Journal articles: 'Welfare state – Spain'

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Oliver, Xisco, and Amedeo Spadaro. "Active Welfare State Policies and Labour Supply in Spain." Revista Hacienda Pública Española 222, no. 3 (September 2017): 9–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7866/hpe-rpe.17.3.1.

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Diakova, Ludmila, Eleonora Ermolieva, Nadezhda Kudeyarova, and Nailya Yakovleva. "What’s wrong with the Welfare State in Spain?" Latinskaia Amerika, no. 5 (2020): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0009127-8.

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López Peláez, Antonio, and Sagrario Segado Sánchez-Cabezudo. "Are Social Services equally accessible to all citizens in Spain? Youth and the Spanish Welfare State." Arbor 191, no. 771 (February 28, 2015): a205. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/arbor.2015.771n1007.

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LÓPEZ-SANTANA, MARIELY, and ROSSELLA MOYER. "Decentralising the Active Welfare State: The Relevance of Intergovernmental Structures in Italy and Spain." Journal of Social Policy 41, no. 4 (July 4, 2012): 769–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279412000335.

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AbstractThis article contributes to the literatures on the governance of activation and the territorial structure of the welfare state by drawing attention to the institutional designs of active welfare states and the architectures of decentralisation, as well as to their manifestations and implications. With the end of capturing dissimilar intergovernmental models of activation, this paper develops a framework of ‘centre–regional’ relations, which we apply to the cases of Italy and Spain – two countries that have devolved active labour market policy powers to their regions but have organised power-sharing structures very differently. The findings suggest that when it comes to active welfare states, horizontal arrangements are linked to salient institutional variations across the territory. By contrast, hierarchical structures, which are characterised by a dominant role of central level governments, are linked to higher levels of cohesion. These findings are relevant as they expose the manifestations and implications of distinct decentralisation models on activation regimes, welfare states, as well as on welfare clients.

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Jubany-Baucells, Olga. "The state of welfare for asylum seekers and refugees in Spain." Critical Social Policy 22, no. 3 (August 2002): 415–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026101830202200303.

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Jubany-Baucells, Olga. "The state of welfare for asylum seekers and refugees in Spain." Critical Social Policy 22, no. 3 (August 1, 2002): 415–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018302022003291.

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Fernández-Albertos, José, and Dulce Manzano. "The Lack of Partisan Conflict over the Welfare State in Spain." South European Society and Politics 17, no. 3 (September 2012): 427–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2012.701895.

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DAATLAND, SVEIN OLAV, and KATHARINA HERLOFSON. "‘Lost solidarity’ or ‘changed solidarity’: a comparative European view of normative family solidarity." Ageing and Society 23, no. 5 (September 2003): 537–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x03001272.

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This paper discusses filial norms, personal preferences for care, and policy opinions about the proper role of the family and the welfare state in elder care, by drawing from a comparative study of urban populations in Norway, England, Germany, Spain and Israel. Support for filial norms has a north-south dimension in Europe, and is highest in Spain and Israel and lowest – but still substantial – in Norway, England and Germany. National differences in preferences and policy opinions are more substantial, and more or less congruent with national family and social policy traditions. Filial solidarity is, however, not incompatible with generous welfare state arrangements, nor do filial obligations necessarily imply that the family is seen as the ‘natural’ care provider. In fact, many in the countries with the highest scores for filial responsibility still find the welfare state to be the main source of care provision. Normative familism is correlated with expressed familism in individuals' preferences and in policy opinions, but the correlations are weak, implying that while filial solidarity may be resilient, as circumstances alter its expressions change.

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Ayala, Luis. "Social Needs, Inequality and the Welfare State in Spain: Trends and Prospects." Journal of European Social Policy 4, no. 3 (August 1994): 159–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095892879400400301.

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Rodríguez, Ana M. Guillén, Sergio González Begega, and Nuria Moreno-Manzanaro García. "De-Constructing the Familist Welfare State in Spain. Towards Reconciliation through Europe?" European Journal of Social Security 13, no. 1 (March 2011): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/138826271101300105.

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Forns i Fernández, Maria Victòria. "The Management of Local Social Services in Spain." A&C - Revista de Direito Administrativo & Constitucional 22, no. 87 (March 10, 2022): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21056/aec.v22i87.1585.

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This paper reviews the organizational, competency and delivery system of social services at local level, with emphasis on Catalonia, understanding that local authorities become the essential unit from which to deploy basic social services, thus responding to universality, proximity and decentralization and contributing to ensuring the welfare state.

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MOTEL-KLINGEBIEL, ANDREAS, CLEMENS TESCH-ROEMER, and HANS-JOACHIM VON KONDRATOWITZ. "Welfare states do not crowd out the family: evidence for mixed responsibility from comparative analyses." Ageing and Society 25, no. 6 (November 2005): 863–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x05003971.

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This paper discusses the informal and formal provision of help and support to older people from a comparative welfare state perspective, with particular reference to the relationships between inter-generational family help and welfare state support. While the ‘substitution’ hypothesis states that the generous provision of welfare state services in support of older people ‘crowds out’ family help, the ‘encouragement’ hypothesis predicts a stimulation of family help, and the ‘mixed responsibility’ hypothesis predicts a combination of family and formal help and support. The paper reports findings from the Old Age and Autonomy: The Role of Service Systems and Inter-generational Family Solidarity (OASIS) research project. This created a unique age-stratified sample of 6,106 people aged 25–102 years from the urban populations of Norway, England, Germany, Spain and Israel. The analyses show that the total quantity of help received by older people is greater in welfare states with a strong infrastructure of formal services. Moreover, when measures of the social structure, support preferences and familial opportunity structures were controlled, no evidence of a substantial ‘crowding out’ of family help was found. The results support the hypothesis of ‘mixed responsibility’, and suggest that in societies with well-developed service infrastructures, help from families and welfare state services act accumulatively, but that in familistic welfare regimes, similar combinations do not occur.

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Maestro Buelga, Gonzalo. "El Estado Social 40 años después: la desconstitucionalización del programa constitucional // The Welfare State 40 years later: The desconstitucionalizacion of the constitutional programme." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 100 (December 20, 2017): 769. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.100.2017.20717.

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Resumen:El trabajo analiza las tensiones entre los elementos propios del Estado social insertos en las diversas constituciones de los Estados europeos y los condicionantes económicos impuestos por la Unión europea, especialmente en los últimos años de crisis económica. Uno de los ejemplos estudiados es el de la constitucionalización del principio de estabilidad presupuestaria. Se sostiene en el texto que se ha «desconstitucionalizado» el estado social en España, como consecuencia de estas reformas acometidas en los años de la crisis económica, de manera que se han vaciado de contenido las cláusulas del Estado social previstas en nuestra Constitución.Summary:1. Introduction 2. The meaning of the welfare state clause in the Spanish Constitution of 1978. 3. The rupture in the way social status. 4. The global form of market and the deconstitucionalization of the welfare state.Abstract:The paper analyzes tensions between elements of the Welfare State inserts in the various constitutions of the European States and the economic conditions imposed by the European Union, especially in the last years of economic crisis. One of the studied examples is the constitutionalization of the principle of budgetary stability. It says in the text that it has «deconstitutionalized» the Welfare State in Spain, as a result of these reforms undertaken in the years of the economic crisis, so have emptied of content clauses of the Welfare State provided for in our Constitution.

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Simó-Solsona, Montserrat, and Katarzyna Juszczyk-Frelkiewicz. "Welfare State Support for Families: a Comparative Family Policies Analysis in Poland and Spain." New Educational Review 54, no. 4 (December 31, 2018): 285–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/tner.2018.54.4.23.

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15

Guerrero, Diego, and Emilio Díaz Calleja. "The Welfare State and the Distribution of National Income in Spain Since the Transition." International Journal of Political Economy 27, no. 4 (December 1997): 32–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08911916.1997.11643955.

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Fernández-Alonso, Mercedes, and Antonio M. Jaime-Castillo. "Welfare state and individual expectations of economic support: A comparison of Norway and Spain." International Sociology 31, no. 1 (November 13, 2015): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580915613192.

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Guillén, Ana M. "Citizenship and Social Policy in Democratic Spain: The Reformulation of the Francoist Welfare State." South European Society and Politics 1, no. 2 (June 1996): 253–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608749608539474.

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Ares, Cristina, and Antón Losada. "Political Parties’ Preferences about the Volume of Social Spending and its Distribution between Programs and Age Groups: a Comparative Study of France, Spain and the UK." Cuadernos de Gobierno y Administración Pública 7, no. 2 (November 10, 2020): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/cgap.68179.

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The transformation of the Welfare State is not a standardized response to globalization or a by-product of European Union policies, but rather ‘what parties make of it’ (Burgoon, 2006). Different welfare regimes and welfare cultures contribute to the maintenance of diverse national responses to global and regional integration in terms of their public welfare systems, but there are also meso-level variables, such as parties´ ideologies, that may have an impact on the volume and distribution of welfare expenditure. This article presents a new scheme and procedure to code party manifesto statements in favor of social spending and retrenchment; it applies them in Britain, France and Spain in order to show the possibilities of the new data. The preliminary results indicate that ideologies are linked to parties´ preferences regarding the distribution of social spending between programs, the emphasis on different age groups as beneficiaries of welfare expenditure, and the rationale for social cuts.

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SEOANE, SUSANA SUEIRO. "Spain during the Transition from Dictatorship to Democracy." Contemporary European History 13, no. 3 (August 2004): 367–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730400178x.

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Paloma Aguilar, Memory and Amnesia. The Role of the Spanish Civil War in the Transition to Democracy (Oxford and New York: Berghahn, 2002), 330 pp., $27.95 (pb), ISBN 1-571-814965.Pilar Ortuño Anaya, European Socialists and Spain: The Transition to Democracy (London: Palgrave, 2002), 273pp., $69.95 (hb), ISBN 0-333-94927-7.Julio Crespo MacLennan, Spain and the Process of European Integration, 1957–85. Political Change and Europeanism (London: Palgrave, 2000), 240 pp., £52.50 (hb), ISBN 0-333-928865.S. P. Mangen, Spanish Society after Franco: Regime Transition and the Welfare State (London: Palgrave, 2001), 254 pp., $65.00 (hb), ISBN 0-333-65462-5.Luis Moreno, The Federalization of Spain (London: Frank Cass, 2001), 192 pp., £17.50 (hb), ISBN 0-714-681644.

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20

Guillen, Ana M., and Manos Matsaganis. "Testing the 'social dumping' hypothesis in Southern Europe: welfare policies in Greece and Spain during the last 20 years." Journal of European Social Policy 10, no. 2 (May 1, 2000): 120–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/a012486.

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Recent research has shown that the traditional view of social welfare in Southern Europe as 'rudimentary' is a misreading of its distinct nature: welfare arrangements in the region do not 'lag behind' as a whole, rather they suffer from serious imbalances that cause inequities and inefficiencies. The article focuses on Greece and Spain, two countries that differ in terms of economic performance and size, but share a recent history of successful transition to democracy and common membership of the Southern European 'model' of welfare. The article shows that the welfare policies pursued in these two countries over the last 20 years were marked by strong expansionary trends that clearly outbalanced occasional cut-backs. This evidence lends no support to the 'social dumping' hypothesis. If anything, 'catching up with Europe' in terms of social as well as economic standards seems to have been elevated to something of a national ideal, shared by both government and opposition. As the expansionary thrust of 'welfare state building' is being exhausted, the biggest challenge facing Southern European welfare states is the construction of welfare institutions in tune with a changing society.

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Dolado, Juan J., Etienne Lalé, and Nawid Siassi. "From dual to unified employment protection: Transition and steady state." Quantitative Economics 12, no. 2 (2021): 547–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3982/qe1053.

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Three features of real‐life reforms of dual employment protection legislation (EPL) systems are particularly hard to study through the lens of standard labor‐market search models: (i) the excess job turnover implied by dual EPL, (ii) the nonretroactive nature of EPL reforms, and (iii) the transition dynamics from dual to a unified EPL system. In this paper, we develop a computationally tractable model addressing these issues. Our main finding is that the welfare gains of reforming a dual EPL system are sizeable and achieved mostly through a decrease in turnover at short job tenures. This conclusion continues to hold in more general settings featuring wage rigidities, heterogeneity in productivity upon matching, and human capital accumulation. We also find substantial cross‐sectional heterogeneity in welfare effects along the transition to a unified EPL scheme. Given that the model is calibrated to data from Spain, often considered as the epitome of a labor market with dual EPL, our results should provide guidance for a wide range of reforms of dual EPL systems.

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Pavolini, Emmanuele, Margarita León, Ana M. Guillén, and Ugo Ascoli. "From austerity to permanent strain? The EU and welfare state reform in Italy and Spain." Comparative European Politics 13, no. 1 (October 20, 2014): 56–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cep.2014.41.

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Cabra de Luna, Miguel Angel. "Third Sector ´s reality in Spain and Crisis of the Welfare State: Challenges and Trends." Ehquidad Revista Internacional de Políticas de Bienestar y Trabajo Social, no. 1 (January 30, 2014): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15257/ehquidad.2014.0005.

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Comelles, Josep M., and Angel Martinez Hernaez. "The Dilemmas of Chronicity: the Transition of Care Policies From the Authoritarian State to the Welfare State in Spain." International Journal of Social Psychiatry 40, no. 4 (December 1994): 283–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002076409404000406.

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Pons Pons, Jerònia, and Margarita Vilar Rodríguez. "Friendly Societies, Commercial Insurance, and the State in Sickness Risk Coverage: The Case of Spain (1880–1944)." International Review of Social History 56, no. 1 (April 2011): 71–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859010000714.

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SummaryThe main aim of this paper is to analyse the singularity of the Spanish position with regard to coverage of the risk of sickness within the context of the different welfare models described in international literature. This analysis enables us to verify that in Spain, as in other countries, there were initially different forms of sickness coverage which coexisted, created by the market, by workers themselves and, gradually, by the state. Within this so-called mixed economy of welfare, the most extensive health coverage for the Spanish population was a result of the self-organization of workers, and this continued until the Civil War (1936–1939), not so much due to its efficacy and viability, as to the slow development of private insurance companies and the inability of the state to implement compulsory sickness insurance. The installation of the Franco dictatorship meant that the introduction of compulsory sickness insurance was further delayed, and when it was eventually passed, it offered only limited coverage, was enacted more for political than for social ends, and was to result in the virtual disappearance of friendly societies.

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Martí-Costa, Marc, and Mariona Tomàs. "Urban governance in Spain: From democratic transition to austerity policies." Urban Studies 54, no. 9 (September 27, 2016): 2107–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098016669452.

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This article aims to explain the evolution of urban governance in Spain during the last 40 years as a product of different waves of state rescaling. Historical, political and economic specificities shape the evolution of Spanish urban governance, especially because of the recent process of democratic transition, regional decentralisation and the specific process of de-industrialisation. We distinguish three periods in urban governance trends, from the restoration of democracy in the late 1970s to the current austerity urbanism marked by the economic crisis starting in 2008. For each phase, we highlight the three interrelated factors explaining urban governance: (1) the evolution of the Spanish political economy in the transition from Fordism to post-Fordism; (2) the evolution of the welfare state; and (3) the role of urban social movements.

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Aidukaitė, Jolanta. "Būsto politika skirtinguose gerovės modeliuose." Sociologija. Mintis ir veiksmas 33, no. 2 (January 1, 2013): 304–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/socmintvei.2013.2.3799.

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Santrauka. Straipsnis siekia ištirti būsto politiką skirtinguose gerovės valstybės modeliuose, įtraukiant į būsto modelių klasifikaciją ir naująsias Europos Sąjungos šalis iš Vidurio ir Rytų Europos. Gilesnei analizei pasirenkamos šešios šalys, geriausiai atstovaujančios idealius gerovės valstybės modelius: Švedija – socialdemokratinį, Vokietija – konservatyvųjį-korporatyvinį, Jungtinė Karalystė – liberalųjį, Ispanija – Pietų Europos, Čekija ir Estija – pokomunistinį. Analizė atskleidė, kad nepaisant panašių tendencijų būsto liberalizavimo link, šalys iki šiol išlaiko tik joms būdingus bruožus, o konceptualūs būsto politikos modeliai, atitinkantys gerovės valstybės modelius, iki šiol atspindi realias juos atstovaujančių šalių būsto politikos sistemas. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: būsto politika, gerovės valstybė, būsto politikos modeliai, dekomodifikacija, Vidurio ir Rytų Europa Key words: housing policy, welfare state, housing policy models, de-commodification, Central and Eastern Europe. ABSTRACT HOUSING POLICY IN DIFFERENCE WELFARE STATE REGIMES This article seeks to explore housing policy in different welfare state regimes. It incorporates into the analysis of housing policy and welfare state regimes some new EU countries from Central and Eastern Europe. Six countries are chosen, which represent most the ideal typical models of the welfare state, for deeper analysis: Sweden - social-democratic, Germany - conservative-corporatist, the United Kingdom - liberal, Spain – Southern European, the Czech Republic and Estonia - post-communist. The findings of this paper show that, despite similar trends towards the liberalization in the housing policy field, the countries analysed in this study still hold their own specific features, which coincide with the main features of the conceptual models of the housing policy and welfare state regimes. The post-communist housing policy model holds the following characteristics: the private ownership dominates the housing tenure; the market regulates the housing sector, state’s regulation is negligible; construction is carried by the large private companies; outdated and worn-out housing estates, built during the period of socialism, require complete renovation or demolition. Pastaba. Straipsnis parengtas pagal Lietuvos mokslo tarybos finansuojamą projektą Būsto politika Lietuvoje: raida, problemos ir pilietinės iniciatyvos. Projekto numeris LMT SIN-18/2012.

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Vancea, Mihaela, Jennifer Shore, and Mireia Utzet. "Role of employment-related inequalities in young adults’ life satisfaction: A comparative study in five European welfare state regimes." Scandinavian Journal of Public Health 47, no. 3 (January 25, 2019): 357–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1403494818823934.

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Aims: There is evidence that young people are less satisfied with their lives when they are unemployed or working in precarious conditions. This study aims to shed light on how the life satisfaction of unemployed and precariously employed young people varies across welfare states with different labour market policies and levels of social protection. Methods: The analyses are based on representative cross-sectional survey data from five European countries (Denmark, the UK, Germany, Spain and the Czech Republic), corresponding to five different welfare state regimes. For economically active young adults ( N=6681), the prevalence ratios of low life satisfaction were estimated through multivariate logistic regressions. Results: In all five countries, unemployed young adults presented a higher prevalence of low life satisfaction. When we compared employees with people with permanent and temporary contracts, the former were more satisfied with their lives only in Germany and the UK, examples of conservative and liberal welfare regimes, respectively. Experience of unemployment decreased young adults’ life satisfaction only in Germany and the Czech Republic, examples of a conservative and an eastern European welfare regime, respectively. In almost all countries, young adults with low economic self-sufficiency presented a higher prevalence of low life satisfaction. Conclusions: There are nuanced patterns of employment type and life satisfaction across European states that hint at welfare state regimes as possible moderators in this relationship. The results suggest that the psychological burdens of unemployment or work uncertainty cannot be overlooked and should be addressed according to different types of social provisions.

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Puzzo, Fernando. "Social Rights in the face of the Crisis. Reflections on the Spanish Case." Age of Human Rights Journal, no. 6 (June 27, 2016): 108–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/tahrj.v0i6.2932.

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Spain and many European countries are going through a critical stage that endangers the achievements of civilization and protection of social rights which are the standard of the constitutionalism of the social-democratic systems after the Second World War. The emergence of the economic and financial crisis and its impact on Member States, especially in regard to the realization of the rights and, in particular, the social ones, impose a critical reflection since on the European scene there is not a shared concept. In the Spanish social and democratic rule of law, many of the social rights are placed in Chapter III of Title I as guiding principles of social and economic policy. The analysis of this regulatory body of the Constitution is problematic insofar as it raises the problem of redirecting the content of such rules to legal structures in order to ensure guarantee levels which approximate them to fundamental rights within the framework of a European model of social democracy. The problem of the welfare state (in Spain and other European countries) affects the quality of representative democracy.

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Cirera, Lluís, José María Huerta, María Dolores Chirlaque, Genevieve Buckland, Nerea Larrañaga, María José Sánchez, Antonio Agudo, et al. "Unfavourable life-course social gradient of coronary heart disease within Spain: a low-incidence welfare-state country." International Journal of Public Health 58, no. 1 (June 7, 2012): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00038-012-0374-9.

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Greer, Scott. "Territorial Politics in Hard Times: The Welfare State under Pressure in Germany, Spain, and the United Kingdom." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 28, no. 3 (January 2010): 405–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c09116.

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LYNCH, JULIA. "The Age-Orientation of Social Policy Regimes in OECD Countries." Journal of Social Policy 30, no. 3 (July 2001): 411–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279401006365.

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This article presents a series of measures of the extent to which social policies in twenty-one OECD countries are oriented towards the support of elderly (over 65 or in formal retirement) and non-elderly (under 65 and not retired) population groups. Employing breakdowns by age in spending on social insurance, education and health, tax expenditures on welfare substituting goods, and housing policy outcomes, this article shows that countries tend to demonstrate a consistent age-orientation across a variety of policy areas and instruments. After correcting for the demographic structure of the population, Greece, Japan, Italy, Spain and the United States have the most elderly-oriented social policy regimes, while the Netherlands, Ireland, Canada and the Nordic countries have a more age-neutral repertoire of social policies. In identifying the age-orientation of social policy as a dimension of distributive politics that is not captured by other welfare state typologies, this article suggests the need to develop new accounts of the development of welfare states that include the dimension of age.

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Djurfeldt, Göran. "Classes as Clients of the State: Landlords and Labourers in Andalusia." Comparative Studies in Society and History 35, no. 1 (January 1993): 159–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500018296.

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This is a study of landlordism, agricultural labourers, and the State of Andalusia in southern Spain. This region, a classical case of landlordism, deviates from the typically West European agrarian structure dominated by the family farm. Andalusia's history centers on the conflict over land between a majority of landless peasants and a minority of powerful landlords, which was one of the main causes of the Spanish civil war. This study deals with two periods covering nearly fifty years of this latifundist system and its conflictridden relations of production. It examines the freezing of the agrarian structure for nearly forty years by the dictatorship of Francisco Franco and the adaptation of social and agrarian policy for the next ten years by the socialists. In other words, this is the story of how the agricultural laborers of Andalusia were transformed in less than one-half century from “peasants without land” to “clients of the welfare state” dependent on the social policies of the state.

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HALL, KELLY, and IRENE HARDILL. "Retirement migration, the ‘other’ story: caring for frail elderly British citizens in Spain." Ageing and Society 36, no. 3 (December 9, 2014): 562–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x14001342.

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ABSTRACTRecent years have seen a growth in research on retirement/lifestyle migration to Spain, however this has tended to focus on the reasons for moving, as well as the lifestyles adopted as part of a healthy and active retirement. However, ageing in Spain can bring challenges as a person's resources for independent living diminish. This paper draws on narrative interviews with vulnerable older British people in Spain, focusing on those who have encountered a severe decline in health, are frail and in need of care. It looks at the formal and informal networks and agencies that support these individuals, in particular the resources and strategies they employ to access care. Drawing on a framework of care provision developed by Glucksmann and Lyons, four broad modes of provision for old age care used by older British people in Spain are identified: state/public, family/community, voluntary/not-for-profit and market/for-profit. The paper argues that there are language, cultural, spatial and financial barriers when accessing care in Spain as an older British citizen. It is concluded that there are some frail, vulnerable people that may fall through a support gap, whereby they are no longer the responsibility of UK welfare services, yet not fully recognised in their new country of residence, and asks if more should be done to support this population.

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Atance, Debon, and de la Fuente. "HIPOTECA INVERSA: IMPACTO DEL RIESGO DE LONGEVIDAD EN EL CASO ESPAÑOL." Anales del Instituto de Actuarios Españoles, no. 27 (2021): 135–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.26360/2021_6.

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Abstract The demographic perspective in Spain highlights the need to incorporate new alternatives that allow the sustainability of the welfare state. Clearly, one of the main solutions will be the reverse mortgage, which allows the important real estate savings of the elderly to realese and to procure income complementary to public pensions. This article analyzes, from the point of view of longevity risk, the impact between the use of sex distinct mortality tables or unisex tables, showing he importance of global portfolio management by the bank. Keywords: Reverse Mortgage, Lump Sum, Mortality Modelling and Forecasting, Gender Equality, Longevity Risk.

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Berbert-Campos, Cláudia. "Legal Considerations in the Management of Cleft Lip and Palate." Cleft Palate-Craniofacial Journal 44, no. 2 (March 2007): 223–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1597/05-209.1.

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Objectives: To inform professionals providing care to individuals with cleft lip and palate on the legal aspects and organizations available to protect individuals with this alteration, and to advocate that cleft lip and palate should be considered a handicap, even though it is provisional and may be rehabilitated, to assure afflicted individuals basic rights and complete personal, social, and economic welfare. Design: Literature review on the issue, including assessment of national and international laws, doctrines, and jurisprudences; conceptual analysis of the word “handicapped” in dictionaries. Analysis included the federal constitutions of Brazil, France, Argentina, Spain, Cuba, Italy, China, Portugal, Japan, Great Britain, and Colombia, regarding the protection of handicapped people. Results: Constitutional protection of handicapped people is a recent issue that has been addressed only in the last few decades in some countries such as Brazil, Italy, Spain, China, and Portugal. The Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988 addresses the protection of handicapped people to assure them access to social and individual rights, freedom, security, welfare, development, equality, and justice as supreme values of a fraternal, pluralist, and prejudice-free society. Conclusions: Individuals with cleft lip and palate should be included in national policies for integration of handicapped people, in agreement with programs of human rights, establishing a collaborative action between state and society. This would assure their inclusion in the socioeconomic and cultural context and equal opportunities in society, without privileges or paternalism.

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Saraceno, Chiara. "Book Review: Welfare State Reform in Southern Europe: Fighting Poverty and Social Exclusion in Italy, Spain, Portugal and Greece." Journal of European Social Policy 16, no. 3 (August 2006): 303–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095892870601600307.

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Gálvez-Iniesta, Ismael, and José L. Groizard. "Undocumented Migration and Electoral Support: Evidence From Spain." Politics and Governance 9, no. 4 (October 28, 2021): 196–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i4.4379.

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Unwrapping the political discourse against immigration is key to understanding the rise of populism in Western democracies. A growing body of literature has found ample evidence that immigration pays a premium to conservative political forces that propose tighter policies. Using data on presidential elections in Spain from 2008 to 2019, we shed light on this debate by highlighting the role played by irregular migration. Some studies show that undocumented immigrants consume less and earn lower wages than documented immigrants with similar observable characteristics. In addition, since they are relegated to working in the informal sector, they cannot contribute to the welfare state with direct taxes. This suggests that undocumented migration might intensify support for right-wing politics and that the effect is independent from the one caused by the presence of documented migrants. We apply an instrumental variable strategy to deal with the non-random distribution of migrants across political districts. Our findings indicate that increasing undocumented migration increases support for the right, while increasing documented migration rises support for the left. When we consider the irruption of the far-right into electoral competitions, we find that undocumented migration redistributes votes from the left to the right, as has been observed in other countries.

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Grau Rebollo, Jorge, Paula Escribano Castaño, Hugo Valenzuela-Garcia, and Miranda Jessica Lubbers. "Charities as symbolic families: ethnographic evidence from Spain." Journal of Organizational Ethnography 8, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/joe-03-2018-0012.

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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explore the care provision of charity organizations that assist people in situations of economic vulnerability. After analyzing central theoretical elements of kinning, the authors contend that charity organizations function as symbolic families for people in need.Design/methodology/approachEthnographic fieldwork was performed in two sites of a large catholic charity organization in the outskirts of Barcelona. Ethnographic fieldwork included participant observations and informal interviews with individuals located under the official poverty threshold.FindingsSymbolic family bonds among different individuals are created through the entwining of interconnectedness, obligation and commitment, sense of belonging, interdependence and the projection of symbolic spaces of hearth. The authors propose the term of “disposable families” (akin to that of Desmond’s, 2013 for dyadic relationships) because a remarkable feature of these bonds is its short-term nature.Social implicationsThe consideration of charities as symbolic families offers new insights into their social role and may contribute to reshaping the social function within emergency situations.Originality/valueThis research opens new ground for the understanding of charities as something else than care providers, as the relational dimension with clients extends beyond the conventional patron/client relationship. This fact has particular relevance in an economic context of post-crisis, with the Welfare State withdrawal and a deterioration of the traditional sources of informal support.

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Rubio, Sónia Parella. "Immigrant women in paid domestic service. The case of Spain and Italy." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 9, no. 3 (August 2003): 503–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890300900310.

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In the familistic welfare state regimes of Italy and Spain, the resurgence in live-in domestic work and the demand for migrant domestic workers is stronger than in other European countries. Organising and regulating services in order to help with the burden of caring for one's family is not an important objective of social policy in southern European countries. It is taken for granted that the family (‘women') is the main provider of social protection. In the absence of policy decisions in this field, the increase in local women's labour market participation in recent decades has led to households recruiting non-EU immigrant women in order to help them balance the needs of their family with the demands of paid employment. These immigrants constitute an enormous supply of low-cost labour and there is a shortage of local female workers in paid domestic work.

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Fernández Suárez, Belén. "The Design of Migrant Integration Policies in Spain: Discourses and Social Actors." Social Inclusion 5, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 117–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v5i1.783.

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Spain is one of the countries with the lowest social spending within the EU-15, and its welfare state has developed later and with less intensity. At the end of the 20<sup>th</sup> century, Spain became an immigration country, reaching 5.7 million immigrants in 2011. This article explores how the definition of migrant ‘integration’ is based more on a concept of universal rights and social cohesion by the main actors (political parties, trade unions, third sector organizations and immigrant associations) than on a notion of a cultural type. We will also analyze how the influence of European policies and restrictive liberalism have led to the implementation of programmes which aim to make civic integration compulsory for the renewal of residence and work permits. The empirical evidence for this article stems from 60 qualitative interviews with social actors in migrant integration policies during 2010 and 2011. The impact of the economic crisis on the foreign population, especially regarding its position in the labor market, will also be considered, explaining the reduction of specific and general policies targeting the migrant population. This cut in social spending has involved a deinstitutionalization of this particular policy field.

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DEL PINO, ELOÍSA, and JUAN A. RAMOS. "Is Welfare Retrenchment Inevitable? Scope and Drivers of Healthcare Reforms in Five Spanish Regions During the Crisis." Journal of Social Policy 47, no. 4 (March 20, 2018): 701–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279418000077.

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AbstractTo what extent, in the context of severe economic crisis, do governments of the right and the left have room for manoeuvre to choose their fiscal consolidation paths? To what degree might this margin be broader in multilevel systems? The severity of the crisis suffered by Spain since 2007, combined with the significant scope of the powers and related expenditure capacities of the Autonomous Communities, make the Spanish regions a highly suitable case for controlled comparisons of fiscal adjustment policies and welfare reforms. Specifically examining healthcare retrenchment in the regions, we find that although the regional governments were all subjected to considerable budget constraints and were forced to cut social policies, they were also able to ensure a certain degree of leeway in selecting their individual healthcare retrenchment policies, in part by strategically utilising the multilevel institutions provided by the Spanish Autonomic State.

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Del Pino, Eloísa, and Emmanuele Pavolini. "Decentralisation at a Time of Harsh Austerity: Multilevel Governance and the Welfare State in Spain and Italy Facing the Crisis." European Journal of Social Security 17, no. 2 (June 2015): 246–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/138826271501700206.

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Ariza-Montes, Antonio, Antonio L. Leal-Rodríguez, Jesús Ramírez-Sobrino, and Horacio Molina-Sánchez. "Safeguarding Health at the Workplace: A Study of Work Engagement, Authenticity and Subjective Wellbeing among Religious Workers." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 16, no. 17 (August 21, 2019): 3016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16173016.

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Research in work and organizational psychology has paid little attention to religious workers, something certainly surprising as faith-based organizations play a key role in the welfare state of many countries. This research shows that religious workers in a Catholic order present a high degree of subjective wellbeing, both in terms of flourishing and satisfaction with life in general, and a positive balance of positive and negative feelings. More specifically, this study examines the relationship between authenticity and wellbeing amongst religious workers. Survey responses from 142 religious workers in Spain were analyzed using partial least squares path modelling. The results reveal that subjective wellbeing at work is positively related to authenticity. In addition, this relationship is mediated by their level of work engagement.

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Penne, Tess, Tine Hufkens, Tim Goedemé, and Bérénice Storms. "To what extent do welfare states compensate for the cost of children? The joint impact of taxes, benefits and public goods and services." Journal of European Social Policy 30, no. 1 (August 29, 2019): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928719868458.

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In order to alleviate child poverty, contemporary European welfare states have shifted their focus increasingly towards child-centred investment strategies. However, studies examining the generosity of welfare states to families with children focus mainly on cash benefit packages, or on government expenditure, while not taking into account the actual out-of-pocket costs families have to make to fulfil their needs. This article aims at contributing to existing studies by: (1) empirically assessing the needs and costs of children across welfare states by making use of cross-nationally comparable reference budgets, while taking into account publicly provided or subsidised services; (2) simulating the cash benefits and taxes that affect households with children through the tax–benefit system, by making use of the new Hypothetical Household Tool (HHoT) in EUROMOD; and (3) combining both types of information in order to compare the essential out-of-pocket costs for children between 6 and 18 years old with the simulated cash benefit packages. We propose a new indicator that can be used to assess welfare state generosity to families with children: the child cost compensation indicator. The use of the indicator is empirically illustrated by comparing six European welfare states: Belgium, Finland, Greece, Hungary, Italy and Spain. The article shows that, even though with important cross-national variation, cash transfers generally amount to less than 60 percent of the cost of children. Although in five out of six countries support for families is higher at the lower end of the income distribution, for households living on a low gross wage, the income of a family with children is less adequate compared to a similar childless family and is in many cases insufficient to participate adequately in society.

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Valenzuela-Vela, Lorena, and Ana Alcázar-Campos. "Gendered Carceral Logics in Social Work: The Blurred Boundaries in Gender Equality Policies for Imprisoned and Battered Women in Spain." Affilia 35, no. 1 (December 11, 2019): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886109919889035.

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This article uses feminist critical analysis as a conceptual framework in order to reflect upon the carceral drifts adopted by gender equality policies in Spain. This issue has been deeply analyzed in the American context, and we believe it is relevant to bring the experiences of other contexts into discussion, such the Spanish one, where the welfare state has been affected by the 2008 global financial crisis. With the aim of adding to the discussion and making a contribution from feminisms and social work perspectives, this work carries out a comparative analysis on carceral policies addressed to women, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, on protection policies for women victims of gender-based violence. Based on our fieldwork in Andalucia (Spain) for more than 10 years, as well as on legal and programmatical text analysis, we question the alleged control/protection separation, highlighting the existence of gendered carceral logics in both contexts. We highlight the social control to which women are subject and for which subjects women to the image of a “good victim” on the one hand and a “good mother” on the other.

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Ponedelko, Galina Nikolaevna. "Evolution of Spanish tax policy (1975-2021)." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 8 (August 10, 2021): 619–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2108-04.

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The article considers the evolution of the Spanish tax system during the most important period of its historical development: the transition from Francoism to democracy. As the main economic function of the state, the tax system traditionally reflects its social structure, the nature of economic relations and managerial decisions of the ruling class, fundamental processes of social development. Unlike most European countries, the tax policy of the Spanish state until the last quarter of the 20th century was characterised by extreme anachronism, due to the long existence of Franco’s political system. Spain entered the path of democracy and europeanization of the Franco tax legislation only in the second half of the 70s, having gone through two stages of its modification: from state dirigism to neoliberal model. The main goal of the first stage was declared to achieve a fairer redistribution of the tax burden and narrowing the gap in the level of taxation between the most and the poorest strata of the population in accordance with the democratic principle "who receives the most income pays more to the budget". In the course of the second stage of tax reform the emphasis was done on stimulating business, its innovative, foreign economic and competitive potential, curtailing the functions of the Welfare state. Pandemic Covid-19 sums up the negative consequences of the neoliberal policy, largely due to the existing tax model. Its serious modification is the main direction in the complex of socioeconomic reforms of the Spanish government for the coming years.

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Zufiaurre, Benjamin, and Maider Pérez de Villarreal. "Researching Gender Professions: Nurses as Professionals." Journal of Curriculum and Teaching 7, no. 1 (May 23, 2018): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/jct.v7n1p197.

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Nurses as professionals of health, childhood education teachers, social workers and caregivers, join a group of“feminine professions” which grew through policies of a welfare state in postwar constructive period, or in times ofpostwar accords (Jones, 1983). These professions are under challenge because of neoliberal policies and practices inthe 21st century. In the paper, we want to give lights to the contradictory situations nurses face, as workers and ascare keepers. Nurses, suffer of a combination of public and private functions, at work, at home, and when caringfamily relatives. The way women feel about their role as professionals, and as women and workers, is illuminative,as we enquired in a funded research developed with nurses in the community of Navarra, Spain, first from 1993 to1996, and next, checking a continuity each ten years, 2006 and next 2016.

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Paschou, Maria, Maria Kousis, Manlio Cinalli, and Didier Chabanet. "The Spatial Scope of Youth-Related Claims Making in Nine European Countries." American Behavioral Scientist 64, no. 5 (November 18, 2019): 686–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764219885438.

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This comparative examination sheds light on the spatial scope of actors making youth-related claims in mainstream media. Drawing on the “political opportunity structure” approach, our main argument is that the spatial scope of political debates on youth-related issues are driven by institutional arrangements reflecting windows of opportunities for the representation of various youth interests. Methodologically, we draw on “claim-making” analysis of five newspapers for each of the nine countries of the EURYKA project, that is, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. Our cross-national exploratory analysis aims to show, (a) how state configuration and youth regime contexts impact on the spatial scope of youth and nonyouth actors, and furthermore, on specific state, civil society, and interest group actors, as well as (b) whether this leads to a new clustering of countries across spatial divides in the age of youth precarity. Cross-national variation is especially considered by looking at how institutional arrangements vary in each country, based on their youth policy regimes, the specific state structure and the impact of recent economic crisis on youth welfare policies.

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Piñeira Mantiñán, María José, Francisco R. Durán Villa, and Ramón López Rodríguez. "Citizen Action as a Driving Force of Change. The Meninas of Canido, Art in the Street as an Urban Dynamizer." Sustainability 12, no. 2 (January 20, 2020): 740. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12020740.

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The austerity policies imposed by the government in the wake of the 2007 crisis have deteriorated the welfare state and limited neighborhood recovery. Considering the inability and inefficiency on the part of administrations to carry out improvement actions in neighborhoods, it is the neighborhood action itself that has carried out a series of resilient social innovations to reverse the dynamics. In this article, we will analyze the Canido neighborhood in Ferrol, a city in north-western Spain. Canido is traditional neighborhood that was experiencing a high degree of physical and social deterioration, until a cultural initiative called “Meninas of Canido,” promoted by one of its artist neighbors, recovered its identity and revitalized it from a physical, social, and economic point of view. Currently, the Meninas of Canido has become one of the most important urban art events in Spain and has receives international recognition. The aim of this article is to evaluate the impact that this action has had in the neighborhood. For this, we conducted a series of semi-structured interviews with the local administration, neighborhood association, the precursors of this idea, merchants, and some residents in general, in order to perceive the reception and evolution of this action.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Welfare state – Spain'

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