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Journal articles on the topic 'Welfare State Reform'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

Tonkens, Evelien, Ellen Grootegoed, and Jan Willem Duyvendak. "Introduction: Welfare State Reform, Recognition and Emotional Labour." Social Policy and Society 12, no. 3 (May 28, 2013): 407–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474641300016x.

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Welfare state retrenchment and its corollary, the encouragement of ‘active citizenship’, are widespread phenomena in Western countries today. While public and academic debates have focused on the practical consequences of changing rules and shrinking entitlements, there has been much less attention on how citizens experience these reforms and their accompanying rhetoric. We know even less about how welfare reform impacts upon people's emotions. Such a focus, however, is important because the reform of the welfare state is about more than changing rights and duties. Reforms tell citizens what they are worth, how they are valued and judged, and how they are supposed to feel about the new arrangements.

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2

Kliman, Jodie, and Gunnar Forsberg. "American Welfare Reform and the Swedish Welfare State." Journal of Feminist Family Therapy 10, no. 2 (December 24, 1998): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j086v10n02_03.

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3

Häusermann, Silja, Thomas Kurer, and Denise Traber. "The Politics of Trade-Offs: Studying the Dynamics of Welfare State Reform With Conjoint Experiments." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 7 (September 26, 2018): 1059–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018797943.

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Welfare state reform in times of austerity is notoriously difficult because most citizens oppose retrenchment of social benefits. Governments, thus, tend to combine cutbacks with selective benefit expansions, thereby creating trade-offs: to secure new advantages, citizens must accept painful cutbacks. Prior research has been unable to assess the effectiveness of compensating components in restrictive welfare reforms. We provide novel evidence on feasible reform strategies by applying conjoint survey analysis to a highly realistic direct democratic setting of multidimensional welfare state reform. Drawing on an original survey of Swiss citizens’ attitudes toward comprehensive pension reform, we empirically demonstrate that built-in trade-offs strongly enhance the prospects of restrictive welfare reforms. Our findings indicate that agency matters: governments and policy makers can and must grant the right compensations to the relevant opposition groups to overcome institutional inertia.

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4

Lister, Ruth. "Towards a Citizens’ Welfare State." Theory, Culture & Society 18, no. 2-3 (June 2001): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02632760122051805.

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Notions of recognition and difference do not inform the mainstream debate about welfare reform, which is, instead, dominated by a dichotomous discourse of active modernization vs passive ‘welfare dependency’. The article challenges this dichotomy within the context of New Labour’s welfare reform agenda in the UK. It argues, first, that welfare reform should treat improvements in social security benefits not as promoting ‘passive’ welfare but as complementary to labour market activation policies. Second, it redefines active welfare to incorporate notions of active citizenship, which construct welfare subjects as actors in the political process of welfare policy-making and delivery. As a framework for this position, the article discusses three ‘R’s of welfare reform, risk protection, redistribution and recognition, together with the further two ‘R’s of rights and responsibilities. It concludes by emphasizing the importance of a rights agenda both to tackling poverty and exclusion and to recognition politics.

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5

Agell, Jonas. "Why Sweden's Welfare State Needed Reform." Economic Journal 106, no. 439 (November 1996): 1760. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2235216.

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6

van Kersbergen, Kees. "Welfare state reform and political allegiance." European Legacy 8, no. 5 (October 2003): 559–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1084877032000153948.

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7

Kersbergen, Kees. "The Politics of Welfare State Reform." Swiss Political Science Review 8, no. 2 (June 2002): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1662-6370.2002.tb00392.x.

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8

Kennedy, Peter J. "Sweden's welfare state heads for reform." International Executive 32, no. 1 (July 1990): 36–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/tie.5060320109.

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9

Mead, Lawrence M. "State Political Culture and Welfare Reform." Policy Studies Journal 32, no. 2 (May 2004): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-0072.2004.00065.x.

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10

De Schutter, Olivier. "Welfare State Reform and Social Rights." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 33, no. 2 (June 2015): 123–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016934411503300203.

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11

Jensen, Carsten, Christoph Arndt, Seonghui Lee, and Georg Wenzelburger. "Policy instruments and welfare state reform." Journal of European Social Policy 28, no. 2 (July 10, 2017): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928717711974.

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12

Jensen, Carsten. "Fixed or Variable Needs? Public Support and Welfare State Reform." Government and Opposition 42, no. 2 (2007): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2007.00210.x.

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AbstractThe study of welfare state reform has in the last decade been strongly influenced by the ‘new politics’ literature. A fundamental assumption of this literature is that the public has fixed attitudes concerning welfare benefits; however, this may be hard to sustain empirically. Instead, this article argues that public support differs depending on whether a welfare programme aims at relieving fixed or variable needs. By analysing reforms of old-age pension schemes and the introduction of workfare strategies in the United States, France and Denmark, the fruitfulness of this approach is indicated.

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13

Seliger, Bernhard. "Reforming the Welfare State: German and European Experiences and Challenges." International Area Review 4, no. 1 (March 2001): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590100400105.

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The rise of the welfare state has been a characteristic feature of Western European development after the second world war, despite quite different economic models in Western European countries. However, dynamic implications of the welfare state made a reform increasingly necessary. Therefore, since the 1980s the reform of the welfare state has been an important topic for Western European states. This paper describes the development of the welfare state and analyzes possible welfare reform strategies with special respect to the case of Germany. It focuses on the interdependence of political and economic aspects of welfare reform on the national as well as international level.

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14

Kučerová, E. "Rural anticipation towards welfare state in Czech Republic." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 49, No. 12 (March 2, 2012): 564–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/5449-agricecon.

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Although empirical findings show the deterioration of living standards in post- communist countries in the 1990s, there are significant differences in the public opinion about the “welfare state” project in countries where more rigorous liberal reforms were implemented and countries with much slower progression towards the liberal model of capitalism. The Czech Republic with its economic development is still on the symbolic crossways to make a decision about how to approach the welfare state. There is a very actively discussed model of an “active approach” (non-state subjects) to social policy with a residual role of the state. The model should have a chance to a more effective implementation in (small) rural communities where social problems can be better identified and resolved. The questions to be asked are that of the potential of social policy actors to participate in the process and the attitudes and approaches to social policy models in rural communities. It should be asked how the opinion of actors can be evaluated in the process of making a new system of social policy which still remains a “reform from above“. The paper follows a preceding qualitative study of the author with a quantitative survey of public opinion on the participation and responsibility in social policy actors’ action and acceptance of the welfare state model based on the liberal model of capitalism. The first part provides a review of international studies on rural poverty in post- socialist states. The main part of paper presents results of a quantitative investigation in one Czech rural community where significant social problems of the welfare state project (unemployment, illness, education, age, living conditions) have been studied.

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15

Calzada, Inés, and Eloísa del Pino. "Perceived efficacy and citizens' attitudes toward welfare state reform." International Review of Administrative Sciences 74, no. 4 (December 2008): 555–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852308098468.

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Perceived efficacy of welfare services has never been studied among the variables that determine attitudes toward welfare state reform. Are citizens more prone to accept social expenditure cuts, tax cuts or privatization reforms in welfare programmes when they perceive those programmes as ineffective? With the aim of answering this question, the Spanish case is explored using a 2005 survey carried out by the Spanish Centre for Sociological Research (CIS) and the Spanish National Research Council (CSIC). The article analyses citizen attitudes toward four welfare policy areas: health, education, pensions and unemployment protection, and toward the reforms that could be made in them. The results question the usual contention of politicians and practitioners who often suggest that citizens who perceive public services as ineffective would prefer lower public expenditure and taxes to purchase some welfare services in a more effective private sector. Points for practitioners The findings of the article have implications for decision-makers committed to public service reforms. Our results contradict the contention that in recent years western citizens' attitudes in support of a powerful welfare state are less enthusiastic than they were in the past. At least in some countries, it can be said that the poor performance of welfare programmes perceived by citizens does not necessarily lead them to espouse privatization. Most citizens think that the inefficacy of welfare services is due to their lack of resources and they seem to be inclined to support the improvement and increase of investment in the public services instead of other existing alternatives. Public managers may utilize these findings as a basis for demanding additional resources, but this strategy should not lead them to neglect their striving for more efficient provision of services, since citizens' attitudes may change if inefficacy is prolonged.

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16

Lee, Soohyun Christine. "Democratization, Political Parties and Korean Welfare Politics: Korean Family Policy Reforms in Comparative Perspective." Government and Opposition 53, no. 3 (January 9, 2017): 518–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.44.

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Recent reforms of family policy signal a turning point in the Korean welfare state, as they undermine the welfare developmentalism that is commonly ascribed to Korean social policy. Drawing on the East Asian as well as Western welfare state literatures, this research seeks to understand the politics behind family policy reforms. In doing so, this research argues that political parties were the driver of these reforms, contrary to the conventional ‘parties do not matter’ perspective that dominates the East Asian welfare state literature. Utilizing the party competition thesis from the study of Western welfare states, this article demonstrates that political parties, the unlikely reform agency due to their perceived non-policy orientation, moved family policy to centre stage in election campaigns. Far-reaching changes in the electorate, namely the diminishing effect of regionalism and the increasing importance of young voters, incentivized parties to promote family policy. Thus, this research calls for bringing political parties into the analysis of East Asian welfare politics.

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17

Borjas, George J. "Welfare Reform and Immigrant Participation in Welfare Programs." International Migration Review 36, no. 4 (December 2002): 1093–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2002.tb00119.x.

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This article examines the impact of the 1996 welfare reform legislation on welfare use in immigrant households. Although the data indicate that the welfare participation rate of immigrants declined relative to that of natives at the national level, this national trend is entirely attributable to the trends in welfare participation in California. Immigrants living in California experienced a precipitous drop in their welfare participation rate (relative to natives). Immigrants living outside California experienced roughly the same decline in participation rates as natives. The potential impact of welfare reform on immigrants residing outside California was neutralized because many state governments responded to the federal legislation by offering state-funded programs to their immigrant populations and because the immigrants themselves responded by becoming naturalized citizens. The very steep decline of immigrant welfare participation in California is harder to understand, but could be a by-product of the changed political and social environment following the enactment of Proposition 187.

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18

Seccombe, Karen, Heather Hartley, Jason Newsom, Kim Hoffman, Gwen C. Marchand, Christina Albo, Cathy Gordon, Tosha Zaback, Richard Lockwood, and Clyde Pope. "The Aftermath of Welfare Reform." Journal of Family Issues 28, no. 2 (February 2007): 151–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192513x06294554.

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This research reports the initial findings of a statewide study that looks at health, insurance, and access to health care among families leaving Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) for work. Most national and state-level evaluation projects focus primarily on the employment characteristics of TANF leavers and pay little or no attention to health and access to health care. The quantitative data are from a sample of 637 adults in Oregon leaving TANF for work, and they are personalized by qualitative data from a subsample of 90 respondents. Our findings reveal significant barriers to accessing the health care system, even at a time when Medicaid enrollment is considered automatic, in a state with a relatively generous expanded Medicaid program.

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19

Fleckenstein, Timo, and Soohyun Christine Lee. "Democratization, post-industrialization, and East Asian welfare capitalism: the politics of welfare state reform in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 33, no. 1 (February 2017): 36–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2017.1288158.

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This review article provides an overview of the scholarship on the establishment and reform of East Asian welfare capitalism. The developmental welfare state theory and the related productivist welfare regime approach have dominated the study of welfare states in the region. This essay, however, shows that a growing body of research challenges the dominant literature. We identify two key driving factors of welfare reform in East Asia, namely democratization and post-industrialization; and discuss how these two drivers have undermined the political and functional underpinnings of the post-war equilibrium of the East Asian welfare/production regime. Its unfolding transformation and the new politics of social policy in the region challenge the notion of “East Asian exceptionalism”, and we suggest that recent welfare reforms call for a better integration of the region into the literature of advanced political economies to allow for cross-fertilization between Eastern and Western literatures.

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20

Simmons, Louise B. "Unions and Welfare Reform: Labor's Stake in the Ongoing Struggle over the Welfare State." Labor Studies Journal 27, no. 2 (2002): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lab.2002.0028.

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21

SEEKINGS, JEREMY. "BRITISH COLONIAL POLICY, LOCAL POLITICS, AND THE ORIGINS OF THE MAURITIAN WELFARE STATE, 1936–50." Journal of African History 52, no. 2 (July 2011): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853711000247.

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ABSTRACTMauritius's unusual welfare state dates back to the introduction of non-contributory old-age pensions in 1950. This article examines the origins of this reform, focusing on the interactions between political actors in both Mauritius (local planters, political activists, and the colonial government) and London (the Colonial Office and Labour Party). Faced with riots among unorganised sugar estate workers in 1937, the colonial administration considered welfare reforms as part of a package intended to substitute for political change. The nascent Mauritian Labour Party used its links to the British Labour Party to apply additional pressure on the Colonial Office and, hence, the Governor in Mauritius. Welfare reform was stalled, however, by resistance from, initially, the governor and, later, the Colonial Office. It took partial democratisation in 1948 to push the local administration towards reluctant reform. The choice of tax-financed old-age pensions reflected the combination of a small and open economy, the absence of surplus land, poorly organised workers, and an effective state.

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22

Pejovich, Svetozar. "A Property Rights Analysis of the American Welfare State**." Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 17, no. 2 (October 1, 1999): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569299x15665365039553.

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Abstract The paper uses the property rights approach for the analysis of the development, costs, and consequences of the welfare system in the United States before and after the 1996 reform. The welfare system in the United States grew from less than one percent of GDP in 1929 to about 4 percent in 1997. In addition to its total costs, the welfare system before 1996 created property rights, which, in turn, generated negative incentives and positive transaction costs. The purpose of 1996 reform was to make the welfare system more efficient by redefining property rights in welfare resources and creating incentives to reduce the transaction costs of providing welfare benefits.

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23

Hochschild, Arlie. "Afterword: Welfare State Reform, Recognition and Emotional Labor." Social Policy and Society 12, no. 3 (May 1, 2013): 487–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746413000122.

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In this themed section, the editors and authors take us far beyond the usual thinking about welfare reform. How, they ask, do politicians want us to feel about welfare reform? How do we think we should feel and how do we feel about it? How does the disabled woman who has lost her government-provided caregiver and ‘hasn't been out of the house since Christmas’, feel about it? Or the man who petitions to restore his lost government aid – but fails to do so? Or the wealthy Dutch tax payer? These are are the sorts of questions that arise in the study of a changing welfare states.

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24

Whiteford, Peter. "Welfare State Reform in Continental and Southern Europe." Revue française des affaires sociales 1, no. 5 (2006): 021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rfas.en605.0021.

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25

Aspalter, Christian. "Strategies of Welfare State Reform in Aging Societies." Hallym International Journal of Aging 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/ha.9.1.c.

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26

Clasen, Jochen. "Modern Social Democracy and European Welfare State Reform." Social Policy and Society 1, no. 1 (January 2002): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746402001094.

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The European political landscape in the 1990s was characterised by centre-left parties returning to power in several countries after long periods in opposition. Following intensive internal debates over policy direction and policy revision, once back in power some centre-left governments in some countries have used terms such as the ‘third way’ and ‘new social democracy’, or the ‘Neue Mitte’ as an indication that contemporary policies should be seen as distinct from those pursued by both previous social democratic administrations and neo-liberal governments in the interim (e.g. Gamble and Wright, 1999; White, 2001). What, if anything, exactly constitutes the ‘third way’ has been a matter of considerable debate, as has been the question of how far traditional social democratic values and aspirations, such as solidarity and equality, are still relevant within ‘third way’ policies. More than previously, modern social democratic policy is geared towards reducing non-wage labour costs, fostering private forms of social protection, such as funded pensions, intensifying labour market integration and subsidising low-skilled jobs, but also incorporating new social risks and new social needs (Vandenbrouke, 2001).

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27

Schakel, Wouter, Brian Burgoon, and Armen Hakhverdian. "Real but Unequal Representation in Welfare State Reform." Politics & Society 48, no. 1 (January 20, 2020): 131–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329219897984.

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Scholars have long debated whether welfare policymaking in industrialized democracies is responsive to citizen preferences and whether such policymaking is more responsive to rich than to poor citizens. Debate has been hampered, however, by difficulties in matching data on attitudes toward particular policies to data on changes in the generosity of actual policies. This article uses better, more targeted measures of policy change that allow more valid exploration of responsiveness for a significant range of democracies. It does so by linking multicountry and multiwave survey data on attitudes toward health, pension, and unemployment policies and data on actual policy generosity, not just spending, in these domains. The analysis reveals that attitudes correlate strongly with subsequent changes in welfare generosity in the three policy areas and that such responsiveness is much stronger for richer than for poorer citizens. Representation is likely real but also vastly unequal in the welfare politics of industrialized democracies.

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28

McGeever, Patrick J. "State Welfare Reform and Political Partisanship, 1992-1996." Southeastern Political Review 27, no. 1 (November 12, 2008): 191–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1999.tb00529.x.

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29

HAMADA, Eriko. "Youth labour market policies and welfare state reform:." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 66, no. 2 (2015): 2_166–2_188. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.66.2_166.

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30

Wiseman, Michael. "State strategies for welfare reform: The Wisconsin story." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 15, no. 4 (September 1996): 515–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1520-6688(199623)15:4<515::aid-pam1>3.0.co;2-k.

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31

SCHILLER, BRADLEY R. "STATE WELFARE-REFORM IMPACTS: CONTENT AND ENFORCEMENT EFFECTS." Contemporary Economic Policy 17, no. 2 (April 1999): 210–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1465-7287.1999.tb00676.x.

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32

Klitgaard, Michael Baggesen, Gijs Schumacher, and Menno Soentken. "The partisan politics of institutional welfare state reform." Journal of European Public Policy 22, no. 7 (December 6, 2014): 948–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2014.978355.

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33

Lindbeck, Assar. "Overshooting, reform and retreat of the welfare state." De Economist 142, no. 1 (February 1994): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01384998.

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34

Jensen, Carsten. "Making Markets in the Welfare State; The Politics of Welfare State Reform in Continental Europe." Swiss Political Science Review 18, no. 1 (March 2012): 136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1662-6370.2012.02053.x.

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35

Cashel, M., and P. A. McGavin. "Removing Poverty Traps: Taxation and Welfare Reform in Australia." Economic and Labour Relations Review 3, no. 2 (December 1992): 98–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530469200300205.

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This article uses data on the interactions of income taxation and state welfare transfers on effective marginal tax rates (EMTRs) in Australia to argue policy reforms for removing poverty traps created by high EMTRs. This highlights the need for state welfare and income taxation reforms to target those elements of income taxation and social welfare interaction that are most significant for high EMTRs and for high EMTRs extending across wide incomes ranges. Proposed welfare changes involve simultaneous reductions in base-level state welfare transfer payments, along with eligibility for supplementary transfer payments for able persons that are proportional to market labour activity. Proposed taxation changes include removal of distinctions between taxable and tax-exempt state welfare transfers and a gradually-progressive revised taxation scale.

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36

COX, ROBERT HENRY. "The Consequences of Welfare Reform: How Conceptions of Social Rights are Changing." Journal of Social Policy 27, no. 1 (January 1998): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279497005163.

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The idea of the welfare state is commonly grounded in the principles of social rights, universality and solidarity. Over the past twenty years, welfare reforms have challenged the salience of this conceptualisation. This article argues that changes such as austerity measures, pension reform, administrative decentralisation and efforts to revive the obligation of citizenship have fostered a more discursive conception of social rights. When rights are discursive, the relative power of various clientele interests plays a greater role in the distribution of benefits than objective conditions of need. Also, such notions as universality and solidarity are giving way to selectivity and individual responsibility as the paramount principles of the welfare state.

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37

Lain, David, Sarah Vickerstaff, and Wendy Loretto. "Reforming State Pension Provision in ‘Liberal’ Anglo-Saxon Countries: Re-Commodification, Cost-Containment or Recalibration?" Social Policy and Society 12, no. 1 (September 28, 2012): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746412000450.

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There are good theoretical reasons for expecting pension reform in Anglo-Saxon countries to follow similar paths. Esping-Andersen (1990) famously identified these countries as belonging to the same ‘Liberal’ model of welfare, under which benefits, including pensions, are said to be residual and weakly ‘de-commodifying’, reducing individuals’ reliance on the market to a much lesser degree than elsewhere. Pierson (2001) has furthermore argued that because of path dependency welfare states are likely to follow established paths when dealing with ‘permanent austerity’. Following this logic, Aysan and Beaujot (2009) argue that pension reform in liberal countries has resulted in increasing re-commodification. In this paper, we review pension reforms in the UK, USA, Canada and New Zealand in the 2000s. We argue that because, in reality, the pension systems differed significantly at the point of reform, the paths followed varied considerably in terms of whether they focused on ‘re-commodification’, ‘cost-containment’ or ‘recalibration’.

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38

Otjes, Simon. "Distinguishing welfare state reform and income redistribution. A two-dimensional approach to the Dutch voter space on economic issues." Party Politics 24, no. 5 (September 23, 2016): 563–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816663039.

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There is growing evidence that voter and party positions on economic items do not conform to a left–right dimension. This article proposes that in Northern Eurozone states voter policy positions on economic issues are characterized by two dimensions: A redistribution dimension that consists out of views on income equality and a reform dimension that divides those who favour reform of the welfare state to ensure its long-term sustainability and those who oppose such reforms because they would hurt those who need the welfare state now. It examines to what extent voters positions on economic issues conform this two-dimensional pattern, employing the 2012 Dutch Election Survey; to what extent positions on these dimensions reflects voters’ attitudes on other issues and demographic characteristics; and to what extent these two dimensions help to understand voting behaviour. It shows that indeed a multidimensional approach to economic issues is justified; that voters who oppose reforms are characterized by higher levels of Euroscepticism; and that this reform dimension helps to understand voting behaviour, in particular preferences for the socialist, social-democratic and social-liberal party.

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39

BÉLAND, DANIEL. "Does Labor Matter? Institutions, Labor Unions and Pension Reform in France and the United States." Journal of Public Policy 21, no. 2 (May 2001): 153–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x01001088.

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This article challenges Paul Pierson's account on the (supposedly declining) role of labor unions in the ‘new politics of the welfare state’. More specifically, the text compares labor's influence on the French and the American politics of pension reform since the 1980s. The analysis of recent reforms undertaken in both countries demonstrates the impact of institutions and managerial settings on labor's political strategies. These institutional variables explain the fact that French unions have a much more direct influence on public pension reform than their American counterparts. In France, labor unions have an ideological ‘veto point’ derived from their integration into the management process. Their strong influence on the ‘new politics of the welfare state’ is undeniable: labor still matters.

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40

Prianto, Budhy. "DECENTRALIZATION: AN INITIAL STUDY ON GOVERNANCE REFORMS TOWARDS THE WELFARE STATE." Spirit Publik: Jurnal Administrasi Publik 10, no. 2 (October 1, 2015): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/sp.v10i2.898.

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<p align="center"><strong> </strong></p><p>Based on the constitution Indonesia is a state that adheres to the model welfare state. But in practice, the governance of the welfare state in Indonesia is merely a dream. This when seen from the facts of the neglect of issues of fundamental rights of citizens, such as the high number of poor people, the number of maternal and child mortality, school dropout rate, and so on. Centralization is a major obstacle of weak governance in realizing this welfare state. Therefore this article attempts to offer a thought for the reform of the welfare state governance through decentralization.<br /> Keywords: decentralization; governance; state; reform; welfare state</p>

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41

SABEL, CHARLES F. "Bootstrapping Reform: Rebuilding Firms, the Welfare State, and Unions." Politics & Society 23, no. 1 (March 1995): 5–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329295023001002.

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42

Gueron, Judith M. "Learning about welfare reform: Lessons from state-based evaluations." New Directions for Evaluation 1997, no. 76 (September 1997): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ev.1089.

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43

Peacock, Alan. "Economic thought and the reform of the welfare state." Economic Affairs 19, no. 1 (March 1999): 30–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0270.00139.

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44

Addis, Elisabetta. "Gender in the Reform of the Italian Welfare State." South European Society and Politics 4, no. 2 (June 1999): 122–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608740408539573.

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Castles, Francis G. "Developing new measures of welfare state change and reform." European Journal of Political Research 41, no. 5 (August 2002): 613–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00024.

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WILSON, PAUL, and ROBERT CLINE. "STATE WELFARE REFORM: INTEGRATING TAX CREDITS AND INCOME TRANSFERS." National Tax Journal 47, no. 3 (September 1, 1994): 655–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ntj41789098.

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Pierson, Paul. "Retrenchment and restructuring in an age of austerity: what (if anything) can be learned from the affluent democracies?" Cadernos de Saúde Pública 18, suppl (2002): S7—S11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-311x2002000700002.

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The article discusses some difficulties of drawing implications from welfare state reform in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development for "middle-income countries", and whose welfare states have been less well institutionalized. It is argued that globalization's role in contemporary social policy dynamics were not unimportant, but social processes occurring within national contexts were probably more important. There is not a single "new politics of the welfare state" but distinct political dynamics in different "regimes" or "configurations", which are characterized by different problem loads and different structures of political opportunity. Different factors are crucial in explaining outcomes in different configurations and there is little reason to expect much convergence in social policy outcomes across regime type. Contemporary welfare state reform is depicted as a process of restructuring rather than dismantling, what can encourage the possibilities for developing coalitions advancing multi-dimensional agendas of welfare state reform.

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Ferrera, Maurizio. "FROM THE WELFARE STATE TO THE SOCIAL INVESTMENT STATE." Revista Direito das Relações Sociais e Trabalhistas 3, no. 1 (October 9, 2019): 53–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.26843/mestradodireito.v3i1.101.

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This paper discusses the basic rationale which has inspired the intellectual and policy reorientation towards “social investment”, with particular attention to child policy. The firstsection outlines the main features of the social investment approach, contrasting it with the more traditional “Fordist” approach. The second and third sections explain why and how early childhood education and care canmake a difference in termsofbothefficiencyandequity.Thefourthsectionbrieflysummarizes the British experience under New Labour, while the fifth section discusses issues of quality and accessibility. The conclusion wraps up, underlining the need to step up the shift to- wards social investment, overcoming the political obstaclesto reform.

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Noonan, Kathleen G., Charles F. Sabel, and William H. Simon. "Legal Accountability in the Service‐Based Welfare State: Lessons from Child Welfare Reform." Law & Social Inquiry 34, no. 03 (2009): 523–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2009.01157.x.

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Current trends intensify the longstanding problem of how the rule of law should be institutionalized in the welfare state. Welfare programs are being redesigned to increase their capacities to adapt to rapidly changing conditions and to tailor their responses to diverse clienteles. These developments challenge the understanding of legal accountability developed in the Warren Court era. This article reports on an emerging model of accountable administration that strives to reconcile programmatic flexibility with rule‐of‐law values. The model has been developed in the reform of state child protective services systems, but it has potentially broad application to public law. It also has novel implications for such basic rule‐of‐law issues as the choice between rules and standards, the relation of bureaucratic and judicial control, the proper scope of judicial intervention into dysfunctional public agencies, and the justiciability of “positive” (or social and economic) rights.

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Gelepithis, Margarita. "Institutional Mismatch, Party Reputation, and Industry Interests: Understanding the Politics of Private-Heavy Pension Systems." Political Studies 66, no. 3 (November 14, 2017): 735–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717726923.

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Private-heavy welfare systems, in which low or moderate state benefits are topped up by private welfare arrangements, are expected to undermine political support for the extension of social rights and perpetuate benefit fragmentation over time. And where low state benefits are means tested, political support is expected to be particularly prone to erosion. In this article I develop the argument that the combination of private pensions and means-testing does not always perpetuate fragmentation. Rather, it structures the policy preferences of pension industry representatives and right-of-centre parties such that these actors push for reforms to make the state pension more universal. I make my argument by examining the reform history of nine private-heavy pension systems in the three decades since 1980. A fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis maps the conditions under which universalizing reforms have occurred, and two case studies link institutional conditions to reform outcomes via the policy preferences of key political actors.

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