Academic literature on the topic 'West Acehnese'

Since it was declared as one of the crucial issues in the Sustainable Development Goals agenda by the United Nations, gender equality has entered every country including in the Acehnese family. As a province that implements Islamic law and rich in local wisdom, Aceh has its own perspective in responding to the issue of gender equality. Although in the past (in terms of religion and culture) Aceh recognized the existence of the same position between men and women in the family, in its implementation gender equality has not achieved completely. The cultural shift and understanding of Acehnese society towards gender, which is considered as an ideology from the West, has become one of the big walls in the realization of gender equality in the family. The culture of the society that stigmatizes men as weak people if they are involved in domestic affairs also plays a major role. In addition, the most influential thing is the absence of gender-based education both in families and social institutions in Acehnese society, therefore the generation that grows continues to develop with the same understanding as their predecessors which resulted in the discourse of gender equality in modern Aceh society being a mere delusion.

This article draws attention to the case of Aceh to analyse the mechanisms through which ideologically driven geographic imaginings obscured the role of place and class in colonial and anti-colonial violence in Indonesia. Its main perspective is the region's West Coast. In the course of the long and brutal Dutch-Acehnese war (1873–1942), the West Coast of Sumatra was transformed from a dynamic centre of trade, commerce, and religious renewal into a colonial frontier. Violent resistance persisted in this area as the Dutch involved themselves in and exacerbated local contestations for authority and resources. Colonial discourse worked to conceal these complexities, foregrounding an image of the West Coast as a remote, backwards, and inherently dangerous place, prone to a violent Muslim millenarianism.

This paper examines the interjection of ômma in Acehnese language using a natural semantic metalanguage approach. The study employed a qualitative method using oral, written, and artificial data sources. Twelve qualified informants from three study locations, i.e., Aceh Besar, West Aceh, and South Aceh provided their consent to participate in this study. Meanwhile, written data were sourced from Acehnese books and previous studies, and the artificial data were used as complementary to oral and written data. The data analysis is presented using a distributional approach. In addition, the Natural Semantic Metalanguage (NSM) theory was also applied. The results show that the interjection of ômma in the Acehnese language expressed three semantic aspects, i.e., emotive, volitive, and cognitive. The emotive aspect includes expressions of amazement, surprise, and anger. In addition, the meanings of the interjection of ômma are highly dependent on the text and the context of the sentence. A chuckle of amazement, pleasant facial expression, hand-clap, head-shake, or thumbs-up accompanies the interjection of ômma expressing amazement. The interjection of ômma that expresses anger is accompanied by a sour facial expression, such as frowns and lip-biting, as well as a high intonation voice. In expressing a feeling of surprise, the interjection of ômma is accompanied by a voice that indicates joy and a happy facial expression. Meanwhile, the interjection of ômma expressing volition is accompanied by limb movements, either using hands, mouth, or face. The interjection of ômma that expresses the cognitive aspect is followed by movements or pats on the forehead or legs.

Aceh is well known as the center of spreading Islam in South East Asia. West Aceh has contributed to present their best people in the history of the battle against colonialism when the heroic war in the past. Thus, Acehnese are considered a religious society. However, the research on the typology of significant Islamic buildings, such as mosques, has been very limited in this area. This study aims to determine the typology of mosques in West Aceh. This study was conducted based on observation data in West Aceh and a literature study. The number of twenty-five mosques is included in this study. The locations of mosques were in Meulaboh, the capital city of West Aceh, and in the rural area of West Aceh. The result shows that the typology of mosques in West Aceh has similarities with Masjid Raya Baiturrahman which stands in the capital city of Aceh. The similarities are found in the typology of the roof, door, window, column, and façade ornamentation. Meanwhile, the minaret did not have a significant influence on the typology of the mosques in West Aceh. There is still research to be done and data to be collected about other mosques in other areas in Aceh. Then, the date period of construction data should be added to give a comprehensive perspective of the influence.

This paper explores the Social Status Shift and Collapse of Uleebalang in Aceh of 1900-1946. The conflict between ulama and ulebalang increasingly entered a critical phase, especially after news of Japan's defeat. This research is conducted by using qualitative research design. The results shows that the surrender of the uleebalang did not dampen the ulama's determination to continue to expel the Dutch from the land of Aceh in various regions, both in Aceh City, Pidie, North Aceh, West Aceh, Central Aceh and Southeast Aceh fall on the battlefield. The Aceh War had a great impact on the people of Aceh, especially the scholars. The direct impact of the Aceh war can be seen from the division of ulama into three groups, there are 1) The ulama who was the Kadli in the government of the uleebalang who recognized Dutch sovereignty; 2) The ulama who only give religious lessons in dayah-dayah; and 3) The ulama who still continued the struggle against the Dutch. In addition, the fundamental impact is the strengthening of the position of ulama in Acehnese society. Another impact is the widening of the distance between the ulama and the uleebalang. The Dutch tried to break the Acehnese community through politics.

In Acehnese society, there is a tradition called hareuta peunulang, which is the practice of giving a number of assets to married girls in preparation for starting a new life with her husband. This practice is still often carried out until now, especially by people in the Pidie Regency, Aceh Besar District and parts of the West Aceh region. This practice seems to be gender-biased, which is more privileging girls and discriminating boys. This article wants to criticize the practice of hareuta peunulang grants using the theory of grants in Islamic law, with the aim of finding a contradiction between the two and offering several legal formulas to reconstruct these traditional institutions so that they are in line with the ideals of Islamic law.

Since independence Indonesia’s military has played an active role in defending the territorial integrity of Indonesia. For example, the military has been used to put down rebellions in various regions, such as Darul Islam in West Java in 1948, the Acehnese rebellion that was led by Daud Beurueh in 1950, Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Indonesia (PRRI), the Revolutionary Government of the Indonesian Republic) in West Sumatra in 1958, and Piagam Perjuangan Semesta Alam (Permesta) Charter of Universal Struggle in North Sulawesi in 1958. Disagreements with central government policies were the cause of these rebellions since they were intended to change the central government, not to achieve separatism. In addition, in 1961 a military operation was used to support the claim of Indonesia to West Irian (now Papua). By carrying out a military operation and negotiating with those giving support from the United States, in 1969 Indonesia succeeded in its goal of claiming Papua as a part of Indonesia. The success in pulling Papua into Indonesia’s territory did not directly stop the military operation there because the military had to maintain order in the region to frustrate the Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM), Free Papuan Organisation, separatist movement that began in 1964 and continues to the present day

<p><strong>Abstrak:</strong><strong> </strong><strong>Ritual</strong><strong> </strong><strong>Memandikan Bayi Perdana di Aceh: Studi Etnografi di Labuhan Haji Barat, Aceh Selatan. </strong>Kelahiran bayi dianggap sesuatu yang sakral bagi warga Aceh. Beberapa ritual dilakukan untuk menghormati proses tersebut, baik sebelum maupun sesudahnya. Termasuk dalam tujuan ritual adalah menyembuhkan sang ibu yang telah melahirkan secara fisik dan mental. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan ritual memandikan bayi yang dipraktikkan oleh warga Aceh di desa Blangporoh, Aceh Selatan. Pendekatan kualitatif diterapkan dengan wawancara dan pengamatan lapangan sebagai instrumen pengumpul data. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa komunitas di desa tersebut masih mengaplikasikan ritual memandikan bayi sebagai sebuah simbol menyambut bayi di kalangan mereka. Salah satu ritual mengurbankan seekor kambing jantan, <em>akikah</em>, juga turut dilaksanakan. Kedua ritual tersebut sangat esensial di dalam masyarakat tersebut sebagai salah satu cara memperkenalkan sang bayi terhadap nilai-nilai sosial budaya sejak awal masa kanak-kanak.</p><p><strong>Kata Kunci: </strong>ritual, kelahiran bayi, memandikan bayi, Aceh, Indonesia</p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> Childbirth is considered sacred by Acehnese peoples and as such, a newly born baby was introduced to the surrounding world in certain rituals. This is regarded as a re-enactment of the Prophet Muhammad’s actions in the seventh century and a continuation of the village norms to preserve the relations of communications and exchanges across generations. The rituals are conducted to honour this process, before and after it, as well as helping mother to heal the physical and mental condition after labouring. This study aimed to describe the ritual of infant bathing practiced by Acehnese people living in the village of Blangporoh, South Aceh. The qualitative approach was applied as the interviews and field observations were due to collect the data. The result indicated that this community still preserved the ritual of infant bathing as a symbol of welcoming the baby as a way to integrate the baby within society. There was also tradition of the animal sacrifice, Akikah, done along the ritual of infant bathing. The author emphasized that both rituals were important within the society as a way to introducing the baby to socio-cultural values since the early childhood.</p><p><br /><strong>Keywords:</strong> rituals, new-born baby, bathing baby, Aceh, Indonesia</p>

The coronavirus spread has been the main issue among Acehnese people since it occurred. Every day, people get infected; some people also are starting to recover from the coronavirus. The governments have been working to reduce the risked people and infected victims by providing various personal protective equipment and educating the public about the virus and its threats. Those all require society to obey them, such as wearing masks to avoid being infected or transmit to other people. Until now, the spread of the coronavirus is also very high trending. The Covid-19 task force in Jakarta on February 16th, 2021 recorded that the ratio of coronavirus cases has reached 38.34 percent. This figure shows the highest daily record since the pandemic took place. This study used a descriptive method with a qualitative approach. Data collection was performed by interviewing several communities in the Johan Pahlawan sub-district, monitoring and observing in the field, and reading relevant sources. The study found a low level of community compliance with health protocols. The use of masks is still very lacking; people only wear masks when raids are carried out on the streets by joint government officials

The coronavirus spread has been the main issue among Acehnese people since it occurred. Every day, people get infected; some people also are starting to recover from the coronavirus. The governments have been working to reduce the risked people and infected victims by providing various personal protective equipment and educating the public about the virus and its threats. Those all require society to obey them, such as wearing masks to avoid being infected or transmit to other people. Until now, the spread of the coronavirus is also very high trending. The Covid-19 task force in Jakarta on February 16th, 2021 recorded that the ratio of coronavirus cases has reached 38.34 percent. This figure shows the highest daily record since the pandemic took place. This study used a descriptive method with a qualitative approach. Data collection was performed by interviewing several communities in the Johan Pahlawan sub-district, monitoring and observing in the field, and reading relevant sources. The study found a low level of community compliance with health protocols. The use of masks is still very lacking; people only wear masks when raids are carried out on the streets by joint government officials.

This study investigates differences between two Acehnese dialects, the high status North Acehnese and the stigmatised West Acehnese, and explores the social interpretations of these differences. The linguistic subsystems that differentiate the two dialects are analysed and attitudes of Northern and Western Acehnese speakers towards the dialects are investigated. To obtain primary data from native speakers, intensive fieldwork in The Province of Aceh was carried out. An Acehnese wordlist from Daud & Durie’s (1999) Kamus basa Acèh = Kamus bahasa Aceh = Acehnese-Indonesian-English thesaurus, -which is mainly based on North Acehnese, was used to elicit a comparative wordlist in West Acehnese. Three different methods were used in the data collection: participant observation, semi-structured interviews, and the matched guise test. The data from the questionnaire of the matched guise test was analysed statistically in order to determine the significance of the results. There are salient differences between North and West Aceh dialects regarding several key phonological features and lexical items. It is also found that Acehnese has a more complex vowel system in comparison to Bahasa Indonesia. Although the Acehnese vowel system includes all the vowels of Bahasa Indonesia, North and West Acehnese exhibit different vowel correspondences in Indonesian loanwords and in some cases replace Indonesian vowels with the vowel /ɯ/, which is unusual amongst the world’s languages. Some differences characterise North Acehnese as a ‘refined,’ ‘standard,’ and ‘prestigious’ Acehnese variety and West Acehnese as a ‘rough,’ ‘vulgar’, and stigmatised variety. However, these characterisations need careful discussion in this context. Due to the negative opinion towards their dialect, West Acehnese speakers accommodate their language style to North Acehnese when they communicate with people of non-West Acehnese background. However, the strong negative judgement that the majority of Acehnese people express towards West Acehnese in interviews and observations is not clearly reflected in the results of the matched guise test. The disconnect between attitudes to language and attitudes to people, and the array of different attitudes to different aspects of the language, is most pronounced in this case and has been the subject of repeated testing and further investigation. In conclusion, this thesis demonstrates that within Aceh, dialect differentiation and linguistic stigmatisation are primarily based on lexical semantics, whilst phonology plays a role, but morphology and syntax are unimportant. Some distinctive features of West Acehnese, that are perceived by the speakers of North Acehnese, are salient and others less salient, even to the point that people may not even notice the differences. Certain distinctions may suggest that the speakers of West Acehnese are confused, some may lead to mild amusement, whilst others signify West Acehnese speakers as having a speech impediment. Most importantly, however, it is shown that the stigmatisation of West Acehnese is based on a mere handful of different lexemes, which invite the negative attitudes of North Acehnese speakers that this dialect is rude and impolite, and its speakers are regarded as ‘crude’, ‘rough’, and unintellectual. The results show that North Acehnese is a more prestigious dialect than West Acehnese. I speculate that power is the reason for North Acehnese having a higher position than West Acehnese in the Acehnese linguistic stratification: in general, Acehnese speakers in North Aceh hold more social, political and economic power than Acehnese speakers in West Aceh.
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Humanities, 2015

During the Aceh War (1873 to 1903) Aceh appealed for Ottoman support and protection against the Dutch. The main purpose of this chapter is to examine these appeals and the Ottoman authorities’ responses to them, based mainly on the Turkish archival sources. Acehnese leaders sent several letters to Sultan Abdülhamid II, asking for help against the Dutch. In 1891, Sharif ῾Ali b. Isma῾il went to Istanbul to bring Aceh under Ottoman sovereignty. The Acehnese tried to establish relations with the Ottomans through the visit of the Turkish frigate Ertuğrul to Singapore in 1890 and the Ottoman representation in Batavia. Although the Ottoman authorities showed a considerable interest in Aceh matters, this did not materialise because of the current political circumstances. Aceh's distance from Ottoman lands and the lack of sufficient information on the region, coupled with problems in communications, also caused the Ottomans to approach the problem of Aceh cautiously.