security 13, no. 2 (2018): 131–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/jrs1802131l.
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During the 'migration crisis' Serbia has been a transit country. However, several thousands of migrants and refugees remained 'stuck' in the Western Balkans after the closure of the Balkan Route, and issues related to their potential integration provided a platform for Serbian far right movements and parties to establish new and stronger relationships with their European counterparts. This changed the far right landscape in the Western Balkans and allowed anti-European narratives to strengthen. This paper identifies the 'new far right' which is on the rise in Serbia, and its relationships with the larger network of European far right movements. Based on field interviews and social media content analysis, the paper draws a conclusion that if the EU fails to take a more active role in making integration an attractive option for the Western Balkan countries, the rise of far right movements in the region could present a serious security threat.
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Djukanovic, Dragan, and Branislav Djordjevic. "“Mini Schengen” - concept, implementation and controversies." Medjunarodni problemi 72, no. 3 (2020): 595–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2003595d.
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The concept of the Regional Economic Area was developed gradually within the framework of the Berlin Process, which began its operations in 2014. A particular momentum for this initiative was given at the Berlin Process Summit, held in Trieste in July 2017, when the Consolidated Multi-Annual Action Plan for the Regional Economic Area in the Western Balkans Six was adopted. The main objective of the REA was related to trade, investment, mobility, and digital integration throughout the Western Balkans region. At the summit of Western Balkans leaders, chaired by German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President Emmanuel Macron, in late April 2019, the idea of a full revival of the Regional Economic Area was again encouraged. Despite some opposition and disagreement on the part of some Western Balkan leaders for fear that the REA would compensate for the Western Balkan countries' membership in the European Union, it came to its empowering through the format of the tripartite meetings of leaders of Serbia, North Macedonia and Albania - ?Mini Schengen?. However, these meetings explicitly highlighted the link between ?Mini Schengen?, the REA and the wider context of European integration, but also that this initiative actually aimed to secure "four EU freedoms" throughout the Western Balkans region. This primarily refers to the freedom of movement of persons with a valid ID, as well as the possibility of employment, residence, and living in these countries. Moreover, mutual recognition of all diplomas and qualifications between the three countries is envisaged. It is particularly important to ensure the full inclusiveness of ?Mini Schengen? in the future, through the participation of all entities in the Western Balkans, including Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo. It is equally significant that the leaders of the Western Balkan countries express solidarity regarding the continuation of European integration, as it was done at the meetings held in Novi Sad (10 October 2019), Ohrid (10 November 2019) and Tirana (21 December 2019) through support for Albania and North Macedonia to begin pre-accession negotiations with the EU. Also, ?Mini Schengen?, as an initiative for cooperation predominantly related to the economic segment, involves deepening of cooperation in both security and civilian emergencies, which is a relevant response to the current challenges in this part of Europe.
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Gajin, Dragan. "Competition Law in Western Balkans: Developments in 2018." Yearbook of Antitrust and Regulatory Studies 12, no. 19 (2019): 199–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.7172/1689-9024.yars.2019.12.19.9.
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In 2018, the competition authorities in the Western Balkans (Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and North Macedonia) have continued with their enforcement activities. The level of their activity varies from year to year, but the trend has continued where the Serbian competition authority is the most active one in the region. Generally, the focus of the enforcement activities of the Balkan competition authorities is on merger control, an exception being Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the emphasis is on antitrust enforcement.
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Miloiu, Silviu-Marian. "The Third Conference on Baltic and Nordic Studies in Romania, May 2012." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 4, no. 2 (December 15, 2012): 213–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v4i2_11.
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The Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies continued to organize in 2012 a series of events, one of the most meaningful of which was the third international conference on Baltic and Nordic Studies entitled European networks: the Balkans, Scandinavia and the Baltic world in a time of economic and ideological crisis opened on 25 May at Valahia University of Târgoviște and sponsored by the Romanian National Research Council, Niro Investment Group and other partners (http://www.arsbn.ro/conference-2012.htm). The main goal of the conference was to foster debate and academic discussion with regard to the challenges the Balkan and Baltic regions face today, within a time of severe global economic instability. The participants discussed and advanced solutions to problems such as the accession of Balkan states to the EU and/or NATO, with particular reference to the experiences of the relatively new EU and/or NATO Member States from South-Eastern Europe and the Eastern Baltic region; the economic, security or cultural threats posed by Balkan and/or Eastern European states or non-state actors to the Western or Nordic Europe as perceived there; the development of extremist movements and the Balkan organized crime in the Scandinavian countries; the Balkan Roma peoples as a “threat” for Western and Nordic Europe; strategies for integrating minorities in the Baltic Sea rim countries and the Black Sea areas.
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FILIPOVIĆ, SANJA, and JELENA IGNJATOVIĆ. "CHINESE INVESTMENT IN CENTRAL EASTERN EUROPE AND THE WESTERN BALKAN." Kultura polisa, no. 45 (July 3, 2021): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.51738/kpolisa2021.18.2r.1.05.
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As part of the “Belt and Road Initiative”, China has established a platform for cooperation in the field of investment with 11 European Union countries in the region of Central and Eastern Europe and 5 countries in the Western Balkan (CEEWB-16). In addition to infrastructure projects, China has invested in this region in the form of foreign direct investments (FDI). The aim of this paper is to estimate the importance of Chinese investments for 16 countries in the CEEWB-16 region. Analyzing the placement of funds, it can be concluded that FDI are placed primarily in the countries of the region that are members of the EU, while investments in infrastructure projects are mainly directed to the countries of the Western Balkans, primarily in the transport sector. Infrastructure projects are financed by the governments of the countries borrowing from state-owned Chinese banks, and these loans have the character of public loans, but the conditions of borrowing also have commercial characteristics. In addition, the contractors of infrastructure projects are mainly Chinese companies, which largely employ their workers and import materials from China, so that the positive effect on the debtor's country are smaller. However, as the countries of the Western Balkans have limited access to European funds and a great need to invest in infrastructure, they see these investment projects as a development opportunity.
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Nikiforov, Konstantin. "Modernization mixed with nationalism." Balcanica, no. 45 (2014): 443–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1445443n.
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This essay reflects on a particular manner in which modernisation have taken place in the Balkans in modern history, from the 1878 Berlin Congress onwards. The Balkan countries faced twofold difficulties in their development: they had to overcome their backwardness stemming from the centuries of the Ottoman yoke and catch up with modern Western Europe, and resolve their numerous mutual territorial and political disputes. The latter task was especially difficult due to the constant interference in Balkan affairs on the part of Great Powers. This interference further aggravated nationalistic tensions between the Balkan states. The peculiar mixture of modernisation efforts and nationalism remains to this day when the entire region strives to join the European Union.
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Turan, I. dris, and Ekrem Yas¸ar Akçay. "The Western Balkans Policy of the EU Within the Framework of Domino Theory." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 75, no. 3 (August 5, 2019): 395–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928419860932.
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This study elaborates on the European Union’s (EU) Balkan policies evaluating the developments in the Western Balkans from the post-Cold War era until today. In addition, the study will tackle the EU policies and practices in the Western Balkans on the basis of the principles of the domino theory. In this context, the EU believes that destabilisation due to conflicts in former Yugoslavia after disintegration has also destabilised other countries in the region in domino effect. This situation means both the region and the EU will encounter security threat. In this regard, the study dwells upon EU policies in the region to provide financial aid in an attempt to ensure development and sustainability which will foster stability on the basis of the assumption that these countries in the region will be accepted to the EU as member countries after ensuring stability.
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Zoppi, Marco. "A Flow within the Flow: Dynamics of 2015 and Post-2015 Migration from the Western Balkans to EU Countries." Southeastern Europe 43, no. 1 (May 3, 2019): 50–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04301003.
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This article focuses on the recent flow of asylum seekers from the Western Balkans to EU countries. It contends that the comparison with statistics of other extra-EU28 asylum seekers and migrants reveals specific features that justify the description of mobility from the Western Balkans as a distinct “flow within the flow”. In fact, such a flow was not rooted in humanitarian issues, but was rather part of the established labor mobility dynamics in the region. In this sense, mobility from the area is not understood as a new trend but in terms of continuity stemming from the economic system interconnecting the EU and its neighborhood, of which the Balkans are a part. The pivotal year for the analysis is identified as 2015, when mass migration flows transited along the “Balkan Route” in their quest to reach the central and northern countries of the continent. The author concludes that, although on a larger scale, the 2015 flows that originated from the Western Balkan countries are the outgrowth of ongoing relations, especially for what concerns labor market dynamics between the two neighboring regions. This article features some data and maps elaborated in the framework of activities for the targeted analysis “MIGRATUP – Territorial and Urban Potentials Connected to Migration and Refugee Flows”, financed by ESPON, which ran from July 2017 to July 2018.
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Karlsrud, John, and Marko Milošević. "Mapping western Balkans civilian capacities for peace operations." Journal of Regional Security 9, no. 2 (2014): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995x142ppk41.
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Over the past several years the United Nations has increasingly emphasized the role that civilian capacities can play in post-conflict peacebuilding and called for member states to provide expertise. This special issue of the Journal of Regional Security will explore the civilian capacities of the Western Balkans countries and whether there is political will to respond to the call to deploy civilian capacities to UN peace operations and other international organizations. Looking at how Western Balkan countries train, roster and deploy civilian capacities, it will also explore whether increased cooperation in this area could be considered as a security community practice, nurturing bilateral relations and building cooperation in the Western Balkan region. The article finds that there is still a great gap between the expressed policy intent of providing civilian capacities to peace support operations, and putting it into practice. There is also lack of a strategic consideration of how the training and deployment of civilian capacities to peace operations could build legitimacy in international organizations and enhance regional cooperation among the states in the Western Balkans. The article recommends the initiation of a regional dialogue on training and rostering of civilian capacities, realizing synergies and furthering regional cooperation.
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Tzifakis, Nikolaos. "The Western Balkans during the pandemic: Democracy and rule of law in quarantine?" European View 19, no. 2 (October 2020): 197–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685820963333.
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In the Western Balkans, as elsewhere around the world, governments took extraordinary measures to effectively contain the spread of COVID-19, measures that entailed serious restrictions to individual freedoms. They also introduced extra powers that upset the ordinary division and balance of governmental power. In this context, several analysts have expressed concern that the authoritarian trend observed in the region during the last decade will become further entrenched. The worst fear, that some of the Western Balkan leaderships may retain extraordinary powers indefinitely, has not been confirmed. However, constitutionally prescribed procedures were disregarded and the operation of formal and informal mechanisms of checks and balances ignored. The article argues that the ease with which the Western Balkan leaders removed any checks and controls over their rule raises the valid question of how they may deal with future circumstances which may endanger their power.
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Akova, Sibel, and Gülin Terek Ünal. "THE CULTURE OF COEXISTENCE AND PERCEPTION OF THE OTHER IN THE WESTERN BALKANS." Journal Human Research in Rehabilitation 5, no. 1 (April 2015): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21554/hrr.041505.
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Throughout the 550 year Ottoman rule over the Balkan lands, where even today internal dynamics threaten peace and justice, how and through what means the Ottoman Empire achieved consistency, security and peace is a question to which a number of political scientists, sociologists, communication scientists and history researchers have sought an answer. The most interesting point of the question is that the peoples of the Balkans, a living museum comprising a number of different ethnic groups and religious beliefs, have reached the point where the culture of coexistence has been internalised and dynamics have moved from the conflict of identities to cultural integration. The Balkans are a bridge to the East from Europe and indeed to the West from Turkey, incorporating a patchwork political and cultural geography, the geopolitical location and a richness of culture and civilization, being one of the areas attracting the attention of researchers from different disciplines and capturing the imagination of the peoples of the world throughout history. Balkan studies are almost as difficult as climbing the peaks in the areas and meaningful answers cannot be reached by defining the area on a single parameter such as language, culture or traditions, while the phenomenon of the other can also be observed within the culture of coexistence in this intricate and significant location. Different ethnic groups with different cultures, such as the Southern Slavs (Bosniaks, Montenegrans, Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) as well as Turks, Albanians, Bulgarians, Balkan Jews, Balkan Romany and Wallachians (Romanians and Greeks). Although these peoples may have different religious beliefs, in the ethnically rich Balkan region, religion, language, political and cultural differences are vital in the formation of a mosaic, making the discourse of coexistence possible and creating common values and loyalties, breaking down differences. The Serbian and Montenegrin peoples, belonging to the Greek Orthodox Church, the Croat and Slovene peoples belonging to the Catholic Church and the Muslin Bosniaks have shared the same lands and livee in coexistence throughout the historical process, despite having different beliefs. However, in some periods the other and the perception of the other have replaced common values, leading to conflicts of interest, unrest and religion based wars. After the breakup of the Yugoslavian Federal Socialist Republic, Slovenia, Croatia, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro and Kosovo, defined by the European Union as the Western Balkans, have established themselves as nation states of the stage of history. The scope of our study is these Western Balkan Countries, and we will use the terminology Western Balkans throughout.
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Glavonjić, Branko, Richard P. Vlosky, Gheorghe Florian Borlea, Slavica Petrović, and Predrag Sretenović. "The Wood Products Industry in the Western Balkan Region." Forest Products Journal 59, no. 10 (October 2009): 98–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.13073/0015-7473-59.10.98.
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Kajal, Purnima. "Europe’s Balkan Dilemma." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 1 (August 1, 2012): 198–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i1.38.
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The Balkans, over the years, remained an “unfinished business” (Larrabee, 2010) in the agenda of Europe and prevails to be tormented by several fundamental negative trends. In the wake of vicious squabbles marking the instable history of Western Balkans, European Union (EU) decides to provide support to the nations to get on their way of achieving stability and prosperity in the region, which is to be further followed by their accession into EU. The book acumens the knowledge of how EU has laid its steps in the Western Balkans towards a better future and is good for honing one’s understanding of its staggeringly changing role
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Stefanovic, Gordana, Miroslav Trajanovic, Neven Duic, and Martina Ferk. "Pollution data tracking in the Western Balkan countries: A state-of-the-art review." Thermal Science 12, no. 4 (2008): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tsci0804105s.
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As part of the FP6 Program, a project named WEB-ENV 'Development of environ- mental guidelines for the region of Western Balkans' dealt with the state of the environment in the region of the West Balkan countries: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, FYR Macedonia, Montenegro, and Serbia. The parameters which were observed were air and water quality, solid waste pollution, soil degradation, and state of biodiversity. The results are presented as an extended mapping exercise identifying major environmental problems in each country. This paper outlines the comparative analysis of the parameters observed in the project and their respective resources. This paper also presents the impact of some polluters on the environmental condition of the countries surrounding Western Balkans. The analysis of data proves that certain areas have insufficient parameters especially in the field of ground water quality and soil degradation. Another problem in the comparative analysis was discrepancy of year of data collection. In order to get a better understanding of the environmental issue in the region it has been determined that it is necessary to provide comprehensive data monitoring via regional projects on the territory of the Western Balkans.
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Griessler, Christina. "The Berlin Process. Bringing the Western Balkan Region Closer to the European Union." Südosteuropa 68, no. 1 (May 26, 2020): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2020-0001.
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AbstractFor the countries of the Western Balkans, the path to membership in the European Union (EU) has been particularly tortuous. Its slow progress has created frustration among applicant countries. In 2014 Germany, stepping into the political void that had formed, inaugurated what has come to be known as the Berlin Process, an initiative aimed at injecting new energy into the dormant EU enlargement process. The author examines the political activities initiated between 2014 and 2019, analysing the official documentation of the Berlin Process along with publications such as policy papers and media commentaries. She concludes that although meaningful and proactive measures have been taken, such efforts have not been successful in persuading or enabling the Western Balkan states to implement the political and economic reforms required for EU accession.
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Efremenko, Dmitry. "BOSNIAN AND ALBANIAN QUESTIONS THREE DECADES AFTER THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA." Russia and the moslem world, no. 3 (2021): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rmw/2021.03.08.
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The article examines the dynamics and prospects of the settlement of the main conflicts in the Western Balkans region. Three decades after the breakup of Yugoslavia, the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina remains explosive, and the Albanian question has not yet been resolved. The most important factors influencing the conflict dynamics in the region are ethnic homogenization and external interference. The intervention of the West allowed to stop the military actions, but at the same time it actually consolidated the results of ethnic homogenization. The prospect of integration of various countries in the region into Western alliances does not eliminate the remaining conflict potential. Rather, Western alliances are following the path of internalizing these conflicts. In these circumstances, there is a high probability of further changes in the borders between the Western Balkan states.
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Gross, Riho, Leona Lovrenčić, Mišel Jelić, Frederic Grandjean, Simona Ðuretanović, Vladica Simić, Oksana Burimski, Lena Bonassin, Marius-Ioan Groza, and Ivana Maguire. "Genetic diversity and structure of the noble crayfish populations in the Balkan Peninsula revealed by mitochondrial and microsatellite DNA markers." PeerJ 9 (August 4, 2021): e11838. http://dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.11838.
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Background The noble crayfish (Astacus astacus) is a native European species in decline, with a contracting range and diminishing populations and abundance. Previous studies revealed this species significant genetic diversity in the south-eastern Europe, with populations from the western and the southern part of the Balkan Peninsula being the most divergent. However, sampling of populations from the western part of the Balkans was limited and insufficient for investigating genetic diversity and population divergence for the purpose of conservation planning and management. Thus, the major aim of this study was to fill in this knowledge gap by studying mitochondrial and microsatellite DNA diversity, using 413 noble crayfish from 18 populations from waterbodies in the western part of the Balkan Peninsula. Methods Phylogenetic analysis of studied populations and their mitochondrial diversity were studied using COI and 16S sequences and population genetic structure was described using 15 microsatellite loci. Results Phylogeographic analysis revealed new divergent mitochondrial haplotypes for the populations in the westernmost part of the Balkan Peninsula in the tributaries of the Sava and Drava rivers. Microsatellite data indicated that these populations harbour an important component of genetic diversity within A. astacus. The results suggest that the western part of the Balkans played an important role as microrefugia during the Pleistocene climate fluctuations, allowing the long term persistence of A. astacus populations in this region. These results will also be important to supporting conservation decision making and planning.
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Sela, Ylber, and Bekim Maksuti. "The social, political and economic changes in the Western Balkans: Managing diversity." SEEU Review 11, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2015-0032.
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Abstract This paper gives a retrospective of the events in the Balkans in the last 20 years. Hence, it indicates the problems, the progress and the challenges in terms of respecting and promoting diversity. The Western Balkans has always been a very interesting region with many challenges during different historical periods. If we take into consideration all the differences and diversities in this region, then this shouldn’t strike us as surprising. During history the Balkan region has always been a crossroads of many events, conflicts, changes and destructive occurrences. In order to understand the connection between ethnic and the religious diversity, as well as the future of the Western Balkan countries in terms of Euro-Atlantic integration, we need to provide some information about the political, economic and social changes in these countries during the past, especially in the last two decades. To get a better understanding of all the processes and events we need to take a look at the 90s of the last century. This period was one of the most important turning points in international relations. By the end of the Cold War there were two blocks within the societies – The Western (capitalist) and the Eastern (communist), and an agreement for the Balkans to be a balance between these two blocks. This fact was important for the promotion of the concept of the nation-state, which refers generally to both of the blocks. However, changes such as the dissolution and breakdown of the USSR and Yugoslavia, as well as the official Eastern bloc fiasco, brought an increase in the individual identity of the citizens living in these countries. This was the beginning of a new era to be characterized by conflicts, wars, refugees, humanitarian crises, a large number of casualties and injured people, because of the idea that the emerging countries, especially from the Balkan region, should be nation-state countries, i.e. composed of a nation thereby ignoring the ethnic and religious differences or the unrecognized diversity of the citizens of different ethnic groups living in these countries. The establishment of the Euro-Atlantic integration concept as a key national and state priority of almost every country in this region led to the understanding of differences as an asset, and not as an obstacle for the faster integration to the EU and NATO. This fact undoubtedly contributed to the establishment of the criteria for membership, and in particular to the promotion of the rights and freedoms of minorities as most important for the integration process.
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Krasniqi, Sokol, and Ismail Mehmeti. "Role of foreign direct investment in banking sector and their impact on employment: Kosovo case." International Journal of Business Ecosystem & Strategy (2687-2293) 3, no. 1 (October 10, 2021): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.36096/ijbes.v3i1.241.
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The purpose is to identify the role and importance of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) for the Kosovo economy, emphasizing FDI in the banking sector and their impact on employment growth - comparing FDI levels with countries of the Western Balkans. Data processing design is in line with a focus on data published by local and international organizations and institutions, using methods deductive, comparing research data synthetically and analytically with direct access to literature, scientific journals, official reports published domestically and abroad. Kosovo aims to regulate favorable legal infrastructure by attracting as much FDI as possible to other countries in the region. In this context, in Kosovo the economic field is regulated by legal provisions covering the area of FDI, which is very favorable compared to other Western Balkan countries. This paper provides sufficient data to show the current state of FDI in Kosovo compared to the countries of the Balkan region, as well as the extent to which FDI has affected employment growth in the Kosovo banking sector. The practical implication also relates to identifying the improvement of positive legal conditions for more FDI attraction. The data in the paper present the real situation of FDI in Kosovo and their role in economic development, emphasizing the country's banking sector and how Kosovo stands for FDI relative to the Western Balkan countries.
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Lami, Blendi. "Influence of Turkish Foreign Policy in Albania." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (January 21, 2017): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v4i1.p98-106.
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This paper inquires into the overall picture of the Turkish foreign policy toward Western Balkans, and especially Albania, on the geopolitical plan. It explores the new Turkish policy principles, Davotuglu’s strategic vision, and the extent to which the geopolitics of both Turkey and Albania inform Turkish foreign policy. This paper also delineates the perceptions of Albania towards Turkey’s foreign policy and contradictions of the same policy. According to Davutoglu, the architect of Turkish foreign policy, Turkey is a Middle Eastern, Balkan, Caucasian, Central Asian, Caspian, Mediterranean, Gulf and Black Sea country, can simultaneously exercise influence in all these regions and thus claim a global strategic role, rejecting the perception of Turkey as a bridge between Islam and the West, as this would relegate Turkey to an instrument for the promotion of the strategic interests of other countries. To achieve this, Turkey should capitalise on its soft power potential. Davutoglu argues that Turkey possesses “strategic depth” due to its history and geographic position and lists Turkey among a small group of countries which he calls “central powers”. Taking such a role Turkey has also great interest in Albania as it is considered the best state to promote Turkish interests within the Western Balkan region. However, there are several obstacles limiting Turkey’s full penetration into the Western Balkans.
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Nezirović, Senada, Ana Živko, Belma Durmišević, and Amna Hodžić. "Stabilisation and association agreement between the Western Balkan countries and the European Union." Journal of Geography, Politics and Society 12, no. 2 (August 19, 2022): 36–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/jpgs.2022.2.05.
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The European Union (EU) represents a certain partnership and alliance between states and countries. It is not governed as the United States of America, nor intergoverned as the United Nations. Member States of the EU are sovereign countries united to become privileged and globally successful. Every enlargement of the Union is significant, but the fifth enlargement has been recognised, so far, as the most significant, showing the unification of Eastern and Western Europe. However, the most significant enlargement is yet to come with the Western Balkan countries becoming Member States of the EU (Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Albania, Kosovo and North Macedonia), considering the political and economic situation of the region. The European Commission has proposed the Stabilization and Association Process (SAP) for South East Europe, as the most significant frame for the EU to ensure relations with the Western Balkan countries and to direct its overall enlargement policy to this part of Europe. Associations of the Western Balkans are usually negative, referring to weak economic development, wars and political instability, which have led to the pre-accession strategy for the EU membership known as the Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA). The aim of this paper is to present the progress of the Western Balkan countries towards the EU membership, their current state, and the problems they face on that path and to explain the SAP and the SAA.
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Mazreku, Ibish, and Donjeta Morina. "TRADE ECONOMIC COOPERATION OF KOSOVO WITH THE WESTERN BALKAN COUNTRIES." Knowledge International Journal 26, no. 6 (March 18, 2019): 1611–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij26061611m.
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With the rapid development of manufacturing forces, national markets are becoming very small, while the need for economic cooperation between countries is becoming ever greater. Economic and trade cooperation between countries is the only way for small countries to benefit from large markets. Viewed from the aspect of transition countries, this collaboration offers domestic producers the opportunity to link to global chains. For a small and new country like Kosovo, good economic and trade relations with neighboring countries are of great importance. Free trade with the countries of the region is of the utmost importance for Kosovo because it not only allows the import of raw materials and products that are not produced domestically, but it also provides potential markets for its exports. However, we recognize the fact that in terms of carrying out trade activities in relation to other countries, Kosovo faces a continuing problem that is the trade balance deficit as a result of its dependence on imports and as a result of its, in development constraints of exports. Kosovo is the smallest country in the region due to its size, but also by its economic and trade impact in the region. It is characterized by a lack of domestic economic development, namely with lack of the manufacturing sector and industry, and as a result, it can not satisfy domestic demand, which the demand is then forced to cover mainly by imports, by thus affecting the growth of the trade balance deficit.The purpose of this paper is to analyze the trends in Kosovo's foreign trade through various data published by relevant institutions, in order to look at the directions and trends in the development of trade activities with other countries, mainly with the countries of the Western Balkans (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia) and to seen the importance of this economic and trade cooperation. Based on this database and the comparisons made over the years, conclusions are drawn regarding the current trade conditions between Kosovo and these countries, their economic relations within CEFTA and the EU and their long-term economic orientation. Given the unfavorable trade situation in the region, it is necessary for the Balkan countries to strengthen their friendly bridges and to increase economic cooperation with a view to the mutual development of trade. This will most certainly contribute to an accelerated economic development for these countries as well as to improving the relations of the countries of the region. Creating a good relationship between the countries of the region is also the main goal of CEFTA, which enables the creation of a free trade zone for the Western Balkan countries. The path to prosperity for the Western Balkans depends on the progress of regional and international economic integration by linking with global markets through trade, transport, and investment.
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Brankov, Tatjana, and Bojan Matkovski. "Is a Food Shortage Coming to the Western Balkans?" Foods 11, no. 22 (November 16, 2022): 3672. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/foods11223672.
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In the wake of the international food crisis, many countries are paying more attention to food self-sufficiency to protect themselves from instability in the global food markets. Western Balkan region and the rest of the world are facing an array of challenges, including inflation and rising food prices. Recognizing the importance of producing sufficient food to cover a country’s needs in circumstances of increasing risk of trade disruptions due to war or political tensions, this article aims to find the level of food self-sufficiency in the Western Balkan countries. The self-sufficiency ratio is calculated for different food groups and individual products over a 14-year period (2006–2019) based on the FAO data and calculation method. Also, using panel data, the impact of different factors—arable land, rural population, fertilizers efficiency, temperature change, precipitation, and GDP per capita change—on cereals self-sufficiency is estimated. Results showed that in the covered pre-crisis period, the Western Balkans achieved a satisfactory level of food self-sufficiency, suggesting that the region is ready to respond to future challenges. Four indicators positively and significantly affect cereal self-sufficiency: arable land, rural population, fertilizers efficiency and GDP per capita change, while one indicator—temperature change—had a negative and significant effect. This article can serve as a basis for post-crisis research on the topic.
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Šehović, Emir, Adna Ašić, Mustafa Dogan, Ramazan Tunc, Damir Marjanović, and Serkan Dogan. "NETWORK ANALYSIS ON THE IN SILICO ASSIGNED Y CHROMOSOME HAPLOGROUPS IN WESTERN BALKAN POPULATIONS." Genetics & Applications 1, no. 2 (March 30, 2018): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31383/ga.vol1iss2pp36-43.
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The region of Western Balkans has been inhabited since the Paleolithic era and was the route of the spread of farming from the Middle East to Europe during the Neolithic era. In the present study, Y-STR data from European populations have been used to construct median-joining networks. The study was performed using Whit Athey’s Haplogroup Predictor, Y Utility and Network 4 software packages to predict Y haplogroups, construct networks, perform clustering of closely related Y chromosomes and calculate time estimates between individual nodes. The results of the study imply that geographically close populations cluster together at both Balkan and European levels. It was observed that an elevated number of study populations and individual haplogroups increases the possibility that individuals of different ethnic background cluster within the same or neighboring clades of network. Subsequent time estimates, performed based on the mutation frequency between the ancestral node and its descendant nodes, revealed that I2a haplogroup within the Western Balkan region has the most compact clustering (age, estimated at 3109 years), followed by Hg E1b1b which has the second most compact clustering (4896 years). The obtained results are nonetheless in accordance with previously published research investigating the frequency of Y haplogroups based on Y-SNP variant frequencies, indicating that Western Balkan countries are mainly represented by I2a subclade (average for six countries 32.3%), followed by E1b1b and R1a (average for six countries of 21.5% and 17%, respectively).
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Kaloeva, E. B. "Power and civil society in the Western Balkans, their role in foreign policy through the eyes of balkan and foreign researchers." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2022): 68–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.02.04.
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The article attempts to show the role of official authorities and civil society on the thorny path that the countries of the Western Balkans have to overcome towards mutual undestanding. Unfortunately, some tensions still persist in relations between the countries of the region, and from time to time some hotheads propose new projects for revising borders, which can lead to the resumption of armed conflicts. Such a development can be ruled out not only by the actions of sober-minded politicians, but also by civil society, which played an important role in restoring peaceful order of life after the end of the bloody Balkan conflict of the 1990 s. After all, the main cause of conflicts in the Balkans lies not in the desire to protect ethnic, cultural and religious differences between the Balkan peoples, but in the way their political and cultural elites understand national identity and use it to achieve their political goals. The article also analyzes the activities of some non-governmental organizations that emerged in the Western Balkans in the early 2000 s and still enjoying international prestige and continue their work, despite the not entirely favorable situation in the position of civil society in those countries where trends of authoritarianism and national populism are strong. Particular attention is paid to the issue of geopolitics in the Western Balkans during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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Dimitrieva, Jasmina. "Back to the basics: election integrity as a eu accession criteria for the western balkan countries." Optime 13, no. 2 (February 6, 2022): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.55312/op.v13i2.375.
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The Global Commission on Election, Democracy and Security defines election integrity as “election that is based on the democratic principles of universal suffrage and political equality as reflected in international standards and agreements, and is professional, impartial, and transparent in its preparation and administration throughout the electoral cycle”. Elections with integrity are the keyto preserving stability, peace and security not only at a national, but also at European level. The perspectives of the EU integration of the Western Balkans have been continuously viewed through the lens of the European security and stability. From the viewpoint of election integrity, the 1993 Copenhagen accession criteria require from the candidate countries to achieve stability of institutionsguaranteeing democracy and the rule of law. The Western Balkan countries are experiencing a long-time struggle to satisfy the said EU democratic criteria. The paper aims to shed light on the 1993 Copenhagen criteria with respect to the obligation to conduct elections with integrity and discusses the EU support modalities for ensuring election integrity in the Western Balkans, as well assynergies created with other regional organizations in this regard. The paper concludes that regardless of the EU integration perspective of the Western Balkan countries, the citizens of the region deserve elections with integrity comparable to those of the EU countries.
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Khudoliy, Anatoliy. "Migration along the Balkan route." Acta de Historia & Politica: Saeculum XXI, no. 03 (May 28, 2022): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.26693/ahpsxxi2021-2022.03.068.
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The article examines the issue of the Balkan Migration Corridor, which has been operating on a permanent basis for many years, despite the efforts of the Balkan Peninsula and the European Union. The aim of the article is to analyze the migration processes in the Balkans and its impact on the EU and European countries. The author offered basic terms related to the topic of migration along with definitions. reviewed the literature on this issue and noted the main research of Western scholars related to the topic of the article. The intensity of migration processes in the above-mentioned region is determined by the economic and political situation in migrant donor countries, including Afghanistan, Pakistan, Syria, etc. The article lists the countries that show the greatest and least commitment to migrants. The attitude of EU member states turned out to be more positive towards migrants than the attitude of the Balkan countries.
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Bitkova, Tatiana. "ROMANIA AND THE BALKANS: POLITICAL, HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL ASPECTS." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 233–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.11.
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The article analyzes some aspects of Romania’s foreign policy in the Balkan region. It is noted that the same fact that country belongs to the Balkans causes ambiguous interpretations on the part of Romanian politicians and experts, many of whom believe that Romania cannot be attributed to this region either geographically or politically. At the same time, culturally and historically, according to a certain part of historians and sociologists, Romania nevertheless carries the features of the so-called «Balkanism», due to the common Ottoman past with the Balkan Peninsula. These features are also relevant for the current socio-political situation, which is shown in the article with specific examples. In addition, criticism of the very term «Balkanism» from the side of Romanian analysts is presented. The author also examines Romania’s relations with the countries of the Western Balkans, primarily with Serbia. The points of contact of the positions of these countries are noted, which are largely due to the desire of Serbia to resolve the Kosovo problem in its favor, relying on the support of Romania - one of the five EU countries that did not recognize the independence of Kosovo. Romania, using this situation, is trying to strengthen its position, seeking regional leadership. The author comes to the conclusion that, although the Western Balkan countries directly or indirectly aspire to Euro-Atlantic structures, some of them (primarily Serbia) maintain and develop friendly relations with Russia, which complicates their interaction with Romania, orthodoxly adhering to the NATO and European Union policies and having a very difficult relationship with Russia.
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Matkovic, Gordana. "Overview of poverty and social exclusion in the Western Balkans." Stanovnistvo 44, no. 1 (2006): 7–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv0601007m.
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During the last 15 years the entire Western Balkan region has undergone dramatic changes. With the fall of the Berlin wall and the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia, new states were formed and transition started, although in some countries it was quite delayed. Simultaneously, during the nineties, much of the region experienced wars and destruction, waves of refugees, internal displacement of population, devastation of the economy, demolition of institutions and impoverishment of citizens. Absolute poverty, determined through the estimation of household consumption at which families, after paying for essential non-food expenditures just attain minimal nutritional needs, in almost all of the Western Balkans is still relatively high, and is not showing significant tendencies of decreasing. A large concentration of the population and households just above the poverty line additionally demonstrates the challenges faced by the entire region while undergoing the transition process. In some countries extreme poverty, meaning that not even basic food needs can be met, has been registered. On the other hand, relative poverty, defined as the share of those who are excluded from the minimum acceptable way of life in states in which they live, is not particularly high. Due to the relatively high standard of living in the past and high expectations of the population that living standards would increase in a relatively short period of time, the subjective perception of poverty in the entire region is very much present. Groups that stand out as especially vulnerable and excluded are the unemployed, dependents and the less educated. At the level of the household, in some countries households with many children and elderly households are particularly vulnerable. The poorest often live in the rural areas and in the underdeveloped regions. In addition, especially vulnerable groups, who cannot even be completely covered by standard surveys, but are poor and socially excluded by many indices are the Roma, refugees and IDPs and persons with disabilities. Concurrently undergoing transition, post conflict reconciliation and reconstruction and striving to pursue their European Union future, the Western Balkan countries face many challenges. One of the greatest challenges is to focus on programs and activities that will lead to equitable and sustained economic growth that will also benefit the vulnerable groups. Almost all Western Balkan countries, through their national plans and programs, have marked employment growth and job creation as the most important single mechanism for exiting poverty. The second priority may be an increase of education coverage and improving the quality of education, although reduction of poverty and social exclusion presupposes improvement in the areas of developing appropriate social safety nets, health care systems, securing adequate housing, participation in decision making and protection of human rights. Bearing in mind the commitment of the Western Balkan countries to meet the globally agreed goals manifested in the MDGs, their efforts to proceed with anti-poverty strategies and aspirations in terms of EU accession, it is of the utmost importance to explore the synergies between these agendas to ensure that the processes reinforce each other.
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Milutinović, Sonja, Tanja Stanišić, and Vladimir Radivojević. "Income convergence of the Western Balkan states on their path to accession to the European Union." Industrija 50, no. 1 (2022): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/industrija50-36280.
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The common and main strategic goal of all Western Balkan States is integration into the European Union. Therefore, the transition of the Western Balkan region, as in the case with other Central European transition countries, must be seen as a part of the European integration process. The aim of this research is to tests whether income convergence exists between Western Balkan States and the developed European Union countries, with a comparison with New Member States. In order to test this assumption, regression analysis is used. The results did not confirm that income convergence existed from 1995 to 2019. However, the results indicate a strong impact of the Global Economic Crisis on income convergence, so it existed in the years before and after the Global Economic Crisis. Results also showed faster growth of the New Member States than the Western Balkan States.