Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Welfare state'
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1
Hauser, Harald. "Rethinking the welfare state : towards an alternative to the American welfare state /." Thesis, This resource online, 1991. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-08142009-040446/.
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McEwen, Nicola. "State welfare nationalism : the territorial impact of welfare state development in Scotland and Quebec." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390745.
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Zwergius, V. "The three worlds of welfare and the Greek welfare state : an analysis of the extent to which Esping-Andersen's welfare state classification model can be used to classify the Greek welfare state." Thesis, Swansea University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.636738.
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This thesis is about comparative social policy. In particular it assesses the capacity of Esping-Andersen's (1995) typology to accommodate the Greek welfare state. The study has four main aims: to make public as comprehensive an account of the Greek welfare state as possible; to establish, based on empirical evidence. If Esping-Andersen's typology can be used to classify and define the Greek welfare state; to publish a working definition of the Greek welfare state based on my research findings and to consider the pre-requisite for the successful inclusion of complex welfare states like Greece in future attempts at classification models. The study adduces original data gathered by the use of qualitative research methods. To place Esping-Andersen's typology in its context the following concepts are analyzed in the study: the welfare state; the difficulties connected to finding one comprehensive definition of a welfare state doing justice to the diversity found among welfare studies; and finally how such difficulties have led to the use of the welfare state typology as a means to classify, compare and define welfare states. Following this exposition Esping-Andersen's model is analyzed and the reasons why it is important to test the extent to which it can be used to define the Greek welfare state explored. The study proceeds to provide a detailed account of both the formal and informal workings of the Greek welfare state which enables the application of the model to Greece. This leads to a discussion of the nature and definition of the Greek welfare state which includes an analysis of the application of Esping-Andersen's model as well as other typological efforts to define Greece. The study concludes with a definition of the Greek welfare state which draws attention to institutions that must be part of future typological effort to include Greece.
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Yuen, Ho-yin, and 袁浩然. "Rawlsian justice and welfare-state capitalism." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/208012.
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Rawls emphasizes in his later writings that his theory of justice as fairness is not a defense of welfare-state capitalism. He argues that welfare-state capitalism cannot be an acceptable regime for justice as fairness because its ideal institutional description fails to satisfy the two principles of justice in various ways. Against Rawls, I argue in this thesis that his rejection of welfare-state capitalism is not justified.
I begin by clarifying an ambiguity regarding what arrangements and policies according to Rawls are essential to satisfy the two principles of justice through closely studying the institutional arrangements of property-owning democracy and liberal socialism—the two regimes thought by Rawls as capable of fully satisfying the two principles of justice. After that, I show that the fundamental reason behind Rawls’s rejection of welfare-state capitalism is his assumption that welfare-state capitalism does not aim to realize justice as fairness. I argue that this assumption held by Rawls is not justified because the essential institutional features of welfare-state capitalism can be compatible with the arrangements and policies necessary to satisfy the principles of justice. I also argue that if Rawls’s assumption regarding the aim of welfare-state capitalism cannot stand, he should not rule out welfare-state capitalism as an acceptable regime for justice as fairness. Finally, I examine different arguments that provide alternative reasons to justify Rawls’s rejection of welfare-state capitalism. I argue that all of them are unsuccessful because they either are based on problematic interpretations of the two principles of justice or fail to conclusively rule out welfare-state capitalism.
By showing that welfare-state capitalism can be an acceptable regime for justice as fairness, this thesis proves that a just society does not need to be the one that entitles every citizen to a substantive right to own real capital. Also, in the process of arguing for welfare-state capitalism, this thesis also indirectly contributes to the recent debates between Rawlsians on the left and right over the proper interpretations of the first principle of justice and the Difference Principle.published_or_final_version
Politics and Public Administration
Master
Master of Philosophy
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Arent, Stefan. "Challenges of Reforming the Welfare State." Doctoral thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2014. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-155127.
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In the first part of this doctoral thesis we analyse changes in old-age income risk in Germany using micro-simulation model due to changes in employment patterns and institutional reforms. We focus on the statutory pension scheme and we analyse the old-age income risk of individuals as well as of households with respect to the skill level. Our findings help to clarify the risk of post-retirement poverty for specific household constellations We find that the risk of old-age poverty will increase for almost all new pensioners in 2020-2022 compared to new pensioners in 2004-2006. Due to the characteristics of a PAYG pension system, political decision-makers have to improve labour market participation, e.g. by support the improvement of skill level.
Moreover we take a closer look at the impact of the Hartz-Reforms on wages. We use panel data to estimate the effect of the structural break on wages and find strong evidence that the decrease in unemployment benefit lowered wages. Our findings show that the Hartz-Reform induced wage restraint and may also be partly responsible for the favourable labour market situation in Germany.
After analysing the effect of institutional reforms on old-age income and wage, we examine whether households adjust their savings behaviour to a change in their individual unemployment, income and health expectations. We use survey panel data on German household savings and expectations. The findings suggest, in contrast to the theory of textbook models, that a higher unemployment expectation significantly decreases the (short-term) saving rate. This result may be due to labour market legislation after the Hartz-Reforms.
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Danielson, John Taylor. "Migration, Nationalism, and the Welfare State." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/613316.
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Immigration and its impact on aggregate welfare state preferences and welfare state reform has been the subject of numerous academic and political debates. Despite prolonged attention to these issues, however, empirical research has yielded mixed results concerning what effect, if any, immigration has the structure and generosity of the welfare state. This issue is further exacerbated by the absence of concerted conceptual cross-germination between the various theoretical literatures that examine immigration's effect on various social, economic, and political outcomes, making it difficult to identify the mechanisms through which immigration may shape the welfare state. To address these issues, I draw on social psychological research, theories of the welfare state, research on radical right-wing parties, and case studies from the United States to argue that changes in both the volume and characteristics of immigrants entering Western Europe might: 1) undermine the cross-class alliances necessary for maintaining the welfare state, 2) reduce public support for welfare programs, and 3) provide politicians on the far-right with a symbolic resource that can be used to justify cutting/restructuring welfare state programs believed to benefit immigrants. Empirical examinations of these arguments using a wide range of data sources indicate that immigration may be directly and indirectly related to welfare state spending. With regard to the former, the data indicate that the influx of migrants from less-developed countries into social and Christian democratic countries has contributed to rising program demand and corresponding increases in expenditures on more reactive welfare state programs (i.e., unemployment benefits). With regard to the indirect impact of immigration on the welfare state, analyses of voting and public opinion data demonstrate that changes in immigration have contributed to the electoral success of predominantly neoliberal, far-right, nationalist parties and contributed to rising levels of anti-immigrant sentiment over time. These factors, in turn, resulted in: 1) declines in popular support for those social and Christian democratic parties that are dedicated to the maintenance and/or expansion of the welfare state, and 2) reductions in average levels of support for welfare state programs designed to address issues of unemployment, making the welfare state more vulnerable to future retrenchment.
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MacCulloch, Robert. "The structure of the welfare state." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339057.
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Bortolatto, Diana <1995>. "From the Welfare State to Occupational Welfare: the challenge of "MyWelfare"." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/16036.
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After introducing the concept of Welfare State through a historical route and analysing new risks and needs affecting the citizens nowadays, it follows an explanation of the spread of a new paradigm known as “Second Welfare”, which main players are companies that offer Occupational Welfare plans. Then, the concept of Occupational Welfare is examined: its definitions, the main players, the strengths and weaknesses of such policies and, finally the evolution towards inter-company welfare. Lastly, it is proposed an entrepreneurial idea with the aim of overcoming the difficulties of SMEs to offer these kinds of plans and of involving the Third Sector as a provider of occupational welfare services.
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Lindh, Arvid. "Attitudes towards the Market and the Welfare State : Incorporating attitudes towards the market into welfare state research." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-88490.
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Social policy and its associated institutions are central political arenas for societal compromise and conflict. The capacity to attract strong support from a wide constituency of citizens is, therefore, a defining feature of welfare policy legitimacy. While there is much research measuring attitudes towards state-organized welfare, the overall aim of this thesis is to incorporate attitudes towards the market into this research field. This aim is carried out through four empirical studies that add a market component to the analysis of different topics covered in current welfare state research. The articles in this thesis either compare attitudes across countries or deploy Swedish public opinion as a test case. Newly designed or previously underutilized survey measures are used that explicitly cover attitudes towards the market. Latent class analysis, structural equation modeling, and multilevel analysis are used to study how attitudes vary both within and across countries. Citizens’ perceptions and evaluations of the market are found to be shaped by their everyday life experiences within the market structure. Moreover, citizens’ trust in the performance of market institutions is found to be important in structuring their welfare policy preferences. In addition, attitudes towards the market appear to be influenced by the institutional context: citizens living in countries with more ambitious welfare states are less inclined to support market distribution of social services, and class differences in political welfare attitudes tend to be larger in countries with more encompassing welfare states. Collected findings thus suggest that citizens living in countries with more generous welfare states are more inclined to think that the legitimate scope of the market nexus should be negotiated and calibrated via social policy. By incorporating attitudes towards the market in relation to welfare state support, this thesis contributes to increasing our understanding of the political and moral mindset of citizens in advanced political economies. Public attitudes towards the welfare state are to a significant degree formed by perceptions and evaluations of the market and its actors. In order to further our knowledge about preferences regarding the role of the state in modern society, and to stay in tune with ongoing policy developments, future socio-political research is well advised to bring the main alternative to the state – the market and its actors – into the analytical framework.
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Bolukbasi, H. Tolga. "From budgetary pressures to welfare state retrenchment? : economic and monetary union and the politics of welfare state reform." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102789.
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This study examines the relationship between economic and monetary integration culminating in Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and welfare state trajectories focusing on the cases of Belgium, Italy, and Greece in the 1990s. The conventional wisdom on this relationship expected that EMU would lead to across-the-board downsizing of the European welfare states through imposing macroeconomic austerity in general and budgetary restraint in particular. The study questions the validity of this prediction which is represented by the austerity hypothesis. Based on an analysis of social expenditure data in the run-up to EMU the study reveals that spending levels remained largely stable and therefore that the welfare states of the EMU-candidates largely escaped radical retrenchment. Avoiding significant and systematic expenditure retreat was possible not only in the face of powerful fiscal pressures but also during a period when policymakers had the opportunity to justify even the most draconian measures in the name of achieving EMU membership. Hence the study addresses the following puzzle: How could Europe's welfare states largely avert across-the-board downsizing during the 1990s despite fiscal pressures they faced on the road to EMU? Through an examination of episodes of welfare reform in three critical cases (Belgium, Italy, and Greece) which needed to go through drastic budgetary cutbacks for EMU membership, the study shows that the Maastricht criteria did compel successive governments in these member states to propose radical welfare reforms, vindicating the conventional wisdom's expectations. In episodes of welfare reform, however, governments discovered that their reform capacities were largely limited due to domestic opposition from an alliance of entrenched interests. The convergence period was marred with recurrent mass mobilization of unions against welfare reforms which forced governments to scale back their original ambitions or scrap them altogether. This shows that the expectations of the conventional wisdom that EMU would actually lead to massive retrenchment of Europe's welfare states, however, are not borne out by the evidence on welfare state trajectories in the 1990s.
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McCutcheon, Terry Travis. "Executive federalism and the Canadian welfare state." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ30002.pdf.
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Connelly, Dana D. "State Child Welfare Policy: Causes and Consequences." UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/msppa_etds/11.
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On any given day almost 400,000 children in the United States are living in an out-of-home care placement due to government intervention. Federal law allows for substantial variance in state child welfare policy on a number of topics. These policy decisions, however, are understudied both in terms of the forces driving them and also the impacts the policies have on actual outcomes for children in care.
Utilizing a unique panel data set comprised of thirteen child welfare policies that vary both between states and over time we examine how well redistributive theory (constituent, institutional, paternalistic and resource pressures) explains state policy decisions from 2004-2010. The results provide very little confidence that redistributive pressures are driving state variance, though there are some noteworthy patterns. Within the four categories of explanatory variables, it would seem that child welfare policies are much more sensitive to changes in the social factors associated with a paternalistic response (unmarried birth rate and program utilization) and resource pressures than to constituent or institutional characteristics.
Subsequently, a series of hazard models were conducted for each possible discharge outcome, using child level data from the 2010 AFCARS foster care dataset, with primary interest in the influence of policy and state level factors. Policy-level predictors primarily had negative impacts on discharge outcomes for children. Exceptions include better outcomes for children in states with higher generosity of access, increased rates of adoption and aging out with higher ASFA timeline compliance, and more discharges to reunification and adoption with more flexible adoption policy. State level factors consistently showed strong influences on child outcomes. While increased unemployment was associated with worse child outcomes, all other state level factors considered were associated with positive discharge outcomes for children in out-of-home care.
This research broadens the theoretical application of redistributive theory to a new policy arena and adds an additional layer of state level explanatory variables to the much-studied outcomes for children in out-of-home care. It establishes that children and families do not exist in a vacuum and that child welfare research must take broader state and policy factors into account for a complete picture.
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Tengnäs, Alexander. "Where the Swedish Welfare state is today." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för ekonomi, teknik och naturvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-32958.
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Lakomaa, Erik. "The economic psychology of the welfare state." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Economic Research Institute, Stockholm School of Economics (EFI), 2008. http://www2.hhs.se/efi/summary/774.htm.
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Cavatorti, Chiara <1988>. "Welfare State e domanda aggregata in Europa." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/6991.
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Il Welfare State è in crisi per una molteplicità di fattori. In primis la sostenibilità economica dei sistemi di welfare è messa a dura prova dal progressivo innalzamento della speranza di vita della popolazione e dalla riduzione della numerosità degli individui in età da lavoro. Secondariamente anche il progresso tecnologico, la deindustrializzazione delle economie avanzate, le delocalizzazioni e in generale la globalizzazione, soprattutto del mercato del lavoro, introducono nuove sfide per i Governi.
Allo stesso tempo gli individui sono meno protetti, sia per la riduzione delle prestazioni dei servizi pubblici, sia per la riduzione dei redditi da lavoro, determinata dalla scelta delle aziende di reggere la competitività del mercato globale riducendo i salari.
Una privatizzazione dei servizi di welfare però non sembra una strada percorribile, il settore dei servizi è caratterizzato da quella che Baumol chiama malattia dei costi e, cioè, da un’alta intensità di lavoro e dunque da una minore produttività che porta il settore stagnante a scomparire nel tempo.
La tesi che qui elaboro sostiene che il welfare state è fondamentale per tre ordini di motivi: ridurre le disuguaglianze che possono essere un freno alla crescita, migliorare il benessere sociale e sostenere la domanda aggregata, oggi a livelli esigui, utilizzando la leva occupazionale e salariale.
È necessario redistribuire i vantaggi del progresso tecnico per realizzare una crescita sostenibile ed inclusiva; prima di ridurre il fabbisogno di lavoro, infatti, il progresso tecnico dovrebbe ridurre il consumo di risorse non rinnovabili. È compito dello Stato intervenire non (solo) per correggere i fallimenti di mercato ma per investire in quei settori che non sarebbero convenienti per il privato.
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Vamstad, Johan. "Governing Welfare : The third sector and the challenges to the Swedish Welfare State." Doctoral thesis, Sundsvall : Department of Social Science, Mid Sweden University, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-39.
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Behling, Felix. "Welfare beyond the welfare state : the employment relationship in Germany and the UK." Thesis, University of Essex, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.528851.
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Eyre, A. "Religion and welfare : A sociological study of church and state welfare in Liverpool." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234535.
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Smuthkalin, Worawut. "Political regimes and welfare state development in East Asia how state leaders matter to social policy expansion in Taiwan, Thailand, and China /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium access full-text, 2006. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?3235349.
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Phaahla, Letuku Elias. "Social forces, state pensions, and welfare state-building in South Africa and Mauritius." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97063.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study traces the development of the welfare state in Mauritius and South Africa from the early 1900s until the present, with specific reference made to the non-contributory old-age pension scheme. It seeks to understand the intersections between big capital, the state and broad-based social forces in heralding different welfare outcomes in the two countries. Mauritius has retained its long-standing traditions as a social democratic welfare state stretching back to the late 1950s. In contrast, the current welfare model of South Africa continues to be the embodiment of the liberal welfare state, similar to that of the ancien regime set up in 1928, even though it has maintained a generous social grants system since the advent of democracy in 1994. As a result it is important to unravel patterns of historical evolution that are responsible for different welfare outcomes in seemingly identical socio-political contexts. Similarly, it is important to scratch below the surface of these historical patterns of evolution to account for these disparate welfare frameworks which, nonetheless, exhibit identical outcomes in the social security sector in terms of their unfaltering commitment to old-age pensions. To this end the dissertation employs the comparative historical analysis approach in a bid to draw cross-national parallels between the social processes that unfolded and consequently underpinned development paradigms over time. This study suggests that accounting for the divergent policy outcomes is the disproportionate powers being wielded by neoliberal market forces within the main arteries of the South African economy, which hindered the state from defining the policy direction of its welfare framework to dovetail with expansive social reforms. This restraint was compounded by the left as a 'labour aristocracy', whose alliance with the political ruling class compromised their ability to champion the pro-poor agenda with as much vigour as they would have if they had pursued an independent course. This is a far cry from the welfare trajectory of Mauritius, in which a mutual understanding between the state, cross-class movements and capitalist market forces bridged contesting class interests by reconciling market economics with social fundamentals. Unlike in South Africa, the independence of the working classes in Mauritius – whose mobilising traditions cut across the class spectrum – has added special impetus to the social reform movement, having served as the bulwark against welfare retrenchments and/or less egalitarian reforms in the past. That the universal pension scheme and the state’s commitment to the pro-poor cause remain intact in Mauritius is a result of these pro-active class contestations. On the other hand, the absence of the balance of power struck between social actors and the economic élite in South Africa propelled a class compromise that allowed for the dominance of pensions to come at the cost of extensive social reforms. Such outcomes would not have come into effect in South Africa had the playing field for all relevant stakeholders been level, as in Mauritius.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie volg die ontwikkeling van die welsynstaat in Mauritius en in Suid-Afrika vanaf die vroeë 1900’s tot op hede, met spesifieke verwysing na die nie-bydraende ouderdomspensioenskema. Dit poog om die snypunte tussen groot kapitaal, die staat en breë-basis maatskaplike kragte wat gelei het tot verskillende welsynuitkomstes in die twee lande te begryp. Mauritius het sy langdurige tradisie as ’n sosiale demokratiese welsynstaat, wat sedert die 1950’s bestaan, behou. In kontras gaan die huidige welsynmodel in Suid-Afrika voort as die beliggaming van die liberale welsynstaat, soortgelyk aan die ancien regime wat in 1928 ingestel is, selfs al het dit ’n vrygewige stelsel van maatskaplike toelae sedert die vestiging van demokrasie in 1994 onderhou. As gevolg hiervan is dit belangrik om die patrone van historiese evolusie te ontsyfer wat verantwoordelik is vir verskillende welsynuitkomstes in blykbaar identiese sosiaal-politiese kontekste. Eweneens is dit belangrik om onder die oppervlak van hierdie historiese patrone van evolusie te krap om hierdie uiteenlopende welsynraamwerke te verklaar wat nietemin identiese uitkomstes in die maatskaplike sekuriteitsektor vertoon in terme van hulle onwrikbare verbondenheid tot ouderdomspensioene. Ten einde dit te bereik gebruik hierdie proefskrif die benadering van vergelykende historiese analise in ’n poging om dwarsliggende nasionale ooreenstemmings te vind tussen die maatskaplike prosesse wat gelei het tot die skep van ontwikkelingsparadigmas oor tyd en hulle gevolglik onderskraag het. Hierdie studie stel voor dat die verklaring vir die uiteenlopende beleidsuitkomstes berus in die ongelyke magte wat binne die belangrikste kanale van die Suid-Afrikaanse ekonomie deur neoliberale markkragte beheer word, wat die staat daarvan weerhou het om ’n beleidsrigting vir sy welsynraamwerk te definieer wat by die breedvoerige maatskaplike hervormings pas. Hierdie remming word vererger deur die linkersy as ’n ‘arbeidsadelstand’, wie se alliansie met die politieke regerende klas hulle vermoë gekompromitteer het om die pro-arm agenda met soveel lewenskrag voor te staan as wat dit moontlik sou gewees het as hulle ’n onafhanklike koers ingeslaan het. Hierdie verskil hemelsbreed van die welsyntrajek in Mauritius, waar ’n wedersydse begrip tussen die staat, bewegings wat klas oorskry, en kapitalistiese markkragte kompeterende klasbelange oorbrug het deur die markekonomie met maatskaplike grondbeginsels te rekonsilieer. Anders as in Suid-Afrika het die onafhanklikheid van die werkersklas in Mauritius – wat se mobiliserende tradisies oor die klasspektrum heen sny – besondere impetus gevoeg by die maatskaplike hervormingsbeweging, aangesien dit gedien het as verskansing teen welsyninkortings en/of minder gelykmakende hervormings in die verlede. Dat die universele pensioenskema en die staat se verbondenheid tot die pro-arm saak in Mauritius onaangetas bly, is as gevolg van hierdie proaktiewe klasstryd. Andersins het die afwesigheid van ’n magsbalans tussen maatskaplike akteurs en die ekonomiese elite in Suid-Afrika gelei tot ’n klaskompromis, wat toegelaat het dat die oorheersing van pensioene gekom het ten koste van breedvoerige maatskaplike hervormings. Sulke uitkomstes sou nie in Suid-Afrika ingetree het nie as die speelveld vir al die relevante belanghebbers gelyk was, soos in Mauritius.
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Taylor, Tiffany. "Dirty Jobs: How Welfare-to-Work Caseworkers do the Dirty Work of Welfare." NCSU, 2008. http://www.lib.ncsu.edu/theses/available/etd-06202008-164126/.
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How do caseworkers do the dirty work of welfare reform? I examine this question in a case study of a county welfare office in rural North Carolina. Historically welfare has faced threats to its survival. To survive, welfare to work agencies need to appear effective to tax payers, state and federal politicians, and local communities. Caseworkers do the daily work to make this possible, but to do this work they have to convince themselves first. Caseworkers take the goals and rules given to them by federal, state, and county officials and they embrace and enforce these rules, but only sometimes. Caseworkers routinely bend the rules, but in ways that benefit the county more than the clients. This creates some ideological dilemmas for the caseworkers and to solve these tensions, caseworkers focus their attention on redefining themselves as a helper through a âtough loveâ parenting style. Caseworkers, they say, are trying to teach clients that âthe real world has rulesâ and that there are consequences for not following these rules. Doing this dirty work has negative consequences for both the caseworkers and the clients.
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Wong, Chack-kie. "Ideology, welfare mix and the production of welfare : a comparative study of child daycare policies in Britain and Hong Kong." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1991. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1792/.
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This is a study of the inter-relationship between welfare ideology, welfare mix and the production of welfare. It has been hypothesized that the welfare ideology of a state is likely to affect its choice of welfare mix and the kind of social relations produced in the wider society. In this study, normative theories of the welfare state were reformulated by an analytical framework into theoretical models of the welfare state as pre-test patterns for comparison with practical policies under study. Child daycare provisions in Britain and Hong Kong were chosen as the data to test the hypothesis. A multiple-case-embedded design was used in organizing this comparative study. It was found that practising ideologies are more predictive than idealized ideologies of state social policy. It was also found that state social policy in the realm of child daycare was related to its ideology : state ideology affects the choice of a mix of welfare sectors and the form welfare is organised in the production of social relations in the two societies studied. Nevertheless, the inter-relationship between state ideology, welfare mix and welfare production is constrained by three intervening variables. They are bureau-professional autonomy, interplay between opposing ideologies and flexibility of ideology in the interpretation of state welfare because of a changing environment. When the findings were examined from another perspective, welfare sector and welfare production were seen to carry ideological meanings. This implies that a transaction of welfare goods and services is not only a transaction of material or tangible social services, but it is also an ideological transaction of different social principles which underlie the welfare sectors. This has led to the development of a theory of the ideological production of welfare as an explanation of the relationship between ideology and welfare sectors in the division of care and welfare responsibilities in a society. Based on this theory, the limitations of instrumental theories about the welfare mix were discussed. In conclusion, in the light of wider social and economic changes within capitalism, an integrative strategy concerning the welfare mix in particular and welfare in general has been proposed which duly recognizes the importance of ideology in maintaining social relations in a society as well as the social context which these social relations underlie.
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Poitiers, Niclas Frederic. "Essays in Education, Fertility, and the Welfare State." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/667315.
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In countries in the developed world, income inequality is increasing, while technological and societal changes open labour market opportunities for women. At the same time they are undergoing an important demographical transition with decreasing fertility and increasing population ageing. All these trends affect the decisions that different generations make over the life-cycle. In this thesis, I investigate the role that these trends play for education, fertility, and pensions.
In the second chapter of this thesis, I investigate how income inequality is affecting education attainment. An important difference between countries with low and high levels of social mobility is the extent of upward mobility of children from low income families. This is mainly explained by the probability of high school dropout. I develop a model with three levels of education in which children facing a credit constraint choose which level of education to attain. I find in an empirical exercise that in the U. S. the opportunity cost of education is more important in explaining the high school dropout rate of men than the return on education. The model and the empirical results imply that a policy that reduces the opportunity cost of education and is paid by higher taxation on graduates, reducing the return on education, could decrease dropout rates.
In the third chapter, I analyse the decline in fertility in Germany. Decomposing the decline in completed fertility in Germany of the cohorts of women born between 1930 and 1965, I observe two distinct stages: In the first stage the decline in fertility is due to a decrease in intensive fertility (number of children per women with at least one child), whereas in the second stage the decline is due to a decrease in extensive fertility (increase in childlessness). Based on an event study approach, I argue that there are high opportunity cost of having children for women in terms of working time independent of their education level. Based on these findings, I develop an overlapping generations model with childlessness and quantity/quality trade-off driven by the time cost of children. In a calibration exercise, this model is able to generate the decline in intensive fertility as well as the increase in childlessness that I observe in the data with an decrease in the gender wage gap.
The forth chapter of my thesis is a joint work with Gianko Michailidis on the effect of population ageing and income inequality on public education and pensions. We developed an overlapping generations model with public and private education, a pay-as-you-go pension system, endogenous fertility, and probabilistic voting on pensions and education spending. In this model, an increase in income inequality increases public education and pensions spending per enrolled student and retiree, respectively, and decreases the participation in public education and fertility. An increase in the share of retirees in the economy decreases the per student spending on public education and pensions, while decreasing the participation in public education and the fertility rate. Empirical evidences from OECD countries confirm our theoretical predictions regarding education spending.
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Barrasso, Graziella. "Neoconservatism, the welfare state, and aboriginals in Canada." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/6476.
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Fleckenstein, Timo. "Institutions, ideas and learning in welfare state change." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.495701.
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Jeong, Hanbeom. "GLOBALIZATION AND THE POLITICS OF THE WELFARE STATE." UKnowledge, 2010. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_diss/27.
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The theoretical argument of this study is that economic globalization, by default, exerts a downward pressure on the social policies of states largely through the operations of transnational corporations. However, since globalization’s effect on social policy is conditional on endogenous political forces such as regime type, democratization, electoral competition and political participation, its proclivity to retrench the welfare state is averted by the preferences of political actors and institutions to expand social spending. This argument found consistent empirical support via a series of cross-section regressions that estimated the interactive effects of economic globalization and various measures of domestic political institutions and affiliations for a sample of 120 countries from 1970 to 2002. Case studies of South Korea, Chile and Spain provided additional qualitative evidence for the study’s theoretical argument.
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Chapman, Ray. "The Danish welfare state as a cultural system." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.420840.
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Arruda, Rodrigo Vieira das Neves de. "Welfare State do Século XXI: o capitalismo solidário." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21584.
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Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
The present study aims to analyze the end of the Wellfare State, and the emergence of the Neoliberal model and the withdrawal of various obligations of the State towards citizens, the legal order and government plans in the most several countries. Moving on to the Brazilian case, it can be seen that the Federal Constitution of 1988 was against Neoliberalism as far as social rights are concerned, establishing a series of devices that assure citizens of the basics necessary for their dignified existence. Thus, the present work verifies that a new model of state is needed that can reconcile the market freedom of the neoliberal model with the social rights of Welfare State, in order to comply with the constitutional precepts. To do so, it starts from the Concept of State, as well as its origins and evolution, from the absolutism to the Neoliberalism, passing through the Classic Liberal State and the Welfare State or Social State. Subsequently, the Social Constitutions, the Economic and Social Order in the Constitution of 1988, the principle of solidarity in the Constitution, solidarity capitalism in the economic view are discussed. Finally, the Brazilian oil sector, with its regulation and its importance in the development of the proposal of Solidary Capitalism
O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar o fim do Estado do Bem-Estar Social (Wellfare State), e o surgimento do modelo Neoliberal e a retirada de diversas obrigações do Estado para com os cidadãos, do ordenamento jurídico e dos planos de governo nos mais diversos países. Adentrando no caso brasileiro, verifica-se que a Constituição Federal de 1988 foi na contramão do Neoliberalismo quanto aos direitos sociais, estabelecendo uma série de dispositivos que assegurem aos indivíduos todo o básico necessário para a sua existência digna. Assim, o presente trabalho verifica ser necessário um novo modelo de Estado que consiga compatibilizar a liberdade de mercado do modelo neoliberal com os direitos sociais do Welfare State, de modo a se cumprir com os preceitos constitucionais. Para tanto, parte-se do Conceito de Estado, bem como suas origens e evolução, desde o Absolutismo até o Neoliberalismo, passando pelo Estado Liberal Clássico e o Welfare State ou Estado Social. Posteriormente, são abordadas as Constituições Sociais, a Ordem Econômica e Social na Constituição de 1988, o princípio da solidariedade na Constituição, o capitalismo solidário na visão da economia. Por fim, apresenta-se o setor petrolífero brasileiro, com sua regulação e sua importância no desenvolvimento da proposta de Capitalismo Solidário
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Yen, Wei-Ting Yen. "Unstable Income and the Welfare State in Asia." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1533388469470047.
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Urmetzer, Peter Carleton University Dissertation Sociology and Anthropology. "Attitudes and the welfare state: does class matter?" Ottawa, 1994.
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Engelhardt, Carina [Verfasser]. "Income, Inequality and the Welfare State / Carina Engelhardt." Hannover : Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Universität, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1158670591/34.
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Zefi, Nest <1978>. "Sistemi locali di welfare state : esperienze a confronto." Doctoral thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/2255.
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Oggetto della presente tesi è un tentativo di ricostruzione storica degli interventi in campo sociale in Albania attraverso una metodologia fluida e finalizzata a mettere in luce le dinamiche controverse del processo stesso. L’analisi si sviluppa alla luce del paradigma europeo del modello di welfare affermato negli ultimi due secoli, insieme alle sue modifiche e prospettando il futuro nell’articolazione locale secondo il principio della sussidiarietà.The purpose of this thesis is an attempt to reconstruct the history of interventions in the social sector in Albania through a fluid and methodology aimed at shedding light on the dynamics of the process itself controversial. The analysis is carried out in the light of the paradigm of the European welfare model stated in the last two centuries, together with its amendments and looked forward to the future in the joint local accordance with the principle of subsidiarity.
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Armato, Jessica A. "Welfare reform at the state level a study of state waivers during the first three years of the Clinton administration and other developments /." Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 2000. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.
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Thesis (M.P.A.)--Kutztown University of Pennsylvania, 2000.Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2928. Typescript. Abstract precedes thesis as preliminary leaves. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 67-70).
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Sadorski, Shane S. "The politics of avoiding accountability, the new politics of the welfare state and welfare state retrenchment in New Zealand, 1984-1993." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ53023.pdf.
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郭文山 and Man-shan Kwok. "Welfare in Chinese state enterprises: managerial and employee response to state-mandated reforms." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31214198.
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Vicary, Adrian Robert. "Social work and social policy in Australia from welfare state to contract state /." [Bedford Park] : Flinders University of South Australia, 1998. http://books.google.com/books?id=RkVHAAAAMAAJ.
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Kwok, Man-shan. "Welfare in Chinese state enterprises : managerial and employee response to state-mandated reforms /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B18696405.
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Kwak, Hyokyung. "THREE ESSAYS ON WELFARE POLICIES IN AMERICAN STATES: EXPLAINING AMERICAN WELFARE STATES IN THE POST-WELFARE REFORM ERA." UKnowledge, 2019. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/msppa_etds/33.
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This dissertation consists of three empirical studies that address questions regarding state welfare policy making in the post-welfare reform era. The first empirical study pays close attention to the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) as a federal block grant program, which is a big departure from most previous TANF studies, to ask why American states differ in their decisions to allocate federal block grants across specific programs. Drawing on research on fiscal federalism and state and cross-national welfare politics, the study uses cross-sectional time-series data covering 50 states over the fiscal years 2004-2016 to examine factors that have an impact on state child care spending under the TANF block grant. The results show that several political factors and one socio-economic factor impact states’ TANF child care spending in the hypothesized direction. Most importantly, the study finds that a specific state government’s TANF policy designed to encourage work matters in an interesting way. States’ emphasis on work of TANF recipients, measured by the existence of the TANF job-search rule, exerts a positive, independent effect on the percentage of state TANF child care spending, but the positive marginal effect of implementing the job-search rule becomes negative as the percentage of female state legislators passes 28%. The study shed lights on our general understanding of the factors that influence state allocations of federal block grants for an understudied but increasingly important policy program in the American states—child care.
The second empirical study examines whether the selection of indicators of welfare policy commitment makes any difference for the findings in studies of the determinants of state welfare policy. If so, what difference does it make? While scholars of state welfare politics have long been making efforts to find better explanations for variation in welfare policy across American states, the literature as a whole has paid little attention to how differently scholars operationalize state welfare policy even though they examine a variety of welfare policy measures. To address these questions, I estimate a series of different panel data models with different measures of state welfare commitment for the period after the welfare reform of 1996. Comparing the results across these models shows that the choice of dependent variable measures affects the estimation results, thereby suggesting that empirical findings are dependent upon the measure we use. This finding not only shows that scholars need to be cautious in interpreting their results but also opens up a new puzzle as to why a factor affects a particular welfare measure but not others.
The last empirical study addresses the question: do the effects of party politics differ across welfare policies? In answering this question, the study draws on the literature on deservingness and social construction of target populations and hypothesizes that party politics would play a differential role in explaining the generosity of different welfare policies depending on the perceived deservingness of target populations. To test this hypothesis, I estimate three models each for TANF, Supplemental Security Income-State Supplements (SSI-S), and Medicaid generosity covering the period after the welfare reform. I find that party politics still remains as an important predictor of state welfare generosity, especially where welfare policy for the deserving poor and mixed population in terms of its deservingness is concerned. Also, there are differential effects of party politics across the welfare policies examined, but sometimes in an unexpected direction. This study provides a valuable addition to the literature in that it updates and enriches our understanding of welfare politics.
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Vos, Allison E. Stephens John D. "Falling fertility rates new challenges to the welfare state /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1782.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.Title from electronic title page (viewed Sep. 16, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Maceira, Emanuel Angel. "Leading Strings: An Economic History of America's Welfare State." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/339.
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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the series of events and legislation that has led to the current system of welfare and wealth redistribution in the United State. I begin with a background of the origins of the welfare state in England and the United States, and discuss the social movements which gave rise to the modern welfare state. I discuss how wars, economic theories, and recessions have influenced policy, and how such policy has affected poverty and unemployment rates since the Great Depression. I have found that social welfare spending has steadily increased since the Great Depression, and that the current trend of deficit spending and expansion of the social safety-net is a product of the legislation passed during the Great Depression and the ‘Great Society’ of the 1960s. Although there have been many attempts to secure a minimum standard of living through social welfare spending, the problems of poverty and unemployment persist.
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Sefton, Robert [Verfasser]. "The Welfare State, Individual Freedom and Morality / Robert Sefton." München : GRIN Verlag, 2012. http://d-nb.info/1180391225/34.
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Jones, Harriet Overton. "The Conservative Party and the welfare state 1942-1955." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.282980.
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This thesis addresses the historiographical debate over the extent of a policy 'consensus' between the political parties in Britain during and after the Second World War. It examines the development of Conservative Party policy towards the welfare state between 1942 and 1955, focusing particularly on the development of policies towards housing, health and education. In doing so, the traditional picture of a 'New Conservatism' emerging after 1945 which accepted large-scale public expenditure around a Keynes/Beveridge framework is challenged. Deep-seated concern over both the financial and ideological implications of a commitment to the welfare state were evident in the Party during the war, and continued to be a focus for policy development after 1945. But the Party was not against expenditure on social policy, which was a long-standing feature of British Conservatism. It was rather to the application of egalitarian and universalist principles in welfare that the Party was intractably opposed. First, it was feared that the extra expenditure involved in such an exercise would necessitate unacceptable levels of taxation and impose an unrealistic economic burden on the state. Second, the objective of increased equality in society was fundamentally at odds with Conservative principles, which argued that social inequality was necessary to ensure incentive and individual responsibility. In spite of consistent concern over the impact of increasing welfare expenditure on economic performance, the Conservative Government after 1951 proved unable to reverse the trend of spending growth set in the Attlee years. This can be explained in terms of behavioural constraints on political behaviour in the decade following the war. In essence, this meant that Party policy on welfare was the product of tension between what was believed to be ideologically and economically desirable, and what was thought to be politically feasible. Therefore, it is argued that 'consensus' is an inappropriate model for Conservative social policy in these years.
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Hyde, Mark. "Household class : the state and public attitudes to welfare." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/1933.
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Two specific shifts have occurred in the sectoral bases of welfare provision in the UK since the last war. The first involved in establishment of collective state provision whilst the second has involved a significant expansion of owner occupation. These developments have been interpreted at various times as signifying substantial changes in the nature of British society, particularly in the way that they are alleged to have attenuated class based social divisions and patterns of consciousness. In contemporary debates, owner occupation is alleged to have generated a conservative domestic oriented attitudinal disposition among manual households. Further, such households are held to be profoundly disaffected from state welfare as a result of their experiences as clients in this sector. The Plymouth study, which is reported below, was concerned with public attitudes to welfare. More specifically, its aim was to generate a data base which would enable the relative significance of sectoral patterns of welfare and household class as factors which influence the pattern of public attitudes to issues in social policy to be assessed. This aim was implemented by administering a structured questionnaire to a sample of 150 households in Plymouth. Subsequent empirical and conceptual analyses generated three conclusions. First, people are dissatisfied with the experience of state welfare but it is the distributive impact of welfare which is of the greatest significance in the calculations of the average household. Second, sectoral patterns of welfare do influence public perceptions of issues in social policy, but in a modest and specific way. Third, household class remains the most significant determinant of access to welfare, public or private, and because of this, the most significant influence on the pattern of public attitudes to welfare.
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Kwon, Huck-ju. "The welfare state in Korea : the politics of legitimation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0122ba8d-c67d-43c2-a735-a9a5b73349f6.
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This thesis analyses the development of the Korean welfare system since the 1960s within the institutional dynamics of Korean politics. Its aim is to contribute to the understanding of Korean politics through the analysis of the Korean welfare state. The thesis argues that the making of social policy has been determined primarily by the politics of legitimation, in particular before democratisation. This thesis identifies the confined institutional circle responsible for crucial social policy decisions. In this institutional terrain, the President and his ministers and policy experts have played the dominant roles. The democratisation since 1987 brought about institutional changes and enabled institutions such as the National Assembly to exercise effective power in social policy-making. The political rationale of social policy is deeply embedded in the structure of social policy institutions, especially the way in which the state intervenes in the financing of welfare programmes. In the mix of welfare financing, the regulator type of state intervention emerges as the dominant feature in Korea. This thesis assesses the outcomes of social policy from two perspectives: the perspectives of redistribution and of social rights. Social policy intervention has so far had little redistributive effect mainly due to the immaturity of the welfare system. In terms of social rights, the universality of rights to health care was achieved in a relatively short period of time. Rights to protection against industrial accidents have made good progress in terms of compensation and protection for the last three decades, despite the limited coverage. However, the quality of social rights that have so far been implemented is low. In two important respects, the approach of the thesis is characterised by methodological broadness. In the policy analysis, the thesis moves beyond an institutional approach to including also the substantive outcomes of institutional changes. In the analysis of outcomes, the thesis covers both the perspective of redistribution and the perspective of social rights.
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Shimabukuro, Yumiko T. "Democratization and the development of Japan's uneven welfare state." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/77829.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2012.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 320-343).
Comparative data reveal that Japan consistently has had one of the highest poverty rates among advanced industrialized nations, yet its government taxes the poor more heavily and gives them less in public cash transfers than its peers. Why does a country, endowed with democratic institutions, deep pockets, and a sizable social welfare system provide so little public assistance to the poor? I identify two features of Japan's political and economic development that gave rise to a distinctively threadbare safety net. First, the country's late-developer status paired with state-led industrial development incentivized the primary interest groups-namely, the agrarian landlords, industrialists, and organized labor-to oppose redistribution. Second, the manner in which democratic institutions were introduced in the late nineteenth century and the subsequent expansion of suffrage enabled these groups to gain political influence and block expansion of poor relief in the Diet. Beyond formulating redistributive policies, they locked in the minimalist pattern of redistribution by denying the poor the right to vote (pre-1945) and adopting an electoral system that muted their political voice after suffrage was obtained (post-1945). Consequently, Japan's welfare state developed unevenly, featuring a heavy layer of social insurance programs that benefit well-organized interest groups and an exceptionally minimalist public assistance program for the poor. Thus, contrary to extant theories that associate democracy, economic modernization, and a robust labor movement with higher social spending for the poor, I show that these factors stifled redistribution in the case of Japan. My findings strongly suggest that how a country built its democracy and wealth influences whether a welfare state reinforces or ameliorates existing inequality.
by Yumiko T. Shimabukuro.
Ph.D.
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Kohl, Miriam. "Trade, Inequality, and the Size of the Welfare State." Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-217393.
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This paper investigates the effects of international trade in a general equilibrium model with heterogeneous firms where a welfare state redistributes income. We look at a very stylised progressive non-distortionary redistribution scheme. We show that for a given tax rate international trade increases income per capita, but also leads to higher income inequality. Two aspects of income inequality are examined. First, inter-group inequality between managers and workers is considered. Second, intra-group inequality within the group of managers is investigated. For a given tax rate the size of the welfare state and therefore the transfer per capita increases when going from autarky to trade. This second-round effect counteracts the primary increase in inequality, yet cannot outweigh it. Since the redistribution scheme is non-distortionary, it is possible to decrease trade-induced inequality by increasing the tax rate without jeopardising the gains from trade.
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Kowalewska, Helen Rebecca. "The 'active' Welfare State : towards a gender-friendly approach." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2017. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/417383/.
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Since the late-1990s, advanced economies have converged on an ‘active’ social policy agenda aimed at maximising employment. Consequently, women are no longer treated as caregivers. Rather, they are required and assumed to be in employment. Although gender has moved from margins to the mainstream of comparative welfare state research in recent years, the agenda of ‘gendering’ the analysis of welfare states under activation remains incomplete. This three-paper thesis contributes to completing this agenda. Papers 1 and 2 assess activation strategies towards lone mothers who, as sole breadwinners and caregivers within their households, are a ‘litmus test’ of gendered social rights. Focusing on the UK, Paper 1 shows that, against the commonplace characterisation of the UK as a pioneer of ‘making work pay’, changes to the UK’s tax-benefit system since 2010 have weakened lone mothers’ financial incentives to work beyond a few hours a week. Paper 2 subsequently builds on Paper 1 in dimensional and geographical scope by examining how active labour market and family policies across 22 welfare states help or hinder lone mothers’ employment. It shows that cross-national variations in support for maternal activation are not well captured by the commonplace dichotomy within the mainstream literature between a Nordic-style ‘train-first’ approach to activation and an Anglo-Saxon ‘work-first’ approach. Paper 3 then extends Papers 1 and 2 in conceptual terms. It argues that analysing women’s social risks under activation requires looking not just at active labour market and family policies. Also important are gender boardroom quotas and other regulatory policies that set numerical targets for women in top corporate board and executive positions. This is because a ‘critical mass’ (23-40 per cent) of women in top management can generate important ‘trickle-down’ benefits, which can help to alleviate some of the ‘new’ social risks (e.g. work/care conflicts, in-work poverty) faced by women at the bottom of the labour market under activation.
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Correa, Juliana. "A retração do welfare state na Suécia e Dinamarca." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/10677.
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O presente trabalho tem como objeto o processo de reforma das políticas públicas de previdência social e saúde ocorridas na Suécia e Dinamarca, a partir dos anos de 1980. Buscou-se analisar se estas transformações se enquadram no que ficou conhecido na literatura como retração do welfare state. Para tanto, propôs-se um arcabouço metodológico capaz de captar os múltiplos aspectos desse fenômeno. Concluiu-se que apesar de incrementais, as mudanças ocorridas apontam na direção de um Estado de Bem Estar mais residual. Essa análise contrasta com o trabalho desenvolvido por Pierson (1994), que ressalta a dificuldade de se colocar em prática uma estratégia bem sucedida de desmanche do welfare state, devido ao viés político negativo dessa medida. Argumentou-se que esses países foram capazes de implementar mudanças impopulares por meio de estratégias distintas: enquanto na Suécia o consenso em torno das reformas permitiu aos partidos evitarem a punição eleitoral, na Dinamarca a alternativa foi a mudança fora da via institucional, no âmbito dos governos regionais e da burocracia, o que fragmentou a oposição e minimizou o efeito negativo destas mudanças.
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Sirojudin, Sirojudin. "Toward welfare pluralism : policy and practice of the Islamic welfare effort in Indonesia." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=81465.
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This study reviews the policy and practice of Islamic social welfare efforts in Indonesia. Findings from this study suggest that Indonesian Islamic welfare policies are ambivalent. The ambivalent character is due, in part, to the need of the government to maintain the status of Indonesia as a secular state, while at the same time, to accommodate Muslim aspirations to practice Islamic social welfare. Some Islamic welfare organizations have succeeded in combining Islamic social welfare programs with a modern social development perspective that is relevant to large national development programs. Dompet Dhuafa Republika's (DD) experience of collecting Islamic welfare funds and developing social welfare programs reveals significant potentials of Islamic welfare efforts to contribute to statutory social welfare services. These findings have shown that there is a promising prospect for Indonesia to further augment a pluralistic social welfare system.
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Niemeier, Debbie A. "A consumer welfare approach to measuring accessibility /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10134.
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