Journal articles on the topic 'Welfare state – Political aspects – Europe, Western'
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Grdešić, Marko. "The Strange Case of Welfare Chauvinism in Eastern Europe." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 107–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.3.107.
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According to welfare chauvinism, access to the welfare state should be reserved for the native population, whereas immigrants are seen as a drain on resources. The curious aspect of welfare chauvinism in Europe is that it is more prevalent in the East. Why is this the case? This article uses the European Social Survey (ESS) and the Life in Transition Survey (LITS) in order to locate the most robust individual-level determinants of welfare chauvinism for countries of both Eastern and Western Europe. The results suggest that there is no support for the socioeconomic explanation of welfare chauvinism. There is support for the cultural capital explanation of welfare chauvinism, but only for Western Europe. Finally, there is support for the theory that higher levels of trust lessen the likelihood that a person adopts welfare chauvinism. This finding holds for both Eastern and Western Europe.
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Popic, Tamara, and Simone M. Schneider. "An East–West comparison of healthcare evaluations in Europe: Do institutions matter?" Journal of European Social Policy 28, no. 5 (February 13, 2018): 517–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928717754294.
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Differences in welfare attitudes of Eastern and Western Europeans have often been explained in terms of legacies of communism. In this article, we explore evaluations of healthcare systems across European countries and argue that East–West differences in these evaluations are explained by differences in the current institutional design of healthcare systems in the two regions. The empirical analysis is based on the fourth round of the European Social Survey, applying multilevel and multilevel mediation analysis. Our results support the institutional explanation. Regional differences in healthcare evaluations are explained by institutional characteristics of the healthcare system, that is, lower financial resources, higher out-of-pocket payments, and lower supply of primary healthcare services in Eastern compared to Western European countries. We conclude that specific aspects of the current institutional design of healthcare systems are crucial for understanding East–West differences in healthcare evaluations and encourage research to further explore the relevance of institutions for differences in welfare state attitudes across socio-political contexts.
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Lengwiler, Martin. "Cultural Meanings of Social Security in Postwar Europe." Social Science History 39, no. 1 (2015): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.43.
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The emergence of postwar welfare states in Europe is usually understood as a social and political phenomenon, as a social policy to prevent against forms of mass poverty and to grant general social rights and entitlements to populations during a period of rising prosperity. Beyond these sociopolitical aspects, the foundation of systems of social security after 1945 also had important cultural and epistemic implications. The promise of the state to provide a generalized form of security represented an important cultural factor in securing the social and political stability of postwar societies in Europe. This article examines some exemplary aspects of the meaning of social security by tracing their historical roots and their effects on postwar welfare states in Western Europe. In order to chart the various, interconnected cultural meanings of social security, it juxtaposes two institutional contexts in which social security and prevention were discussed: an international organization of social security experts and a Swiss life insurance company with an innovative health promotion service. The article shows how security was seen ultimately as an utopian response to the multiplication of risks and damages through the processes of industrialization and modernization and thus reveals how security served as both a technical concept for managing integrated systems of insurance and an instrument of control and calculation to help administer the economic and social policies of modern societies. By focusing on the example of life insurance, it demonstrates how security acted as an umbrella term for a generalized model of prevention that targeted the specific risks of a modern, middle-class consumer society.
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Cox, Kevin R. "Development policy, Western Europe and the question of specificity." European Urban and Regional Studies 27, no. 1 (October 2, 2018): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776418798689.
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In the Anglophone literature on local and regional development policy there are tendencies to overextension of claims from one side of the Atlantic to the other, or there is no comparative framing at all. As a result the specificity of the West European case tends to be lost. In contrast with the USA, the West European instance is very different indeed. Although there have been changes since the postwar golden years of urban and regional planning, central government remains crucial in the structuring of local and regional development and has given expression to counter-posed class forces: regional policy was historically an aspect of the welfare state as promoted by the labor movement, while urbanization policy has been much more about the forces of the political right. In the USA, by contrast, local governments and to a lesser degree, the states, have been and continue to be supreme; in contrast to Western Europe, location tends to be much more market-determined, with local and governments acting as market agents. Class forces have seemingly been much weaker, territorial coalitions occupying the center ground. As a first cut, these differences have to do with state structure: the Western European state is far more centralized, facilitating the implementation of policies that are relatively indifferent to local specificity, while in the USA the converse applies. State structures, however, are parts of broader social formations and reflect the different socio-historical conditions in which West European societies, on the one hand, and their American counterpoint, on the other, have emerged.
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von Beyme, Klaus. "Economics and Politics in a Socialist Country: Gorbachev's New Concepts." Government and Opposition 23, no. 2 (April 1, 1988): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1988.tb00076.x.
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SINCE GORBACHEV'S COMING TO POWER THE RELATIONSHIP between economics and politics in the Soviet Union has been changing rapidly. But even from the outset one could see that there would be limits to change. The primacy of politics which characterizes the relationship between economics and politics under the conditions of socialism in power will be fully maintained in the future, too. All proposals for more decentralization meet with obstacles when they seem to call into question the leading role of the party. The party is only advised to observe a kind of ‘economic restraint’: it should stop mingling every aspect of public administration with the economy. The idea is to free the party from its responsibility for detail in order to allow it to concentrate more on its central political tasks. In this respect socialism has problems similar to those which Western governments face in the welfare state. After the end of the hegemony of social democracy it is, above all, the conservative parties in Western Europe who are ready to reduce the responsibility of the governments of the day for many economic and social tasks: this is why we find deregulation efforts, privatization of public enterprises and the transfer of political functions to non-state social organizations everywhere.
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PASCALL, GILLIAN, and JANE LEWIS. "Emerging Gender Regimes and Policies for Gender Equality in a Wider Europe." Journal of Social Policy 33, no. 3 (July 2004): 373–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004727940400772x.
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This article addresses some implications for gender equality and gender policy at European and national levels of transformations in family, economy and polity, which challenge gender regimes across Europe. Women's labour market participation in the west and the collapse of communism in the east have undermined the systems and assumptions of western male breadwinner and dual worker models of central and eastern Europe. Political reworking of the work/welfare relationship into active welfare has individualised responsibility. Individualisation is a key trend west – and in some respects east – and challenges the structures that supported care in state and family. The links that joined men to women, cash to care, incomes to carers have all been fractured. The article will argue that care work and unpaid care workers are both casualties of these developments. Social, political and economic changes have not been matched by the development of new gender models at the national level. And while EU gender policy has been admired as the most innovative aspect of its social policy, gender equality is far from achieved: women's incomes across Europe are well below men's; policies for supporting unpaid care work have developed modestly compared with labour market activation policies. Enlargement brings new challenges as it draws together gender regimes with contrasting histories and trajectories. The article will map social policies for gender equality across the key elements of gender regimes – paid work, care work, income, time and voice – and discuss the nature of a model of gender equality that would bring gender equality across these. It analyses ideas about a dual earner–dual carer model, in the Dutch combination scenario and ‘universal caregiver’ models, at household and civil society levels. These offer a starting point for a model in which paid and unpaid work are equally valued and equally shared between men and women, but we argue that a citizenship model, in which paid and unpaid work obligations are underpinned by social rights, is more likely to achieve gender equality.
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Korpi, Walter. "Welfare-State Regress in Western Europe: Politics, Institutions, Globalization, and Europeanization." Annual Review of Sociology 29, no. 1 (August 2003): 589–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.29.010202.095943.
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Attewell, David. "Deservingness perceptions, welfare state support and vote choice in Western Europe." West European Politics 44, no. 3 (February 11, 2020): 611–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2020.1715704.
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Brütt, Christian. "Peter Taylor-Gooby (ed.): Ideas and Welfare state reform in western europe." Politische Vierteljahresschrift 48, no. 1 (March 2007): 167–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11615-007-0019-4.
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O’Connor, Julia S. "Ideas and Welfare State Reform in Western Europe By Peter Taylor-Gooby." International Journal of Social Welfare 16, no. 3 (June 25, 2007): 291–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2397.2007.00505.x.
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Seliger, Bernhard. "Reforming the Welfare State: German and European Experiences and Challenges." International Area Review 4, no. 1 (March 2001): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590100400105.
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The rise of the welfare state has been a characteristic feature of Western European development after the second world war, despite quite different economic models in Western European countries. However, dynamic implications of the welfare state made a reform increasingly necessary. Therefore, since the 1980s the reform of the welfare state has been an important topic for Western European states. This paper describes the development of the welfare state and analyzes possible welfare reform strategies with special respect to the case of Germany. It focuses on the interdependence of political and economic aspects of welfare reform on the national as well as international level.
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Losonc, Alpar. "Is it possible to install social capitalism in post socialist transition?" Sociologija 49, no. 2 (2007): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0702097l.
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Recently Claus Offe has raised the question concerning the fate of the European model of social capitalism. Can the model of social capitalism survive European integration amongst current tendencies? Offe assumes that this model has been challenged by the processes of globalisation and by the integration of postsocialist countries into the European Union. The working hypotheses of this article is that a relatively coherent answer to this question may be offered. The article is divided into three parts. The first part starts with Polanji?s socio-economic theory and emphasizes the importance of this approach for analyzing tendencies of capitalism in Western Europe and in post-socialist countries. The author argues that Polanyi?s theory enables us to explain the forms of embedded liberalism in Western Europe after 1945, as well as the orientation of non-embedded neoliberalism and the functioning of the workfare state after the crisis of the Keynesian welfare state. The central element of social capitalism, namely, the welfare-state, despite globalizing tendencies projected by neoliberalism, still has dimensions of continuity. In the second section it is argued that an asymmetrical structure has arisen between Western Europe and the non-Western part of Europe concerning the socialisation of capitalism. Neoliberalisation in accordance with the model of transferring ideal-type capitalism is much more strongly implemented in transition countries. In the third part the author pleads for a broadening of the meaning of welfare to take into account the ecological aspect of welfare in countries in transition. The author insists that embeddedness must also include socio-ecological aspects of transition processes in postsocialist countries. Moreover, this theoretical approach provides an opportunity to explain the failures in implementing neoliberalism in postsocialist countries. If we introduce socio-ecological aspects we are in a much better position to answer Offe?s question.
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Waddell, Brian. "Corporate Influence and World War II: Resolving the New Deal Political Stalemate." Journal of Policy History 11, no. 3 (July 1999): 223–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.1999.0007.
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Since many scholars focus on the New Deal as the foundation for modern U.S. governance, it is widely assumed that the United States is characterized by a weak state as compared to the welfare states of Western Europe. Yet, in the wake of World War II, the United States established a national security “warfare state” that rivaled the welfare states of Western Europe in scope of authority and operations and in its isolation from popular forces. The wartime redirection of U.S. state power also resolved the political stalemate stemming from the executive-congressional and business-government tensions roused during the New Deal. In fact, the course of wartime statebuilding was in many ways a response to the political tensions of the New Deal and to the expectation that the organization of wartime mobilization would indelibly define the postwar organization of U.S. state power. As this article argues, wartime mobilization resolved the New Deal political stalemate in large part by granting various segments of the corporate community the opportunity to influence the shape of U.S. national state power.
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Morgan, Kimberly J. "The Politics of Mothers' Employment: France in Comparative Perspective." World Politics 55, no. 2 (January 2003): 259–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2003.0013.
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Contemporary theories and typologies of welfare states in Western Europe assume that social democratic parties are the engine behind progressive policies on gender roles and on the participation of women in the labor force. The French case challenges these assumptions—this conservative welfare state, surprisingly, provides an extensive system of public day care along with other forms of support that facilitate mothers' employment. This article explains the existence of the French system through a comparative historical analysis of child care policy in France and other European welfare states. The mainfindingsconcern the role of organized religion in shaping contemporary public day care policies. In contrast to most conservative welfare regimes, the French welfare state has been shaped not by clericalism and Christian democracy but by secularism and republican nationalism—forces that influenced some of the earliest public policies for the education of young children in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and that later affected the founding of the contemporary day care system in the 1970s. In that latter period of propitious economic circumstances, pragmatic policy elites eschewed moralizing critiques of mothers' employment and established a system of financing that has enabled the long-term expansion of public day care. These findings have implications for our understanding of gender politics and welfare regimes in Western Europe. The secularization of political life—not social democratic power—best explains why public policies in France and in many Scandinavian countries have promoted the demise of the traditional family model.
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Garritzmann, Julian L., Marius R. Busemeyer, and Erik Neimanns. "Public demand for social investment: new supporting coalitions for welfare state reform in Western Europe?" Journal of European Public Policy 25, no. 6 (March 22, 2018): 844–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2017.1401107.
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Losonc, Alpar. "Is there an opportunity to establish the social-capitalism in the post socialist transition?" Panoeconomicus 53, no. 4 (2006): 407–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan0604407l.
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Recently Claus Offe has put the question that concerns the fate of the European model of social capitalism: Can the model of social capitalism survive the European integration in the context of certain contemporary tendencies? Offe has presupposed that the mentioned model is challenged by the processes of globalization and the integration of the post socialist countries into the European Union. The working hypothesis of the article is that there is an opportunity to provide a coherent answer to this question. The article consists of two parts. In the first part the author starts with the Polanyi's socio-economic theory and emphasizes the importance of this approach for the analyzing of the tendencies of capitalism in Western Europe and in the post socialist countries. The author argues that with the Polanyi's theory we are able to explicate the forms of the embedded liberalism in Western Europe after 1945 and the orientation of non-embedded neo-liberalism and the functioning of the workfare state after the crisis of the Keynesian welfare state. Despite the tendencies of the globalization projected by neo-liberalism, the central element of the social capitalism namely, the welfare state, remains with the dimensions of the continuity. In the next part the author points out that there is an asymmetrical structure between the Western-Europe and non-Western part of Europe concerning the socialization of capitalism. The neoliberalisation in accordance with the model of the transfer of ideal-type of capitalism is more strongly implemented in the countries of transition. In addition, the mentioned theoretical approach provides opportunities to explain the failures of implementing of neo-liberalism in the post socialist countries. On the basis of the endorsing of the socio-economic aspects we can address the issue pointed out by Offe.
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KEVINS, ANTHONY, ALEXANDER HORN, CARSTEN JENSEN, and KEES VAN KERSBERGEN. "The Illusion of Class in Welfare State Politics?" Journal of Social Policy 48, no. 1 (April 26, 2018): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279418000247.
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AbstractSocial class, with its potentially pivotal influence on both policy-making and electoral outcomes tied to the welfare state, is a frequent fixture in academic and political discussions about social policy. Yet these discussions presuppose that class identity is in fact tied up with distinct attitudes toward the welfare state. Using original data from ten surveys fielded in the United States and Western Europe, we investigate the relationship between class and general stances toward the welfare state as a whole, with the goal of determining whether class affects how individuals understand and relate to the welfare state. Our findings suggest that, although class markers are tied to objective and subjective positional considerations about one's place in the society, they nevertheless do not seem to shape stances toward the welfare state. What is more, this is equally true across the various welfare state types, as we find no evidence that so-called ‘middle-class welfare states’ engender more positive middle-class attitudes than other regimes. Based on our analysis, we propose that researchers would do better to focus on household income rather than class; while income may not be a perfect predictor of attitudes toward the welfare state, it is a markedly better one than class.
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Bonoli, Giuliano, and Bruno Palier. "How do welfare states change? Institutions and their impact on the politics of welfare state reform in Western Europe." European Review 8, no. 3 (July 2000): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004944.
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In the 1980s and 1990s West European welfare states were exposed to strong pressures to ‘renovate’, to retrench. However, the European social policy landscape today looks as varied as it did at any time during the 20th century. ‘New institutionalism’ seems particularly helpful to account for the divergent outcomes observed, and it explains the resistance of different structures to change through past commitments, the political weight of welfare constituencies and the inertia of institutional arrangements – in short, through ‘path dependency’. Welfare state institutions play a special role in framing the politics of social reform and can explain trajectories and forms of policy change. The institutional shape of the existing social policy landscape poses a significant constraint on the degree and the direction of change. This approach is applied to welfare state developments in the UK and France, comparing reforms of unemployment compensation, old-age pensions and health care. Both countries have developed welfare states, although with extremely different institutional features. Two institutional effects in particular emerge: schemes that mainly redistribute horizontally and protect the middle classes well are likely to be more resistant against cuts. Their support base is larger and more influential compared with schemes that are targeted on the poor or are so parsimonious as to be insignificant for most of the electorate. The contrast between the overall resistance of French social insurance against cuts and the withering away of its British counterpart is telling. In addition, the involvement of the social partners, and particularly of the labour movement in managing the schemes, seems to provide an obstacle for government sponsored retrenchment exercises.
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Sykes, Robert. "European Welfare States: Comparative Perspectives by M. Cousins and Ideas and Welfare State Reform in Western Europe by P. Taylor-Gooby." Social Policy and Administration 40, no. 3 (June 2006): 324–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9515.2006.492_2.x.
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Allardt, Erik. "A political sociology of the Nordic countries." European Review 8, no. 1 (February 2000): 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004634.
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The Nordic countries of Europe have many common traits. They are small countries in Northern Europe, they have been Lutheran since the Reformation, and they had, for centuries, a strong landholding peasantry but a weak aristocracy. They developed a comprehensive welfare state after the Second World War, and they are more sceptical about European integration than people from other countries in Western Europe. Despite attempts to create a Nordic union and the existence of a Nordic Council, their joint Nordic orientation has been subordinated to the national interests of the individual Nordic countries. They are clear-cut nation states with a nationalism that is not fierce, but represents a kind of official, controlled and uniform national spirit. With respect to parliamentary politics and social policy the main features of the countries have been called the Nordic Model. The model still exists, but rests on shakier ground than before.
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Gutorov, Vladimir. "On some Actual Aspects of the Interpretation of the Liberal Tradition in Russia." Politeja 16, no. 5(62) (December 31, 2019): 209–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.62.12.
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On some Actual Aspects of the Interpretation of the Liberal Tradition in Russia
The article examines the key moments of the transformation of liberal tradition in Russia in the context of analysis of the main directions of the transformation of liberal ideological discourse and liberal culture in Western Europe and the United States. The need for such an analysis is primarily determined by the fact that since the early 1990s Western liberal stereotypes have become an ideological basis of the new Russian political elite and the dominant trend in state propaganda. However, the following main fact is often overlooked: in the 20th century,Russian liberalism was compromised twice, so in the short-term the hopes for the revival of the liberal ideas are gone. In the West, the liberal tradition has also been in the state of crisis: Western liberalism has been undergoing a very significant transformation that has far-reaching cultural and political implications. In particular, at the turn of the 21st c., a more active role in Western public discourse was taken by the radical neo-conservative versions of an ideology that combined a conservative program of political reforms with a strong libertarian (neoliberal) rhetoric. This ideology is actively used by the ruling circles of the US and Western Europe to influence ideologically the political elites of Russia – as it happened in Central and Eastern Europe during the so-called “velvet revolutions”. At the same time, what increasingly clearly and sharply came to the fore in the late twentieth century is anti-liberal thought and criticism that has always evolved in parallel with liberalism itself and that almost never ceases to exist.
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Lugosi, Nicole VT. "Radical right framing of social policy in Hungary: between nationalism and populism." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 34, no. 3 (October 2018): 210–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2018.1483256.
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AbstractThe populist radical right (PRR) is increasingly associated with welfare chauvinism, but the literature mainly focuses on Western and Northern European cases. Turning attention to Central Eastern Europe, this article investigates how PRR parties in Hungary frame welfare issues in five social policy areas from 2010 to 2016. This is done through a critical frame analysis applied to party manifestos and State of the Nation speeches by the Fidesz and Jobbik parties. Special care is taken to delineate the interlocking but not interchangeable concepts of nationalism and populism, as recent research asserts this distinction is often overlooked. The main findings are threefold: First, these parties articulate their positions chiefly through nationalist rather than populist framing; Second, while Hungary's PRR exhibits welfare chauvinist framing similar to Western and Northern Europe, a main difference detected was the role of the communist legacy; Third, beyond the article's original goals, the findings revealed a strong connection between nationalist framing and the role of gender, suggesting that the two are not mutually exclusive.
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Green-Pedersen, Christoffer. "The Growing Importance of Issue Competition: The Changing Nature of Party Competition in Western Europe." Political Studies 55, no. 3 (October 2007): 607–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007.00686.x.
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Changes in Western European political parties in general have attracted considerable scholarly interest, whereas changes in party competition have been almost overlooked in an otherwise extensive literature. Using the party manifesto data set, this article documents that party competition in Western Europe is increasingly characterised by issue competition, i.e. competition for the content of the party political agenda. What should be the most salient issues for voters: unemployment, the environment, refugees and immigrants, law and order, the welfare state or foreign policy? This change is crucial because it raises a question about the factors determining the outcome of issue competition. Is it the structure of party competition itself or more unpredictable factors, such as media attention, focusing events or skilful political communication? The two answers to this question have very different implications for the understanding of the role of political parties in today's Western European democracies.
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Starodubrovskaya, Irina. "Europe and the Muslims: Debating the Foundations of State Policy." State Religion and Church in Russia and Worldwide 39, no. 1 (2021): 146–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-7203-2021-39-1-146-174.
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This article discusses theoretical issues behind the current shift in the policy of European states towards Islamic communities. The shift is driven by the idea that the values of political Islam are incompatible with Western values; that the main driver behind radicalization is ideology and that even non‑violent Islamists gradually prepare the Muslim youth to embracing violence. Based on current academic discussions as well as the results of the author’s own research, the author concludes that the opponents of these ideas have serious counter‑ arguments. In their views, radicalization can be explained by a wide range of different factors. Violent and non‑violent Islamists compete for the audience, and therefore, not only can non‑violent Islamists embrace jihadist views but also, vice versa, some jihadists can change their position to non‑violence. Moreover, Muslim values, as well as those of the Islamists, are not necessarily antagonistic in all their aspects with the values of Western democracies. Various theoretical approaches form the basis for an alternative program of practical measures that could be implemented in the future.
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Suatmiati, Sri. "IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM THAT JUST AS THE PRO-POOR GOVERNMENT POLICIES." UNTAG Law Review 1, no. 1 (May 31, 2017): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.36356/ulrev.v1i1.519.
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<p>In Several states, social security for citizens is place to protect marginalized groups in order to maintain access to public services are rudimentary, such as services to meet the needs from the perspective of political economy known as basic need. Public welfare provision in the state system includes services in the areas of basic education, health and housing are cheap and good quality, if Necessary, free as in Western Europe is a cluster of countries are quite intense in terms of the welfare state principles. Free education and health is a major concern in Western Europe to get subsidies. The Data agency (BPS) said that the Indonesian population in 2010 income Rp.27,0 million a year. There are poor people Whose population is 80 percent of the population only contributes about 20 percent of GDP. There are the wealthy once or people who enter the category earn more than 30,000 dollars a year, but there are Also people with disabilities living income or $ 2 dollars per day (730 dollars a year), the which are still 100 million people. It means there is a huge gap. The words fair, equitable, wellbeing and prosperity was growing dimmer and the faint sound. This condition shows how there is no equity in income Because there is no strong will to realize the vision for the welfare of society. Impossible Anti-poverty program run properly if the governance of the state and society is not yet fully base on the welfare state system. Anti-poverty programs intertwine with the application of individual taxation that is progressive. If taxation without concept, poverty reduction strategy with the government has not gone According to the terms of the welfare state that is pro-poor.</p>
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Petmesidou, Maria, and Lefteris Tsoulovis. "Aspects of the Changing Political Economy of Europe: Welfare State, Class Segmentation and Planning in the Postmodern Era." Sociology 28, no. 2 (May 1994): 499–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038594028002008.
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Godinho Delgado, Mauricio, and Lorena Vasconcelos Porto. "THE WELFARE STATE: GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS, OBSTACLES AND CHALLENGES IN LATIN AMERICA." E-REVISTA INTERNACIONAL DE LA PROTECCION SOCIAL 1, no. 6 (2021): 141–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/e-rips.2021.i01.07.
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This paper provides an analysis of the organizational model of the political and the civil societies which became prevalent in Western Europe after the Second World War: the Welfare State. It also provides a discussion on the reasons why this model of organization has never been effectively implemented in any Latin American country. To this end, firstly, the text highlights the many and most important characteristics of the Welfare State, with attention to the peculiarities it assumes in specific European countries. Secondly, based on these comparative elements, a typological synthesis of the Welfare States is drawn, considering the range from the most sophisticated examples to those which only meet the minimum relevant criteria of this model of State and social organization. Finally, the reality of Latin American countries is analyzed and it is indicated to what extent they have (or have not) structured something that could be effectively considered a Welfare State. In this framework, it is concluded that, although there are a few Latin American countries showing progress in terms of achieving these characteristics in comparison with the great majority of countries in the region, the obstacles and challenges for the full structuring of a real Welfare State in this region of the globe are still persistent.
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Morgan, Kimberly J. "Path Shifting of the Welfare State: Electoral Competition and the Expansion of Work-Family Policies in Western Europe." World Politics 65, no. 1 (January 2013): 73–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887112000251.
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What explains the surprising growth of work-family policies in several West European countries? Much research on the welfare state emphasizes its institutional stickiness and immunity to major change. Yet, over the past two decades, governments in Germany, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom have introduced important reforms to their welfare regimes, enacting paid leave schemes, expanded rights to part-time work, and greater investments in child care. A comparison of these countries reveals a similar sequence of political and policy change. Faced with growing electoral instability and the decline of core constituencies, party leaders sought to attract dealigning voter groups, such as women. This led them to introduce feminizing reforms of their party structures and adopt policies to support mothers' employment. In all three cases, women working within the parties played an important role in hatching or lobbying for these reforms. After comparing three countries that moved in a path-shifting direction, this article engages in a brief traveling exercise, examining whether a similar set of dynamics are lacking in two countries—Austria and Italy—that have moved more slowly in reforming these policies. Against the prevailing scholarly literature that emphasizes path dependence and slow-moving change, this article reveals the continued power of electoral politics in shaping redistributive policies.
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Afonso, Alexandre. "Choosing whom to betray: populist right-wing parties, welfare state reforms and the trade-off between office and votes." European Political Science Review 7, no. 2 (April 17, 2014): 271–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773914000125.
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This article analyses the impact of populist right-wing parties (PRWPs) on welfare state reforms in Western Europe in the light of the trade-off that they face between office and votes. On the one hand, PRWPs appeal to traditionally left-leaning blue-collar ‘insiders’ supportive of social insurance schemes. On the other hand, they have only been able to take part in government as junior coalition partners with liberal or conservative parties who are more likely to retrench these very same welfare programmes. In this context, the article argues that these parties have to choose between betraying their electorate (and losing votes), and betraying their coalition partners (and losing office). When they choose office, it enables welfare state retrenchment by allowing their coalition partners to curtail left-wing opposition, but entails high electoral costs for PRWPs. When they choose votes, it generates deadlock and potentially jeopardizes their participation in government. The paper draws on a comparative analysis of pension reforms during three periods of government participation of PRWPs: the Schüssel I and II cabinets in Austria (2000–06), the Rutte I cabinet in the Netherlands (2010–12) and three pension reforms in Switzerland between 1995 and 2010. The analysis draws on original primary material and interviews.
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Jones, Charles. "Carr, Mannheim, and a Post-positivist Science of International Relations." Political Studies 45, no. 2 (June 1997): 232–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00078.
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Recent work on Carr has looked beyond The Twenty Years' Crisis to the seeming anomaly of a political realist advocating regional integration in Western Europe, a welfare state at home, and a free hand for the USSR in Eastern Europe. Some have seen this anomaly, and Carr's successive appeasements of Germany and the USSR, as mere opportunism, but this paper finds a coherence in Carr's work deriving substantially from Mannheim. It was from Mannheim that Carr took not only the structure of The Twenty Years' Crisis, but also his characteristic post-positivist and interdisciplinary methodology, his belief in the policy role of the intellectual, his strong sense of the connectedness of foreign and domestic policy, his insistence on forms of international society that heavily discounted the sovereignty of small nations, and the besetting weaknesses of inadequately acknowledged historicism and elitism.
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Шовель, Луи. "The Western Middle Classes under Stress: Welfare State Retrenchments, Globalization, and Declining Returns to Education." Мир России 29, no. 4 (September 19, 2020): 85–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1811-038x-2020-29-4-85-111.
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Citation: Chauvel L. (2020) The Western Middle Classes under Stress: Welfare State Retrenchments, Globalization, and Declining Returns to Education. Mir Rossii, vol. 29, no 4,pp. 85–111. DOI: 10.17323/1811-038X-2020-29-4-85-111
Following the work of Pierre Bourdieu and Gustav Schmoller before him, the multipolarity of the middle classes between higher and lower, and between cultural and economic capitalsis well acknowledged. This old vision is useful to understand the “middle classes adrift” of the last 20 years in France and Continental Europe. The expansion of the “new wage earner middle class” of the 1960s to 1990s is now an old dream of the welfare state expansion of Western societies, and the European social structure now faces a trend of repatrimonialization”, meaning a U-turn towards a decline in the value of mid-qualified work and an expansion of the return to the inheritance of family assets. This paper addresses three main points. First, a new description of repatrimonialization is useful in the specific European context of middle-class societies. We need a redefinition of the system of middle classes (plural) in the context of the construction and decline of strong welfare states. Second, there are three ruptures in the social trends of the ‘wage earner society’ of the 1960s to 1990s. In this period, economic growth, social homogenization and social protection were major contextual elements of the expansion of ‘the new middle class,’ based on educationalmeritocracy, the valorization of credentialed skills, and the expansion of the average wage compared to housing and capital assets (‘depatrimonialization’). After the 1990s, the rupture and reversal of these trends, with ‘stagnation’, ‘new inequalities’ and ‘social uncertainty’ as new trends, generated a backlash in the “middle class society”. Third, I analyze the demographic and social consequences of these new trends in terms of the shrinking of the middle classes in a context where the inheritance of assets and resources changed the previous equilibrium. Finally, I highlight the importance of addressing the problem of social stability when large strata of the middle class have less interest in the maintenance of the social order.
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Delanty, Gerard. "Beyond the Nation-State: National Identity and Citizenship in a Multicultural Society - A Response to Rex." Sociological Research Online 1, no. 3 (October 1996): 56–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.23.
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The crisis of national identity in Western Europe is related to the rise of a new nationalism which operates at many different levels, ranging from extreme xenophobic forms to the more moderate forms of cultural nationalism. Underlying the new nationalism in general is more a hostility against immigrants than against other nations; it is motivated less by notions of cultural superiority than by the implications multiculturalism has for the welfare state, which is being attacked by neo- liberal agendas. As a cultural discourse, the new nationalism is a product of social fragmentation. Therefore the most important challenge facing the democratic multi- cultural state in the context of European integration is to find ways of preserving the link between social citizenship and multiculturalism. Without a firm basis in social citizenship, multiculturalism will suffer continued attacks from nationalism, feeding off social insecurity.
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De Visscher, Paul. "Legal Aspects Concerning the Installation of the First Nuclear Missiles on Belgian Soil." Israel Law Review 20, no. 2-3 (1985): 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700017581.
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During 1985, the Belgian political climate was suddenly disturbed by the announcement of the installation of 16 cruise missiles on the soil of the peaceful city of Florennes. In comparison with the world-wide concern about what the proliferation of intermediate range nuclear weapons means for world peace, the debate which took place in Belgium concerning 16 missiles could seem somewhat ridiculous. However, this debate appeared to us to represent a growing state of mind becoming widely felt in Western Europe, and it contains sufficient legal aspects to make it the object of this present article by which we join in honouring our eminent colleague and friend, Prof. Nathan Feinberg.On the 12th of December 1979, the North Atlantic Council unanimously adopted the “double decision”. On the one hand, this decision dealt with the installation of 572 nuclear missiles in Western Europe and, on the other, with the intensification of negotiations with the USSR, with the aim to reach agreement on the reduction of armaments.
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Ibsen, Malte Frøslee. "The Populist Conjuncture: Legitimation Crisis in the Age of Globalized Capitalism." Political Studies 67, no. 3 (November 7, 2018): 795–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321718810311.
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This article argues that the theory of legitimation crisis developed by Offe and Habermas offers an instructive theoretical framework for explaining the current surge of populism across the West. The article argues that this populist resurgence is indicative of a profound legitimation crisis of the Western welfare state, which ultimately derives from its inability to control a globalized economic system. The article argues that two prominent rival accounts of the populist resurgence both suffer from their inattention to the specific ideational content of populism, as a reaction to a form of elite political rule experienced as illegitimate. By contrast, the advantage of the theory of legitimation crisis is that it is able to directly account for the structural conditions of the present legitimation crisis. Finally, the article offers an integrative account of why populism tends to focus on immigration in Northern Europe and on economic issues in Southern Europe.
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Adam, Frane, Primož Kristan, and Matevž Tomsšič. "Varieties of capitalism in Eastern Europe (with special emphasis on Estonia and Slovenia)." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 1 (February 25, 2009): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.02.005.
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The authors proceed from the assumption that the institutional and economic efficiency of a particular country (or society) depends on its historic legacy or ‘path-dependence’, strategic interactions of the elite and the impact of the international environment. Estonia and Slovenia are both — not only economically, but also institutionally — perceived as relatively successful and prominent post-communist countries and new members of the EU. Yet they have developed completely different — in some aspects even diametrically opposite — regulative settings and socio-political arrangements. The main emphasis is on the connection between the dynamics and ideological preferences of political actors and the pace of reforms as well as institutional regulations. One can argue that the political elite in Estonia encouraged the shaping of the state in a direction close to the liberal-market model, whereas Slovenia is closer to the corporatist social welfare-state model. In both cases, some dysfunctional effects are evident that represent a new challenge to the elites and, at the same time, a test of their credibility and competence.
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Jensen, H. T., and V. Plum. "From Centralised State to Local Government the Case of Poland in the Light of Western European Experience." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 11, no. 5 (October 1993): 565–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d110565.
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Several countries in Western Europe have experienced a restructuring of local and regional government. In Scandinavia local government has been a cornerstone in the building of the welfare society. In the last couple of years Poland (and other Eastern European countries) has been restructured to reduce the central state and to give more power to the private sector and the local government. It is argued that coordination at the local-government level is important for a relevant economic and political response to local problems. A framework is provided for an understanding of the development of the central and local states at the cost of activities performed earlier by the family and the local community, but also as a support (in service and regulation) to activities of the private sector. Second, it is argued that the new EC slogan, ‘a Europe of regions’, has the purpose of strengthening the regional level economically and politically and thereby of dismantling and weakening the national state in order to strengthen the EC. Third, the problems and scope of the Polish local-government reform are illustrated, from vertical control to horizontal coordination. There are difficulties in building powerful local governments at a time when they have nearly no money and are unable to provide the social services which used to be provided through the state firms. There is now a political vacuum for which the upcoming new private sector and the new local governments fight.
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Polterovich, V. M. "Towards a general theory of socio-economic development. Part 2. Evolution of coordination mechanisms." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 12 (December 7, 2018): 77–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2018-12-77-102.
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The second part of the article is devoted to the theory of leading socioeconomic development. It is shown how in Western Europe, as a result of the interaction of culture, institutions, technological progress and the level of welfare, specific forms and combinations of the three main mechanisms of coordination — competition, power and cooperation — emerged at each stage of evolution. I emphasize the importance of ideology and the phenomenon of technical progress in the formation of institutions of economic and political competition that contributed to the emergence of the welfare state. These changes and economic growth created the conditions for further transformation of civil culture: increasing levels of trust, tolerance, altruism and cosmopolitanism, expanding the planned horizon. The decrease in the level of coercion built into the mechanisms of power and competition is demonstrated as well as the expansion of the role of collaboration. A hypothesis is advanced that the speed of this process depends on geographical factors. The idea of welfare world is discussed.
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Cruz-Martinez, Gibran, and Pamela Bernales-Baksai. "Guest editorial." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 42, no. 1/2 (March 8, 2022): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-03-2022-545.
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PurposeThis paper aims to present an introduction to the special issue titled “Old and New Challenges for Welfare Regimes: A Global Perspective.”Design/methodology/approachThe authors of the special issue combine case studies and comparative analysis across America, Asia, Africa and Europe. The authors were invited to develop the authors'ir studies with a focus on one or more of three axes: (1) institutional and governance challenges surrounding the implementation and expansion of social welfare programs,; (2) state of the art and diversity across emerging welfare states and; (3) challenges associated with migration and demographic pressures.FindingsArticles in this special issue contribute to the authors' understanding of recent challenges and transformations of welfare regimes, with special attention to the following policy areas: youth emancipation, the reduction of poverty and income inequality, social protection and taxation, the role of historical institutionalism to better understand social policy implementation and expansion, the lack of transformative social protection in “’New Right’” governments, determinants of social equality and the transformative effect of migration into welfare states.OriginalityTo the authors' knowledge, the existing publications on transformations and challenges of welfare regimes are still very much centered on a Western European context. The global perspective and diversity of policy areas covered aims to shed light on the important lessons and policy implications from less traditional welfare states.
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Pym, Anthony. "Translation Studies in Europe—reasons for it, and problems to work on." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 26, no. 2 (June 10, 2014): 185–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.26.2.02pym.
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As a social and political context for research on translation, the European Union offers pertinent commitments to multilingualism, inclusive territorial democracy, transparent governance and the welfare state, with enough public funding to pursue these aims seriously. All these features concern translation, not only to the extent that they create social demands for translations but more importantly in that they give our research an ethical and political dimension, in addition to the demands of various markets. However, when the consequences of these commitments are compared with actual European research and public policies concerning translation, several shortcomings become apparent. The comparison suggests that future tasks for Translation Studies in Europe should include: (1) serious attention to far more than the large territorial languages; (2) enhanced exchange with neighboring disciplines, especially with scholars working on language acquisition; (3) an acceptance that translated communication should concern involvement and interaction, in addition to public information; (4) a questioning of the Western translation form as the model best suited to interactive cross-lingual governance; and (5) experimentation with technologies that stimulate citizen involvement.
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Abbott, Jason P., and Kevin Fahey. "The State and Direction of Asian Comparative Politics: Who, What, Where, How?" Journal of East Asian Studies 14, no. 1 (April 2014): 109–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800009607.
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In this article we explore the state of the discipline of comparative Asian politics. In particular we analyze five aspects of research on Asia: whether the empirical scope of research is largely noncomparative; the extent to which that research is empirical rather than theory-generative; whether it pertains to public or foreign policy; if it relies on qualitative rather than quantitative methods; and the gender and geographic concentration of those conducting the research. After coding and analyzing data from 461 articles from eight different journals, we demonstrate that research on comparative Asian politics is more likely to be empirical, qualitative, focused on the country as unit of analysis, and disproportionately written by male academics educated and/or working in North America, Western Europe, or Australia.
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Rex, John. "National Identity in the Democratic Multi-Cultural State." Sociological Research Online 1, no. 2 (July 1996): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.18.
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It has been suggested that there is a crisis of national identity in the advanced welfare states of Western Europe following post-war immigration. The aim of this paper is, first of all, to clarify the concept of national identity in its application to these states prior to this immigration, secondly to analyze the concept of ethnic identity amongst immigrant ethnic groups, and, finally, to look at the kinds of institutions which have evolved to determine the relation of immigrant groups to the established national societies of settlement. The modern nation state is often thought of as part of a modernizing project in industrial societies. In this project the nation state is not thought of as being based upon a national identity, but is seen as having more universal aims. These include a modern economy, universal and uniform education and the compromise institutions of the welfare state negotiated between different classes and status groups. In some cases, on the other hand, the nation state may be established by a dominant ethnic group with its own values and institutions. In both cases the nation state will develop its own national ideology but will be corrosive of subordinate ethnicities and ethnic identities. New immigrant ethnic minorities have their own separate sense of identity. This should not however be thought of in essentialist terms as unchanging and clearly bounded. A more complex model of ethnic mobilization under conditions of migration is suggested. The response of established societies to the presence of these minorities might take one of three forms. It may involve attempts to assimilate the minorities on equal terms as citizens; it may seek to subordinate them to a dominant ethnic group as second class citizens or denizens; or, it may recognize cultural diversity in the private communal sphere while maintaining a shared public political culture. The new national identity of the host society will depend upon the outcome of processes which follow from the adoption of these different policies.
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TAKALA, TUIJA, and MATTI HÄYRY. "Research Ethics and Justice: The Case of Finland." Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 28, no. 3 (July 2019): 551–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180119000471.
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Abstract:This paper explores how Finnish research ethics deals with matters of justice on the levels of practical regulation, political morality, and theoretical studies. The bioethical sets of principles introduced by Tom Beauchamp and James Childress in the United States and Jacob Dahl Rendtorff and Peter Kemp in Europe provide the conceptual background, together with a recently introduced conceptual map of theories of justice and their dimensions. The most striking finding is that the internationally recognized requirement of informed consent for research on humans can be ideologically tricky in a Scandinavian welfare state setting.
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Shumilin, Aleksandr. "THE MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD IN EUROPE: BETWEEN RELIGION AND POLITICS. PART 2." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 26, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 140–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran22022140148.
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In this article, the author considers two most important, in his opinion, aspects of the activities of the Islamist movement «Muslim Brotherhood» (MB) in Europe today – a rupture that has emerged in the system of the highest governing bodies of the MB (the formation of two rival centers – in Istanbul and London) and the intensification of attempts of MB groups participation in the political life of European countries under the «banner of Islam». The author draws attention to the fact that the observed «renaissance of the brothers» in Europe not only clearly contrasts with the position of their associates in most Arab countries, in whose social and political life they are failing after failure, but can also be considered as an attempt to lead the MB precisely through his European experience to preserve the movement itself, to support the dynamics of its activity, to formulate its upcoming goals. In other words, to demonstrate the ability of the movement and its ideology to transform and adapt to the conditions of the 21st century. To do this, the Islamist «brotherhood» is actively exploiting the potential of the welfare state and political freedoms in the Old World. The author explores the mechanisms used by the Islamists of the BM to penetrate into state structures and influential layers of European societies. It is noteworthy that the activities of the MB are increasingly mentioned by European experts and politicians in the context of growing internal threats to their countries.
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Astier, Cristina, and Ander Errasti. "The European Crisis of Politics: Ethnoreligious Pluralism and the Rise of Radical Populism and Far-Right in Europe." Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto, no. 59 (October 31, 2018): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/ced-59-2018pp19-25.
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It is not highly contentious to claim that the 2008 global economic crisis may be also understood as a failure of the welfare state in European countries. The rise of economic inequalities in Europe, as a major sequel of the 2008 economic crisis and the increase of migrant flows, has fostered and become a breeding ground for racial, religious, or ideological hatred in the western world. However, compared to previous periods in recent history when tensions arose, citizens can now channel their feelings, thoughts, and political ideals through the institutions of the state’s basic structure. Thus, citizens are having a say by channelling their claims through democratic means and different forms of political participation. One relevant articulation has been new expressions of radical populism, nativism, and far-right ideologies which have burst into the public sphere, at the local, regional, and European levels. This combination has turned the economic and refugee crisis into what is mainly a crisis of European politics.Published online: 31 October 2018
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Khachaturyan, Nina. "Phenomenon of “Publicity” in the State as in the Higher Form of Political Organization in Medieval Europe." ISTORIYA 13, no. 1 (111) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018999-7.
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The article is concern with functional analysis of medieval “publicity” as a phenomenon. “Publicity” is presented as an integral part of the medieval statehood in Western Europe and its functional processes. This stage and form of the state building in contemporary historiography is closely associated with the concept of Etat Moderne. The phenomenon of “publicity” is examined in its two fundamental aspects. The first aspect is defined by medieval potestary polycentrism. The second aspect is underlined by practices and ideas of medieval parliamentarism. Actually in historical knowledge “publicity” is percepted as a key frame for existing communities with its legal and customary norms. The article defines «publicity» as a substantial principle of “person-society” dilemma. The author looks at phenomenon of publicity not only as a crucial factor which defines main developments of the medieval statehood but also as a particular stimulus which shapes main vectors of institutional dynamics. The scope and subsequent capacity of such a dynamics tends to increase while institutionalized power is growthing. The transformation of the medieval power institutions spreads under direct influence of complexifying dialogue of the supreme power with different social groups.
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Czternasty, Waldemar. "The position of cooperatives in the new social economy." Management 18, no. 1 (May 1, 2014): 488–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/manment-2014-0036.
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Summary A dynamic development of market economy, broadly understood globalisation, the welfare state crisis in Western Europe etc. cause the intensification and creation of new aspects of poverty, marginalisation and social exclusion. The capabilities to solve the increasing social issues must be connected with the idea of social economy which assumes, among other things, facilitating the employment participation, access and use of any resources, laws, products and services. The opportunities of implementing those actions are linked to functioning of a specific group of entities which perform, along with the economic activity, also a social mission. Cooperatives should be classified in such group. They can be an alternative for those entities of commercial economy which are profit-oriented. Hence, the aim of this paper is to identify the interdependencies between the increase in significance of social economy in market economies (inter alia in Poland) and the pace of development of cooperative movement, indicating its directions the conditions that determine it.
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HEISLER, BARBARA SCHMITTER, and MARTIN O. HEISLER. "Transnational Migration and the Modern Democratic State: Familiar Problems in New Form or a New Problem?" ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 485, no. 1 (May 1986): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716286485001002.
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Migration to Western Europe in the past 20 to 25 years differs substantially in form and consequences from earlier large-scale population movements across national boundaries. The importation of temporary foreign workers on a modest scale—to meet labor shortages in arduous, low-status occupations—rapidly yielded massive political, economic, cultural, and international problems for the countries of in-migration. The temporary sojourn of mostly single males hired for specific jobs has been transmuted into the semi-settled presence of more than 15 million persons, most of whom are culturally very distinct from the host populations and are now dependents of the original migrants. Their protracted presence is explained in part by the economic and political attractiveness of the liberal welfare states, in part by the more limited opportunities in the countries of origin, and in part by the latter countries' policies. The host societies are strained by the new and substantial imported cultural diversity and the emergence of a socioeconomic and political underclass. The political ethos of the host countries and formal agreements with the sending countries preclude involuntary repatriation, and the myth of return associated with the semi-settled condition of the migrants militates against their assimilation. No ready solutions are apparent.
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Kulaga, Maxim. "Consequences of the Radicalization of Migration Policy In Western Europe: Socio-Economic Aspect." DEMIS. Demographic Research 1, no. 3 (September 19, 2021): 78–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/demis.2021.1.3.7.
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The problem of regulating migration flows in the European Union has existed for a long time and is becomingmore difficult and complex every year. Due to the complexity of the distribution of migrants among the member countries of the organization, as well as the divergence of domestic interests of individual countries and the pan-European policy vector, internal opposition arises, which is expressed in protests and political initiatives that radicalize society. Such trends are developing especially actively in the countries of Western Europe, the most economically developed and progressive, which have taken over most of the legal migrants who have arrived. The migration policy of Western European countries has undergone a very strong metamorphosis over the past five years. Since the beginning of the migration crisis in 2015, it is possible to trace a significant strengthening and tightening of measures regulating the situation of migrants on the territory of states. It should be noted that during the same period, a new round of development of radical parties followed in many European countries, but it was in Western European countries that radical changes in politics took place. It is quite difficult to determine what impact migrants have on the state of the economy of states, as well as their relations with the indigenous inhabitants of Western European countries. Accordingly, the purpose of this article will be to consider the socio-economic impact of migrants on the countries of Western Europe during the period of radicalization of the policy of the states of the region in the context of the global COVID-19 pandemic. Among the methods used in this study, it is necessary to distinguish empirical and theoretical ones, such as comparison, analysis and synthesis. The sources were considered on the basis of a system-structural approach to the study of complex political and social processes and phenomena, taking into account many aspects of the development of modern society and the political process in the countries. The analysis of the current situation was carried out on the basis of the principles of historicism, cultural and political continuity. The results of this study can be used in the future to form effective methods of countering social conflicts arising as a result of migration.
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Falaleev, P. I. "The Marshall Plan and the European Integration: The Stance of Great Britain and France (1947–1948)." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 165–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-165-190.
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The development and implementation of the Marshall Plan has been studied quite thoroughly in both Russian and foreign academic literature. Nevertheless, certain aspects of this problematique require further examination, particularly the reaction of the Western European countries to the initiative of the Secretary of State G. Marshall, as well as the impact of the Plan on the process of the European integration in general. The paper demonstrates that this reaction was far from simple and often contradictory since the key Western states had very different views on the future of mutual relations, as well as on the prospects for post-war recovery and development of Europe. The paper examines the evolution of the French and British leaders’ views on these issues from the first discussions of the projects to provide US aid to Western Europe to the implementation of the Marshall Plan. The negotiations revealed significant points of disagreement among the parties particularly regarding the relations with the USSR, the German question, and conditions for receiving assistance from the United States. The author stresses that the need to defend their interests during the course of negotiations with the US representatives contributed greatly to the rapprochement of Britain and France and, at the same time, catalyzed debates on the integration of Western Europe. In this regard the author emphasizes that the idea of regional economic integration received mixed reaction in the American elites. While some considered this process as an effective means of bringing the Western countries together, particularly, over the German question, others feared that integration of Western Europe could potentially lead to the emergence of a new competitor to the USA. The author concludes that the growing popularity of integration projects in Europe in 1947–1948 stemmed from a range of factors, including both a combination of internal European political processes and short-term and long-term consequences of the Marshall Plan. Whereas in terms of economic development of Western Europe the latter were rather ambiguous and are still the subject of controversy, in terms of world politics the Marshall Plan exacerbated block-to-block confrontation in Europe, characteristic of the Cold War period.
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Medem, E. "Studia diplomatica. The Diplomacy of Apocalypsis." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 1 (January 31, 2023): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2301-02.
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Crisis status of the contemporary Western civilisation and the processes of its secular spiritual decay as the main reason for conflict state with the Russian world with its Christian Orthodox tradition. Inability for Russia to acknowledge the modern neoliberal order, enforced in Europe and initiated by an Anglo-Saxon non-Christian ideology. Its impact and of its secular values on general situation around European and global diplomacy, international law marginalisation as a legal nihilism as a result of it. Attempt to substitute traditional diplomatic notions and values in favour of liberal supremacy as the main reason for weakness and ineffectiveness of today’s diplomacy and nullity of international law. Given the historical part of Russian Europe in forming European and Europe-Asian identity, an obvious task is to save the historical Europe, to protect its Christian identity from Anglo-Saxon antihumane ideas and from cancel-culture policy in Europe. In this regard historical school of European diplomacy preserves its major role, which had been formed with the Russian foreign policy involvement during the last centuries. The very diplomatic factors must ensure the European cultural identity, the century traditions of unity and alliance between Russia and European countries. With Anglo-Saxon protectorate in Europe, US interests dominance, preserving Russian role in European expanse is crucial in Western European conscious, as well as impeding the decline of Russia’s activities in relations with European states and prevention of vacuum in such cooperation, despite the rise of interest towards East and Asia. It’s important not to allow a revision of geopolitical role of Russia on the Western direction due to costs of the turn to the East. Both in cultural and civilisational aspects Russia remains to be a European state, and a geopolitical view on cooperation with Asia must not lead to the destruction of Russian positions and infl uence in Europe. With the de-facto transformation of the EU into a military-political power, a NATO affix, it’s important to put eff orts into the rise of the level of bilateral relations and a partnership with the European countries, securing a reduction of the EU negative role, which doesn’t represent the whole Europe, with Russia being part of it.