Academic literature on the topic 'Welfare state – Spain'

AbstractThis article contributes to the literatures on the governance of activation and the territorial structure of the welfare state by drawing attention to the institutional designs of active welfare states and the architectures of decentralisation, as well as to their manifestations and implications. With the end of capturing dissimilar intergovernmental models of activation, this paper develops a framework of ‘centre–regional’ relations, which we apply to the cases of Italy and Spain – two countries that have devolved active labour market policy powers to their regions but have organised power-sharing structures very differently. The findings suggest that when it comes to active welfare states, horizontal arrangements are linked to salient institutional variations across the territory. By contrast, hierarchical structures, which are characterised by a dominant role of central level governments, are linked to higher levels of cohesion. These findings are relevant as they expose the manifestations and implications of distinct decentralisation models on activation regimes, welfare states, as well as on welfare clients.

This paper discusses filial norms, personal preferences for care, and policy opinions about the proper role of the family and the welfare state in elder care, by drawing from a comparative study of urban populations in Norway, England, Germany, Spain and Israel. Support for filial norms has a north-south dimension in Europe, and is highest in Spain and Israel and lowest – but still substantial – in Norway, England and Germany. National differences in preferences and policy opinions are more substantial, and more or less congruent with national family and social policy traditions. Filial solidarity is, however, not incompatible with generous welfare state arrangements, nor do filial obligations necessarily imply that the family is seen as the ‘natural’ care provider. In fact, many in the countries with the highest scores for filial responsibility still find the welfare state to be the main source of care provision. Normative familism is correlated with expressed familism in individuals' preferences and in policy opinions, but the correlations are weak, implying that while filial solidarity may be resilient, as circumstances alter its expressions change.

Defence date: 4 March 2008<br>Examining Board: Prof. Jacques Ziller, (EUI) ; Prof. Dieter Grimm, (Humboldt University, Berlin) ; Prof. Javier Pérez Royo, (University of Seville) ; Prof. Neil Walker, (EUI)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>The question of the relation between the aims of current federalism and welfare states has often been portrayed as the idea of two dynamics addressing divergent senses: while federalism would essentially imply centrifugal tendencies, the fulfilment of welfare state postulates would require certain social standardization processes. However, the viewpoint from which this work departs is the constitutional intertwining of both concepts: it sets out to analyze how the welfare state principle and the federal territorial structure are constitutionally interrelated. In particular, the aspect of welfare state that is tackled refers to its fulfilment on a nation-wide basis, which requires focusing on the mechanisms needed to generate certain levels of socio-economic standardization. The main theme of the dissertation is therefore the analysis of the structural elements that embody the territorial scope of solidarity within the context of two politically decentralized countries, Germany and Spain. The dissertation is structured into five chapters. Chapter One, after analysing how the concepts of “welfare state”, “federalism” and their “interrelations” are tackled and explained by the existing literature, outlines an analytical framework for the examination of the territorial translation of welfare state. Chapter Two addresses the constitutional articulation of the search of a basic equality on the whole territory from the perspective of the allocation of social competences – i.e. health care, social assistance and social security and education - both in Germany and in Spain. Chapter Three focuses on some of the “constitutional structures” that are in charge of guaranteeing the basic uniformity of living conditions throughout the territory of each country (e.g. Art. 72 of the German Basic Law and 149.1.1 of the Spanish Constitution). Chapter Four analyses certain mechanisms that articulate the financial territorial redistribution in each system. Chapter Five is devoted to analysing the EU as a new territorial stratum involved in the social sphere regulation interacting with the nationally based welfare state.

The main cause of tax fraud in Spain is, in author’s opinion, the educational deficits as individuals. Taxes are not to be just an obligation, he points, but contributing to a morefair society, convinced that requires, as in other areas, a thorough reform of the educationsystem and the recovery of traditional values that our society is suffering a deep crisis. In thissense, the author thinks we must link the estate fraud to educational and cultural deficitsthat Spain suffers, since the crisis of values is what underlies most cases of tax or offenses, ifpreferred, to conduct contrary to law or, without more, antisocial. In this context, the authorindicates it is essential also internalize the culture of spending, since everything is funded by our taxes.<br>El autor sostiene que la causa principal del fraude fiscal en España es el déficit educativo de las personas. Los impuestos no han de ser tan solo una obligación, señala, sino la contribución a una sociedad más justa, convencimiento que requiere, como en otros ámbitos, una profunda reforma del sistema educativo y la recuperación de los valores tradicionales de los que nuestra sociedad padece una crisis profunda. En este sentido, el autor apunta que se debe vincular las raíces del fraude a los déficit educativos y culturales que España padece, pues esta crisis de valores es la que subyace en la mayoría de los casos de delitos fiscales o, si se prefiere, de las conductas contrarias a derecho o, sin más, antisociales. En ese contexto, indica, es imprescindible interiorizar también la cultura del gasto, ya que todo se financia con nuestros impuestos.

Universal basic income (UBI) is becoming an increasingly salient policy alternative to reform the welfare state. Defined as a universal, unconditional and periodical cash payment made to all of the population on an individual basis, regardless of socio- economic conditions, working status or ability, the idea of a UBI has moved from being considered a radical utopia, to an increasingly attractive policy proposal to tackle the various challenges that current welfare institutions are unequipped to address, like the rising labour automation, changing labour market demands, exacerbating income insecurity, changing socio-demographic structure of the population and crucially, the lasting and severe socio-economic consequences of the covid-19 pandemic. Despite the growing saliency and the promising effects of such an alternative, we know little about the politics of this proposal, and even less, about the public support for this policy idea. Existing accounts of public opinion support for UBI consistently show that the traits of individuals matter to explain support for this policy (Chrisp, Pulkka and Rincón, 2020; Roosma and van Oorschot, 2020; Vlandas, 2020), and so does the specificities of policy design (Dermont and Stadelmann-steffen, 2019). Yet, existing work raises more puzzles than answers. One of the critical questions that current research is unable to dilucidate is what particular characteristics of UBI make this policy more or less attractive in relation to other policy alternatives. A second important paradox that existing studies in the field have raised concerns the fact that the predictors of UBI support are the same as those of targeted instruments and conditional transfers, or general support for redistribution. This landscape shows a hazy picture of UBI support, which complicates understanding who the coalition of UBI supporters are, and what these levels of UBI support are really showing. In this context, the key objective of this thesis is to understand the determinants of public opinion support for UBI. Building on the work of multidimensional attitudes to the welfare state, I begin by exploring the effects of policy design on support for UBI. Theoretically, I build on welfare and political psychology work of deservingness heuristics to explain why individuals should be discouraged by UBI’s key attributes of universality and unconditionality. Aside from this recent focus on policy design, recurring accounts of UBI and welfare preferences point to material self-interest and value-laden motivations to explain support for specific policies. I explore under which conditions these factors moderate support for different UBI characteristics. In line with much previous research I find that left-wing ideology is a common predictor of support for universality, albeit these individuals still prefer means-tested benefits over universal cash transfers. A novel finding is that I show for the first time that the effect of ideology on support for universality is conditional on the UBI model proposed. Those on the right, boost its support for universality significantly if UBI is proposed as a mechanism to replace the core of universal welfare. Strikingly, I find that material variables do not have an effect on support for UBI. This contexts naturally gives rise to the question of who really support and prefers a UBI over other policy alternatives? I propose an argument that can account for this question and reconcile some important paradoxes of preferences, like the left-wing division over the desirability of this proposal. I contend, and show that, individuals do not have homogeneous perceptions about which polices are more redistributive, and these beliefs together with redistribution preferences shape support for universal cash transfers. The core coalition of supporters are those who favour redistribution and perceive universality to be a more effective design for cash transfers. Because preferences do not exist in a vacuum and are sensitive to the debates taking place, I examine the impact of information on preferences. Contrary to previous work, I show that neither scientific evidence nor belief-congruent information has an impact on attention or support for policy proposals. Prior beliefs per se however, do determine these dynamics, showing that the coalition of supporters for UBI has a higher predisposition to access any type of information on UBI. All in all, this dissertation has unveiled important dynamics of UBI support and reconciled several literatures in the field, settling some of the paradoxical findings delivered by previous work. Altogether, the conclusions derived from this dissertation have important implications to the study of welfare preferences and the politics of welfare reform.<br>La renta básica universal (RBU) se está convirtiendo en una alternativa política cada vez más destacada para reformar el Estado del bienestar. Se suele definir como un ingreso universal, incondicional y periódico que realizado a toda la población de forma individual, independientemente de las condiciones socioeconómicas, la situación laboral o la capacidad individual para trabajar y contribuir en la sociedad. La idea de una RBU ha pasado de ser considerada una utopía radical a una propuesta política cada vez más atractiva para hacer frente a los diversos retos que los actuales estados de bienestar no están preparadas para abordar. Los estudios existentes en materia de opinión pública respecto a la RBU muestran sistemáticamente que los rasgos de los individuos son importantes para explicar el apoyo a esta política (Chrisp, Pulkka y Rincón, 2020; Roosma y van Oorschot, 2020; Vlandas, 2020), así como las especificidades del diseño de esta política (Dermont y Stadelmann- steffen, 2019). Sin embargo, la literatura desarrollada en esta materia presenta más enigmas que respuestas. Una de las cuestiones fundamentales que la investigación actual no puede dilucidar es qué características particulares de una RBU hacen que esta política sea más o menos atractiva en relación con otras alternativas. Este contexto da lugar a la pregunta de ¿quién apoya y prefiere una RBU sobre otras alternativas políticas? Propongo un argumento que puede dar cuenta de esta cuestión y reconciliar algunas importantes paradojas de las preferencias, como la división de la izquierda en el apoyo a la RBU. Sostengo, y demuestro, que los individuos no tienen percepciones homogéneas sobre qué políticas son más redistributivas, y que estas creencias, junto con el apoyo a la redistribución, determinan el apoyo a las transferencias monetarias universales. Así, estos resultados indican que el núcleo de la coalición de apoyo de la RBU no son ni de izquierdas ni con bajos ingresos –como se demuestra en estudios anteriores- sino que son personas que están a favor de la redistribución y perciben que las políticas universales son más eficientes para reducir las desigualdades económicas. En definitiva, esta tesis ha desvelado importantes dinámicas de apoyo a la RBU y ha reconciliado varias literaturas en este campo de investigación, resolviendo algunas de las conclusiones paradójicas aportadas por trabajos anteriores. En conjunto, las conclusiones derivadas de esta tesis tienen importantes implicaciones para el estudio de las preferencias hacia la reforma del estado de bienestar y al proceso político de esta reforma.<br>La renda bàsica universal (RBU) s'està convertint en una alternativa política cada vegada més destacada per a reformar l'Estat del benestar. Se sol definir com un ingrés universal, incondicional i periòdic que realitzat a tota la població de manera individual, independentment de les condicions socioeconòmiques, la situació laboral o la capacitat individual per a treballar i contribuir en la societat. La idea d'una RBU ha passat de ser considerada una utopia radical a una proposta política cada vegada més atractiva per a fer front als diversos reptes que els actuals estats de benestar no estan preparades per a abordar. Aquests reptes inclouen la creixent automatització de l'ocupació, amb les seves diverses conseqüències en el mercat laboral, com la desocupació tecnològica o els canvis en la demanda de l'ocupació, la creixent inseguretat econòmica, la canviant estructura sociodemogràfica de la població –amb una major població anciana i descens de naixements- i, sobretot, les duradores i greus conseqüències socioeconòmiques derivades de la pandèmia de la covid-19. Malgrat la creixent notorietat i els efectes prometedors d'una RBU, sabem poc sobre la política d'aquesta proposta, i encara menys, sobre el suport públic a aquesta idea. Els estudis existents en matèria d'opinió pública respecte a la RBU mostren sistemàticament que els trets dels individus són importants per a explicar el suport a aquesta política (Chrisp, Pulkka i Rincón, 2020; Roosma i van Oorschot, 2020; Vlandas, 2020), així com les especificitats del disseny d'aquesta política (Dermont i Stadelmann- *steffen, 2019). No obstant això, la literatura desenvolupada en aquesta matèria presenta més enigmes que respostes. Una de les qüestions fonamentals que la recerca actual no pot dilucidar és quines característiques particulars d'una RBU fan que aquesta política sigui més o menys atractiva en relació amb altres alternatives. Una segona paradoxa que plantegen els estudis existents en aquest camp concerneix els determinants del suport a la RBU; aquests són els mateixos que els d'altres polítiques i ingressos condicionats, i també els del suport a la redistribució. Aquest panorama planteja una sèrie de preguntes, com quina és la coalició de suport d'una RBU i què mostren realment aquests nivells de suport a la RBU. En aquest context, l'objectiu d'aquesta tesi és comprendre els determinants del suport de l'opinió pública a la RBU. Basant-me en el treball de les actituds multidimensionals cap a l'estat del benestar, començo explorant els efectes del disseny de les polítiques sobre el suport al RBU. Sostinc, i demostro, que els individus no tenen percepcions homogènies sobre quines polítiques són més redistributives, i que aquestes creences, juntament amb el suport a la redistribució, determinen el suport a les transferències monetàries universals. Així, aquests resultats indiquen que el nucli de la coalició de suport de la RBU no són ni d'esquerres ni amb baixos ingressos –com es demostra en estudis anteriors- sinó que són persones que estan a favor de la redistribució i perceben que les polítiques universals són més eficients per a reduir les desigualtats econòmiques. En definitiva, aquesta tesi ha revelat importants dinàmiques de suport a la RBU i ha reconciliat diverses literatures en aquest camp de recerca, resolent algunes de les conclusions paradoxals aportades per treballs anteriors. En conjunt, les conclusions derivades d'aquesta tesi tenen importants implicacions per a l'estudi de les preferències cap a la reforma de l'estat de benestar i al procés polític d'aquesta reforma.

En este trabajo se construido una serie de gasto social en España, entre 1850 y 2005, que ha permitido obtener una visión de largo plazo sobre la evolución de la política social y situar la experiencia española en el contexto internacional. A partir de esta nueva serie y de la información disponible internacionalmente sobre otros países, se ha analizado econométricamente el impacto de la desigualdad sobre la política social en sus etapas iniciales, esto es en el periodo comprendido entre 1880 y 1933. A continuación se ha analizado el impacto de las dictaduras sobre la política social en los países de la Europa occidental en el periodo comprendido entre 1950 y 1980. Los resultados obtenidos indican que, al contrario de lo que se podría pensar inicialmente, la desigualdad tuvo un impacto negativo sobre las etapas iniciales del desarrollo de la política social. Ello sugiere que los países con más desigualdad se encontraban en una especie de trampa de la desigualdad, en el sentido de que elevados niveles de desigualdad inicial se vieron reforzados por políticas menos redistributivas. En lo que se refiere al impacto de las dictaduras, los resultados indican que, al contrario de lo que se desprende de algunos trabajos recientes, los gobiernos no democráticos tuvieron un impacto negativo sobre los niveles de gasto social y además financiaron la política social de forma menos redistributiva, fundamentalmente vía contribuciones sociales que no implicaban redistribución vía impuestos.

Defence date: 19 March 2007<br>Examining board: Prof. Colin Crouch (Warwick Business School) ; Prof. Valeria Fargion (Univ. of Florence) ; Prof. Martin Rhodes (Denver University)(Supervisor) ; Prof. Ana M. Guillén (Univ. Oviedo. Spain)(External Co-Supervisor)<br>This thesis highlights the importance of new social risks, welfare modernisation, and territorial changes on current welfare states. The interaction of these factors, which I have decided to label as “Tris Syndrome”, is fundamental pillar of this analysis. In this respect, this work investigates how the answer to one of these new risks namely, care for the elderly, has evolved in Spain within the context of the evolution of the Spanish welfare state and noteworthy transformations of the territorial structure of the country since the beginning of the democratic period (mid-70’s) to present. More precisely, this work poses the following questions: What factors have motivated change in the Spanish system of social services for the elderly, in the face of the apparent lack of mobilisation or demand from risk-bearers? What spurred the system to undertake radical reform following the authoritarian downturn, despite the fact that it is only very recently that care for the elderly has started to be defined as a challenge, and has taken a visible, but though timid, place on the political agenda? What have been the factors that have given voice to this “silent” demand? Why, despite the reforms undertaken, does the Spanish system of social (care) services for the elderly show comparatively little development in comparison with other countries and other areas of the Spanish welfare state? In relation to these issues, this thesis argues that the “Tris” has provided in Spain a scenario in which policy development has been simultaneously facilitated and constrained. It is thus possible to claim that the main push for welfare development in the real of policy under scrutiny and the answer to related new social risks (i.e. dependency), has mainly been a consequence of the will of regional political elites to mark out spaces of power, to achieve political and policy consolidation, not to lag behind others, and to solve institutional or structural problems in the area under regulation. These changes have taken place independently of the recognition of new social risks by policy-makers. In addition, when considering why this system and coverage among the population remains poorly developed, it is possible to signal the constraints posed by institutional factors and the strong influence that past policies have had on their development.

Defence date: 30 September 2015<br>Examining Board: Professor Stefano Bartolini, EUI (Supervisor); Professor László Bruszt, EUI; Professor Maurizio Ferrera, Università degli Studi di Milano; Professor Jonathan Hopkin, London School of Economics and Political Science.<br>In recent years, a number of European countries have undergone important processes of territorial reconfiguration in the administration and delivery of social services. This has produced substantial divergences in the levels and types of welfare development across regions belonging to the same country. As a result, it has become increasingly difficult to talk about 'national welfare systems' or 'national social models' – although most of the mainstream welfare literature continues to do so. The aim of this study is to explore the political factors that explain cross-regional variation in the development of health care and social assistance policies in three countries that have witnessed the gradual strengthening of regions as arenas of social policy making: Italy, Spain and Great Britain. The research focus is on the effects of two political cleavages, centre-periphery and left-right, on sub-national social policy. The findings of the quantitative and qualitative analyses presented throughout this research suggest that the main driving force in the construction of sub-state welfare systems is the political mobilisation of territorial identities through the creation and electoral consolidation of regionalist parties. Indeed, such parties may use regional social policy to reinforce the sense of distinctiveness and territorial solidarity that exists in the communities they represent, thus further strengthening and legitimising their political role. Additionally, the centre-periphery cleavage may also affect relations across different organisational levels of 'statewide' parties and further increase the relevance of territoriality in welfare politics at the regional level. On the other hand, traditional left-right politics does not seem to play the central role that welfare theories focusing on 'nation-states' might lead us to expect. For left-wing parties, the regionalisation of social governance may present either an opportunity or a challenge depending on the role they play in national politics and on the characteristics of sub-national electoral competitors. Generally, mainstream centre-left parties are torn by the dilemma of maintaining uniformity and cohesion in social protection across the national territory and addressing the demands for more extensive and distinctive social services coming from specific regional communities.

Defence date: 19 October 2001; Examining Board: Prof. Richard Brean (EUI); Prof. Colin Crouch (EUI-Supervisor); Prof. Sebastià Sarasa Urdiola (Universitat Pompeu Fabra); Prof. Montserrar Solsona Pairò (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona and Centre d'Estudis Demogràfics - Co-supervisor)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017<br>The thesis illustrates current processes of women’s stratification over their family and occupational biographies. The individual biography is studied in a dynamic perspective, so that family decisions taken at different stages of the life course (e.g. remaining single or forming a partnership, choosing one partner or another, having children or remaining childless) have been correlated with the resulting occupational patterns. The main concern has been to investigate the extent to which similar family related decisions, e.g. forming assortative mating partnerships, have had different effects on women’s patterns of labour force participation. The cause o f these differentiated effects has been theoretically attributed to differences in family background, cultural context, individual ascribed features (e.g. educational attainment), position in the labour market (e.g. job placement, working in public or private sector) and, last but not least, the influential role o f the partners’ characteristics. The interaction of these variables, observed across time and generations, has explained the course of women's early occupational trajectories. I have hypothesised that women's strategy of careful mate selection determines their occupational behaviour and career advancement. The argument is that the formation of assortative partnerships (i.e. both partners have with similar educational attainment and, therefore, relatively equal earning capacity in the market place) enhances women's chances of achieving parallel careers with their husbands. The results show that women with high educational attainment tend to reconcile their career obligations and family life, but at the cost of reduced family size. The ongoing process of polarisation across family models indicates that the lesser educated have a higher likelihood of being trapped in one-earner families, while the highly educated have a higher likelihood of forming dual-career families. I finally conclude that it is the combination of two main variables, educational attainment and careful mate selection, that best predicts the formation of dual-career families in young generations o f women bom after the mid-1950s.

Defence Date: 12 October 2009<br>Examining Board: Prof. Giovanni Federico (European University Institute) – supervisor; Prof. Peter H. Lindert (University of California, Davis); Prof. Carles Sudrià Triay (Universitat de Barcelona); Prof. Bartolomé Yun Casalilla (European University Institute)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>This thesis aims at understanding the origins, evolution and economic meaning of public pensions, by looking at the particular case of Spain during the first two thirds of the twentieth century. The only way of adequately framing the particularities of this national case is to place the Spanish experience in the wider context of social protection systems in other countries. At the same time, this is the most suitable strategy in order to engage the dominant debate among specialised scholars of Southern Europe welfare states and particularly so in Spain. This debate concerns the poor Spanish performance in the area of social protection, a phenomenon which is commonly attributed to two facts. Firstly, it stems from the country’s position as a peripheral economy, at least since the advent of modern economic growth. Secondly, and more decisively, the welfare gap is believed to be related to Franco’s dictatorship and the big slump that it represented for state engagement with welfare issues. Therefore, even if the country has experienced significant improvements in this sector during the last quarter of the twentieth century in terms of welfare state standards, the roots of the still existent gap in welfare provision have concentrated significant research efforts on Spanish social policy

Im Laufe der 70er, 80er und 90er Jahre nahm die Frauenerwerbsbeteiligung in Europa zu bei gleichzeitiger Abnahme der Männerbeschäftigung. Jedoch, und trotz des Politikwan-dels in Richtung eines „adult worker model“, sind Frauen weiterhin von diskontinuierliche-ren Erwerbsbiographien betroffen als Männer. In meiner Dissertation gehe ich der Frage nach, welche Faktoren die Erwerbsdiskontinuität von Frauen in den 90er Jahren beeinflus-sen. Dabei wird der Übergang von der Erwerbstätigkeit in die Hausfrauentätigkeit in Westdeutschland, Italien und Spanien untersucht. In den 90er Jahren waren Westdeutschland und Italien in der Kinderbetreuung explizit fa-milialistische Wohlfahrtsstaaten, während Spanien implizit familialistisch war. Frauen wa-ren jedoch in Spanien und Italien kontinuierlicher erwerbstätig als in Westdeutschland. Anhand dieses Ländervergleiches wird in der Dissertation deutlich, dass die familienpoliti-schen Rahmenbedingungen einen Einfluss haben, jedoch nicht ausreichend zur Erklärung der Erwerbsdiskontinuität von Frauen sind. In beiden südeuropäischen Ländern hat eine hohe Bildung einen relativ starken negativen Effekt auf den Übergang in die Hausfrauentätigkeit, der nicht in Westdeutschland vorhan-den ist. Ebenfalls zeigt die Zugehörigkeit zu unterschiedlichen Berufsklassen in beiden südeuropäischen Ländern signifikante Effekte, die nicht in Westdeutschland zu finden sind. Aufgrund der statistischen Kontrolle des Einkommens können die Ergebnisse von Bildung und von der Berufsklasse nicht ausschließlich auf materielle Gegebenheiten zu-rückgeführt werden. Die Erwerbsdiskontinuität von Frauen wird durch Ressourcen, Oppor-tunitäten und Restriktionen beeinflusst, aber auch durch kulturelle und Identitätsprozesse, die mit der Zugehörigkeit zu einer bestimmten Klasse oder mit einem bestimmten Bil-dungsniveau verbunden sind. Dem Arbeitsmarkt kommt in Italien und Spanien ebenfalls eine zentrale Bedeutung zu. Obwohl in allen drei Ländern befristete Arbeitsverhältnisse sowie die Erwerbstätigkeit in einem kleinen Unternehmen den Übergang von Frauen in die Hausfrauentätigkeit positiv beeinflussen, ist der Einfluss in Westdeutschland nicht so stark ausgeprägt wie in Italien und Spanien. Die Teilzeitarbeit beeinflusst ausschließlich in den beiden südeuropäischen Ländern positiv den Übergang. In Italien spielt die Beschäftigung im öffentlichen Sektor außerdem eine zentrale Rolle: sie beeinflusst negativ den Übergang in die Hausfrauentä-tigkeit. Die Analyse zeigt ebenfalls Gemeinsamkeiten zwischen allen drei Ländern. Die Episoden der Hausfrauentätigkeit beeinflussen in allen drei Ländern den Übergang in die Hausfrau-entätigkeit positiv. Sie gehören zum Lebenskonzept erwerbstätiger Frauen und weisen auf geltende traditionelle Wertvorstellungen bezüglich der Geschlechterrollen hin. Die Anwe-senheit eines Ehepartners zeigt ebenfalls in allen drei Ländern positive Effekte auf den Übergang, während das Erwerbseinkommen negativ den Übergang beeinflusst. Aufgrund der statistischen Kontrolle des Anteils des eigenen Einkommens am Haushaltseinkommen hat der positive Effekt der Anwesenheit eines Ehepartners weniger mit der Ressourcenver-teilung innerhalb des Haushalts als mit traditionellen Geschlechterrollen und Wertvorstel-lungen in der Ehepartnerschaft zu tun. Sowohl das Einkommen als auch die Episoden der Hausfrauentätigkeit zeigen in Westdeutschland stärkere Effekte als in Italien und Spanien. Diese Ergebnisse werden als Hinweis für die traditionellere Geschlechterrollenvorstellung westdeutscher erwerbstätiger Frauen als von erwerbstätigen italienischen und spanischen Frauen interpretiert. Dies wird durch eine deskriptive Analyse über die Einstellung er-werbstätiger Frauen bezüglich der Geschlechterrollen in allen drei Ländern bestätigt. In den drei Ländern wurde außerdem ein zusätzlicher Übergang untersucht. Während in Westdeutschland dem Übergang in die Hausfrauentätigkeit bei gleichzeitiger geringfügiger Erwerbstätigkeit eine wichtige Bedeutung zukommt, ist in Italien und in Spanien der Übergang in die arbeitslose Hausfrauentätigkeit von Bedeutung. In allen drei Ländern konnten unterschiedliche Ergebnisse festgestellt werden, je nachdem ob die Hausfrauentä-tigkeit mit einer Nicht-Erwerbstätigkeit, oder mit einer geringfügigen Erwerbstätigkeit in Westdeutschland beziehungsweise mit einer Arbeitslosigkeit in Italien und Spanien kom-biniert wird. Dies weist auf die Notwendigkeit einer präzisen Beschreibung der Hausfrau-entätigkeit hin.

AbstractThis chapter provides the necessary context for my comparative analysis. It first discusses the distinctive roles that the most common (state) responses to migrant irregularity – deportation, regularisation and internal control – are playing in the UK and Spain. Then it looks at more localised responses to migrant irregularity and its control that can be identified at the level of cities (and specifically in London and Barcelona) and in relation to the British and Spanish welfare systems.

AbstractUnemployment protection systems have certain characteristics in common in Argentina, Uruguay, Spain and Italy: they are compulsory and contributory-proportional, although in Uruguay, it also has a capitalisation supplement. Despite the similarities, they work differently because the context of informal employment chiefly, and unemployment, low salaries and precariousness differ greatly. Consequently, the unemployment protection coverage rate varies. Theories of the Active Welfare State, the Investor State and the reforms of unemployment protection systems have led to a certain modernising language being adopted in these countries: activation, employability, conditionality, lifelong learning, flexibility, which are, among others, words shared with Europe.However, the meanings of these words differ according to the institutional context of each country. In Latin America the welfare state is low institutionalised even almost non-existent, while in Europe it is a diverse institution. Despite this, the four countries share an upward trend in benefit policies, in accordance with the increase in poverty risk.

AbstractThis chapter analyses compared social stratification in three Latin American countries (Argentina, Chile and Uruguay) and four European countries (Finland, France, Spain, Great Britain). We focus on both external and internal borders of social classes, as well as on the challenges posed by their analysis for sociology. We compare social classes using EGP6 in relation to a variety of social indicators, to examine how social classes vary among countries. We include debates on production models and welfare state policies to understand the specific configurations and compare the conditions of some of the INCASI countries regarding social stratification. Lastly, we apply a latent class analysis to validate the number of social classes and to recognise class boundaries.