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1

Brouwer, Werner B. F., Anthony J. Culyer, N. Job A. van Exel, and Frans F. H. Rutten. "Welfarism vs. extra-welfarism." Journal of Health Economics 27, no. 2 (March 2008): 325–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhealeco.2007.07.003.

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2

Keller, Simon. "Welfarism." Philosophy Compass 4, no. 1 (January 2009): 82–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-9991.2008.00196.x.

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3

Ng, Yew-Kwang. "Welfarism and Utilitarianism: A Rehabilitation." Utilitas 2, no. 2 (November 1990): 171–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820800000650.

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Utilitarianism seems to be going out of fashion, amidst increasing concerns for issues of freedom, equality, and justice. At least, anti-utilitarian and non-utilitarian moral philosophers have been very active. This paper is a very modest attempt to defend utilitarianism in particular and welfarism (i.e., general utilitarianism or utilitarianism without the sum-ranking aspect) in general. Section I provides an axiomatic defence of welfarism and utilitarianism. Section II discusses the divergences between individual preferences and individual welfares and argues in favour of welfare utilitarianism. Section III criticizes some non-utilitarian principles, including knowledge as intrinsically good, rights-based ethics, and Rawls's second principle. Section IV argues that most objections to welfarism are probably based on the confusion of non-ultimate considerations with basic values. This is discussed with reference to some recent philosophical writings which abound with such confusion. Section V argues that the acceptance of utilitarianism may be facilitated by the distinction between ideal morality and self-interest which also resolves the dilemma of average versus total utility maximization in optimal population theory.
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4

Dollinger, Bernd. "Help Wanted? A Narrative Look at Penal Welfarism ‘From Below’." Youth Justice 19, no. 2 (May 19, 2019): 120–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473225419850368.

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This article explores principles of penal welfarism. For a number of years, there has been a wide-ranging debate on the impact of penal welfarism and on its transformation or indeed its possible supersedence. To date, however, discussions have rarely started with those directly affected (‘from below’) and asked how welfarist measures are experienced and perceived by young people who have been charged with or convicted of offences. This is the approach taken here as I focus on young defendants in the context of their trial. The young people describe in detail problematic life stories and personal challenges. However, the majority reject any attempt to label them as cases for education or rehabilitation. Help in the respondents’ view should primarily resolve specific, pragmatic problems, and not interfere with their identity.
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5

Haaga, Paul T., and Michael Sunday Sasa. "A Philosophical Reflection on the Nature and Relevance of Azikiwe’s Political Ideology of Neo-Welfarism." International Journal of Humanities and Innovation (IJHI) 2, no. 4 (October 10, 2020): 152–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.33750/ijhi.v2i4.81.

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This paper attempts a reflection on the nature and relevance of Azikiwe’s Political philosophy of Neo-Welfarism. Neo-welfarism as a political ideology was advanced by Azikiwe as his contribution to the search for ideology in the aftermath of colonialism. With Neo-Welfarism, Azikiwe sought to advance a philosophy for colonial emancipation and the decolonization of Africa. At the background of this ideology is his dissatisfaction with the dominant ideologies of the era being capitalism, socialism and welfarism. This dissatisfaction triggered an attempt to formulate a via media that takes into cognizance, the 'good' aspects of these ideologies through the method of eclectic pragmatism for the greatest good of the greatest number. This paper found out that one of the main objectives of Neo-welfarism is to build a system that works to the advantage of many rather than one that speculates and works to the disadvantages of many. This paper also found out that Neo-welfarism as a political ideology is not without flaws; this is because the workability of such a via media has been called to question among other issues that are at the kernel of this ideology. The conclusion that is however reached in this paper is in two folds: one, the articulation of neo-welfarism at the time when there was an apparent search for ideology for the decolonization of Africa is both timely and laudable. Two, the non-implementation of neo-welfarism after several decades of its advancement notwithstanding, it is yet relevant in the sustained need to deepen democracy and search for an operational ideology for African's development even today.
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6

Bevir, Mark. "Welfarism, Socialism and Religion: on T. H. Green and Others." Review of Politics 55, no. 4 (1993): 639–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500018039.

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Scholars often link the emergence of welfarism and socialism to a loss of religious faith. Yet an examination of the beliefs of secularists who had lost their faith suggests that the loss of faith did not result in an emotional need that social reformism sometimes met. Nonetheless, an examination of welfarists and ethical socialists such as T. H. Green suggests that there was an intellectual or rational link between faith and social reformism. Here many Victorians and Edwardians responded to the dilemmas then besetting faith by adopting immanentist theologies, and this immanentism often sustained a moral idealism that inspired various social reformers.
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7

De Villiers, Jan-Harm. "Animal Rights Theory, Animal Welfarism and the ‘New Welfarist’ Amalgamation: A Critical Perspective." Southern African Public Law 30, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 406–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2522-6800/3587.

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Adherents of the ‘new welfarist’ approach advocate welfare reforms as essential short-term steps en route to the ultimate ideal of animal rights. A critical engagement with the ideological underpinnings of animal welfare theory and animal rights theory illustrates the contrasting moral spaces that the animal occupies in these theories and that the ‘new welfarist’ approach is philosophically unsound in assuming that these approaches are ideologically compatible. Karin van Marle’s ‘jurisprudence of slowness’ and Jacques Derrida’s exposition of the sacrificial logic underlying Western culture’s exclusion of animals from the ‘thou shalt not kill’ proscription provides a framework within which to illustrate and engage with the ideological purlieu that separates these theories.
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8

Holtug, Nils. "Welfarism – The Very Idea." Utilitas 15, no. 2 (July 2003): 151–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820800003927.

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According to outcome welfarism, roughly, the value of an outcome is fundamentally a matterof the individual welfare it contains. I assess various suggestions as to how to spell out this idea more fully on the basis of some basic intuitions about the content and implications of welfarism. I point out that what are in fact different suggestions are often conflated and argue that none fully captures the basic intuitions. I then suggest that what this means is that different doctrines of welfarism may be appropriate in different contexts and that when deciding on a particular doctrine, we need to consider which intuitions it does (and does not) accommodate. Finally, I consider the issue of just how a benefit must be related to an outcome in order to contribute to its value.
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9

Weymark, John A. "Welfarism on economic domains." Mathematical Social Sciences 36, no. 3 (December 1998): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0165-4896(98)00042-0.

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10

Blackorby, Charles, Walter Bossert, and David Donaldson. "Multi_profile welfarism: a generalization." Social Choice and Welfare 25, no. 1 (October 2005): 227–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00355-005-0057-z.

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11

Blackorby, Charles, Walter Bossert, and David Donaldson. "Anonymous Single-profile Welfarism." Social Choice and Welfare 27, no. 2 (June 30, 2006): 279–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00355-006-0131-1.

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12

Bossert, Walter. "Welfarism and information invariance." Social Choice and Welfare 17, no. 2 (March 9, 2000): 321–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s003550050023.

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13

Moore, Andrew, and Roger Crisp. "Welfarism in moral theory." Australasian Journal of Philosophy 74, no. 4 (December 1996): 598–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00048409612347551.

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14

Ginés, M., and F. Marhuenda. "Welfarism in Economic Domains." Journal of Economic Theory 93, no. 2 (August 2000): 191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jeth.2000.2653.

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15

Baujard, Antoinette. "A return to Bentham'sfelicific calculus: From moral welfarism to technical non-welfarism." European Journal of the History of Economic Thought 16, no. 3 (August 25, 2009): 431–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09672560903101294.

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16

Coast, Joanna, Richard D. Smith, and Paula Lorgelly. "Welfarism, extra-welfarism and capability: The spread of ideas in health economics." Social Science & Medicine 67, no. 7 (October 2008): 1190–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2008.06.027.

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17

Roemer, John E. "Welfarism and Axiomatic Bargaining Theory." Recherches économiques de Louvain 56, no. 3-4 (1990): 287–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0770451800043918.

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SummaryConsider the domain of economic environments E whose typical element is ξ = (U1, U2, Ω, ω*), where ui are Neumann-Morgenstern utility functions, Ω is a set of lotteries on a fixed finite set of alternatives, and ω* ∈ Ω. A mechanism f associates to each ξ a lottery f(ξ) in Ω. Formulate the natural version of Nash’s axioms, from his bargaining solution, for mechanisms on this domain. (e.g., IIA says that if ξ′ = (U1, U2, Δ, ω′), Δ ⊂ Ω, and f ∈ Δ then f(ξ′) = f(ξ).) It is shown that the Nash axioms (Pareto, symmetry, IIA, invariance w.r.t. cardinal transformations of the utility functions) hardly restrict the behavior of the mechanism at all. In particular, for any integer M, choose M environments ξi, i = 1, … , M, and choose a Pareto optimal lottery ωi ∈ Ωi, restricted only so that no axiom is directly contradicted by these choices. Then there is a mechanism f for which f(ξi) = ωi, which satisfies all the axioms, and is continuous on E.
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18

Woo, Wai Chiu. "Kaplow–Shavell welfarism without continuity." Mathematical Social Sciences 96 (November 2018): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.mathsocsci.2018.06.001.

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19

Blackorby, Charles, Walter Bossert, and David Donaldson. "Multi-profile welfarism: A generalization." Social Choice and Welfare 24, no. 2 (April 2005): 253–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00355-003-0301-3.

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20

Fones-Wolf, Elizabeth. "Industrial Recreation, the Second World War, and the Revival of Welfare Capitalism, 1934–1960." Business History Review 60, no. 2 (1986): 232–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3115308.

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Welfare capitalism has been perceived by many historians as succumbing to the stresses of the Depression. The work of recent scholars has contributed to an understanding of welfarism's continued existence through the 1930s and beyond, but little attention has been given to the process by which employers revitalized welfare work after the 1920s. In this article, Ms. Fones-Wolf explores the key role the Second World War played in helping to expand and legitimize corporate-sponsored welfarism, particularly in the area of recreational activity. With union resistance to welfare plans diminished, employers were able to extend their experimentation with this managerial device, thereby helping to defuse a postwar resurgence of militant unionism.
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21

Andersson, Robert. "Från behandling till hårdare tag? En kritisk analys av högervågsargumentet inom svensk kriminalpolitik." Nordisk Tidsskrift for Kriminalvidenskab 106, no. 1 (March 31, 2019): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/ntfk.v106i1.124710.

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In this article I address the question of whether there has been a punitive turn in Swedish crime policy or not. Since the punitive turn is connected to the downfall of the rehabilitative ideal, and to what David Garland has termed penal welfarism, I make my argument with reference to these phenomena in Sweden. I claim that there were two rationales behind the penal welfare state and the rehabilitative ideal in Sweden: a social liberal rationale built on paternalism and interventionism, and a social democratic rationale built on Marxist class analysis. My argument is that while penal welfarism is still operating in Sweden, the social liberal rationale has been discarded. This means that the social democratic rationale built on Marxist class analysis is now the single dominating force behind Swedish penal welfarism. The argument for a punitive turn in Sweden therefore has no support.
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22

McCallum, Margaret E. "Corporate Welfarism in Canada, 1919–39." Canadian Historical Review 71, no. 1 (March 1990): 46–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-071-01-02.

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23

Ravichandran, N. "Regulatory Challenges and Non-profit Welfarism." Journal of Health Management 8, no. 2 (October 2006): 261–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097206340600800207.

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24

Bavelier, Daphne, Julian Savulescu, Linda P. Fried, Theodore Friedmann, Corinna E. Lathan, Simone Schürle, and John R. Beard. "Rethinking human enhancement as collective welfarism." Nature Human Behaviour 3, no. 3 (February 11, 2019): 204–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/s41562-019-0545-2.

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25

Schroth, Jörg. "Distributive Justice and Welfarism in Utilitarianism." Inquiry 51, no. 2 (April 2008): 123–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00201740801956812.

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26

Kennelly, B. "Welfarism, IIA and arrovian constitutional rules." Social Choice and Welfare 5, no. 4 (November 1988): 307–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00433659.

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27

Bhattacharyya, Devarshi. "Welfarism and Extra Welfarism in Healthcare : Which is More Appropriate for Resource Allocation Decisions in Health?" Arthshastra : Indian Journal of Economics & Research 5, no. 4 (August 1, 2016): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17010/aijer/2016/v5i4/100771.

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28

Neilson, David. "Making Socialism within Capitalism." Counterfutures 10 (July 27, 2021): 168–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/cf.v10.6947.

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29

Boadway, Robin. "Efficiency and Redistribution: An Evaluative Review of Louis Kaplow's The Theory of Taxation and Public Economics." Journal of Economic Literature 48, no. 4 (December 1, 2010): 964–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.48.4.964.

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Louis Kaplow proposes a two-step methodology for normative policy analysis and illustrates it using various policy reforms. The first step is to identify efficiency gains when hypothetical lump-sum taxes can undo redistributive consequences. The second step evaluates the redistributive effects using a strictly welfaristic social welfare function. I critically review the foundations for Kaplow's procedure and its reliance on strict welfarism. I argue that basing efficiency gains on hypothetical lump-sum tax adjustments can lead to social welfare reducing policies if such tax adjustments are not carried out. I also indicate some conceptual problems with translating welfarism into policy evaluation when individuals have different utility function, and review one promising alternative approach.(JEL H20, H41, H50)
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30

Dahl, Hilde. "Penal welfarism og norsk sikkerhetspsykiatri, 1895-1940." Nordisk Tidsskrift for Kriminalvidenskab 106, no. 1 (March 31, 2019): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/ntfk.v106i1.124730.

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AbstractThis article presents the early decades of Norwegian forensic psychiatry as a basis for exploring David Garland’s term «penal welfarism». While Garland focuses primarily upon penalties and prisons, I find it relevant to look at a type of sanction not officially defined as punishment according to Norwegian law. Insanity has provided exemption from criminal punishment in Norway since 1842. Yet criminals considered dangerous to themselves or others have been housed in criminal asylums since 1895, which is the same year Garland argues that a transformation in penal strategies occurred in Britain (Garland, 1985).
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31

Wilhelmsson, Thomas. "Varieties of Welfarism in European Contract Law." European Law Journal 10, no. 6 (November 2004): 712–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0386.2004.00240.x.

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32

Gagné, Nana Okura. "From Employment Security to Managerial Precarity: Japan's Changing Welfare-Work Nexus and its Impacts on Mid-career Workers." Pacific Affairs 93, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 379–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2020933379.

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In the postwar period, Japanese workers came to symbolize the economic and cultural prosperity of Japan. In return for their hard work, they were rewarded with life-time employment and various fringe benefits. This postwar social contract of "corporate welfarism" minimized the social risks and personal career uncertainties of a fluid labour market. However, nearly 30 years of economic recession and neo-liberal reforms have undermined the postwar model of corporate welfarism. Structural and management reforms have been invoked to reengineer Japan's corporate practices and to "flexibilize" the workforce, thereby "freeing" employees while offloading social risks of economic uncertainties to individual workers. As a result, these Japanese workers are caught between the slippage of the older corporate ideology of corporate welfarism premised on long-term employment, and the rise of the new global ideology of neo-liberalism premised on labour mobility, in the process exposing them to new social risks and conditions of uncertainty.<br/> By focusing on mid-career and experienced workers whose expectations of long-term employment were directly affected by restructuring, this article sheds light on the various forms of "precarious employment mechanisms" that have been used to cut personnel costs while avoiding outright dismissal. Drawing from different cases of informants who have been subjected to various forms of restructuring, this article highlights the decoupling of Japan's welfare and employment systems and examines the mechanisms and experiences of "in-house unemployment" for employees in an increasingly hollowed-out corporate welfare society.
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33

Tiwari, Indra P. "Social Responsibility: Can it Contribute for Sustainable Welfarism?" Journal of Development and Social Engineering 3, no. 1 (December 2, 2017): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jdse.v3i1.27957.

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Human beings as natural persons as well as other juristic persons are expected to contribute to the society as part of social responsibility in addition to their defined legal and professional responsibilities with a view to continuously building a better and equally equitable, peaceful and sustainable society. If defined “social responsibility” as the voluntary contribution of the juristic and natural persons, i.e. government, corporations/ companies, organizations/ associations, and individual human beings, should the matter of contributing for the betterment of the society through social responsibility be left to the contributor? Contrarily, in a situation of functioning within the stringent laws, rules and regulation of the Government by all juristic and natural persons, should we expect something more than their legal and main responsibilities from them on the name of social responsibilities? Do society, moreover communities and individuals, expect special/additional social responsibilities from all persons, and if so, what sorts of responsibilities are included with what priorities? Similarly, are there different approaches in defining responsibilities of various persons, juristic and natural? If yes, in what situations and what conditions? Debates are going on about the functions and procedures for undertaking social responsibilities as well. This paper in the above context is discussing the objectives and missions, functions, structure(s), processes, the expectations from social responsibilities fulfilled and unfulfilled, and the impacts in the society as expected and not expected, thereby open up the areas for comprehensive and holistic discussion.
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34

Bossert, Walter. "Welfarism and rationalizability in allocation problems with indivisibilities." Mathematical Social Sciences 35, no. 2 (March 1998): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0165-4896(97)00038-3.

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35

Gravel, Nicolas, and Patrick Moyes. "Utilitarianism or welfarism: does it make a difference?" Social Choice and Welfare 40, no. 2 (December 4, 2011): 529–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00355-011-0617-3.

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36

Kuah, Khun Eng. "Singapore State and the Emergence of Buddhist Welfarism." Ageing International 41, no. 4 (November 19, 2016): 335–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12126-016-9264-4.

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37

Riley, J. "Generalized social welfare functionals: Welfarism, morality and liberty." Social Choice and Welfare 3, no. 4 (December 1986): 233–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00292730.

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38

Buchanan, James, and Sarah Wordsworth. "Welfarism Versus Extra-Welfarism: Can the Choice of Economic Evaluation Approach Impact on the Adoption Decisions Recommended by Economic Evaluation Studies?" PharmacoEconomics 33, no. 6 (February 14, 2015): 571–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40273-015-0261-3.

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39

O'Conor, Juilet. "From Colonial Superstition to the Hairyman: Aboriginality and the Politics of Race." Papers: Explorations into Children's Literature 20, no. 2 (July 1, 2010): 11–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/pecl2010vol20no2art1143.

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The misconceptions of Indigenous incapacity and pastoral welfarism evident in the mid century texts are reversed by the end of the century and the texts that have made the same possible are discussed. Characterization of the Indigenous protagonists in each publication reveals much about changing perceptions of Aboriginality.
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40

Correa, Felipe, and Marco Dini. "Local economic development policies in Chile’s municipalities: Beyond welfarism." CEPAL Review 2019, no. 127 (October 2, 2019): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/4da59828-en.

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41

CAMPBELL, D. "Reflexivity and Welfarism in the Modern Law of Contract." Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 20, no. 3 (September 1, 2000): 477–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojls/20.3.477.

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42

Nikola Balnave and Raymond Markey. "Employee Participation and Industrial Welfarism in Australia, 1890–1965." Labour History, no. 112 (2017): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.5263/labourhistory.112.0137.

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43

Best, Steven. "Weighing and Protecting Life: Beyond Speciesism, Welfarism, and Legalism." Organization & Environment 19, no. 2 (June 2006): 284–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1086026606288133.

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44

Dashwood, Hevina S. "Social Welfarism, Poverty Alleviation and Political Stability in Zimbabwe." Canadian Journal of Development Studies / Revue canadienne d'études du développement 20, no. 3 (January 1999): 567–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02255189.1999.9669855.

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45

Sprumont, Yves. "Nash welfarism and the distributive implications of informational constraints." Economic Theory Bulletin 8, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40505-019-00164-6.

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46

SHAVER, ROBERT. "The Appeal of Utilitarianism." Utilitas 16, no. 3 (October 14, 2004): 235–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820804001153.

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Utilitarianism continues to vex its critics even in the absence of generally respected arguments in its favour. I suggest that utilitarianism survives largely because of its welfarism. This explains why it survives without the backing of respected arguments. It survives without such arguments because justifying the value of welfare requires no such argument.
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47

Hamlin, Alan P. "Rights, Indirect Utilitarianism, and Contractarianism." Economics and Philosophy 5, no. 2 (October 1989): 167–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267100002376.

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Economic approaches to both social evaluation and decision-making are typically Paretian or utilitarian in nature and so display commitments to both welfarism and consequentialism. The contrast between the economic approach and any rights-based social philosophy has spawned a large literature that may be divided into two branches. The first is concerned with the compatibility of rights and utilitarianism (or Pare-tianism) seen as independent moral forces (e.g., the debate on the possibility of a Paretian liberal). This branch of the literature may be characterized as an example of the broader debate between the teleological and deontological approaches. The second is concerned with the possibility that substantial rights may be grounded in utilitarianism (or Pare-tianism) with the moral force of rights being derived from more basic commitments to welfarism and consequentialism. This branch of the literature may be characterized as an exploration of the flexibility of the teleological approach, and, in particular, its ability to give rise to views more normally associated with the deontological approach. This essay is concerned with the second branch of the literature.
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48

Blackorby, Charles, David Donaldson, and John A. Weymark. "A Welfarist Proof of Arrow’s Theorem." Recherches économiques de Louvain 56, no. 3-4 (1990): 259–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0770451800043906.

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SummaryThis article presents a proof of Arrow’s Theorem which highlights the theorem’s relationship to welfarism and which emphasizes its underlying geometric structure. In addition, this method of proof is adapted to provide a proof of a single-preference-profile version of Arrow’s Theorem. The relationship between Arrovian social choice theory and Bergson-Samuelson welfare economics is also considered.
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49

Wahlgren, Paula. "Brottsprevention i straffvälfärdspolitikens tid – Samverkanstankens historiska rötter." Nordisk Tidsskrift for Kriminalvidenskab 106, no. 1 (March 31, 2019): 82–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/ntfk.v106i1.124731.

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AbstractCooperation between authorities is a central part of present-day crime prevention in Sweden. At the same time, the idea of cooperation has an extensive heritage within Swedish welfare policy. The purpose of this article is to trace the trajectory of crime prevention and in particular the idea of cooperation as a crime policy solution. Dating back to the post-war decades, cooperation between authorities in an effort to tackle youth crime has also been in line with David Garland’s concept of penal welfarism. While Garland mainly focuses on penal institutions and penal law rather than prevention, cooperation in Sweden shares several characteristics with penal welfarism such as the optimistic belief in expert rule and individualized treatment. The professional expertise that colonized the field of criminal justice was an equally prominent feature of how schools would prevent crime. Against this background I also discuss whether or not the concept of the preventive turn is applicable to the trajectory of crime prevention in Sweden. My conclusion is that the development of crime prevention is best understood as a continuous process dating back to the post-war era’s focus on youth crime, as opposed to a break.
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Adams, Carly. "“I Just Felt Like I Belonged to Them”: Women’s Industrial Softball, London, Ontario, 1923-1935." Journal of Sport History 38, no. 1 (April 1, 2011): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.38.1.75.

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Abstract By the mid 1920s, company-sponsored sport leagues for women were well established in Canadian cities such as London, Ontario, Canada. As both an act of welfarism and convenient brand-identification advertising, London companies such as Kellogg’s, Silverwood Dairy, Smallman & Ingram, and Gorman Eckerts sponsored, and in some cases organized, women’s industrial softball teams for workers from 1923 until 1935. As a part of corporate welfarism, employers viewed team sports as activities that would encourage and develop a sense of cooperation, team spirit, and loyalty among employees—characteristics that employers hoped would transfer to the production line. From the narratives of three women who worked and played for various London companies, I consider the constructions of meaning that shape our understanding of the leisure time pursuits of working women in the city and the meaning it has for them decades later. The narratives and industrial sport experiences of these three women suggest that gender hierarchies and competing (sometimes conflicting) loyalties were at the foundation of how they negotiated belonging to company sports teams, related work and educational opportunities, and the eventual changes in their recreation practices that came with marriage and childbirth.
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