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Academic literature on the topic 'Welfare state – Political aspects – Europe, Western'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Welfare state – Political aspects – Europe, Western"

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Grdešić, Marko. "The Strange Case of Welfare Chauvinism in Eastern Europe." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 107–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.3.107.

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According to welfare chauvinism, access to the welfare state should be reserved for the native population, whereas immigrants are seen as a drain on resources. The curious aspect of welfare chauvinism in Europe is that it is more prevalent in the East. Why is this the case? This article uses the European Social Survey (ESS) and the Life in Transition Survey (LITS) in order to locate the most robust individual-level determinants of welfare chauvinism for countries of both Eastern and Western Europe. The results suggest that there is no support for the socioeconomic explanation of welfare chauvinism. There is support for the cultural capital explanation of welfare chauvinism, but only for Western Europe. Finally, there is support for the theory that higher levels of trust lessen the likelihood that a person adopts welfare chauvinism. This finding holds for both Eastern and Western Europe.
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Popic, Tamara, and Simone M. Schneider. "An East–West comparison of healthcare evaluations in Europe: Do institutions matter?" Journal of European Social Policy 28, no. 5 (February 13, 2018): 517–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928717754294.

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Differences in welfare attitudes of Eastern and Western Europeans have often been explained in terms of legacies of communism. In this article, we explore evaluations of healthcare systems across European countries and argue that East–West differences in these evaluations are explained by differences in the current institutional design of healthcare systems in the two regions. The empirical analysis is based on the fourth round of the European Social Survey, applying multilevel and multilevel mediation analysis. Our results support the institutional explanation. Regional differences in healthcare evaluations are explained by institutional characteristics of the healthcare system, that is, lower financial resources, higher out-of-pocket payments, and lower supply of primary healthcare services in Eastern compared to Western European countries. We conclude that specific aspects of the current institutional design of healthcare systems are crucial for understanding East–West differences in healthcare evaluations and encourage research to further explore the relevance of institutions for differences in welfare state attitudes across socio-political contexts.
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Lengwiler, Martin. "Cultural Meanings of Social Security in Postwar Europe." Social Science History 39, no. 1 (2015): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.43.

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The emergence of postwar welfare states in Europe is usually understood as a social and political phenomenon, as a social policy to prevent against forms of mass poverty and to grant general social rights and entitlements to populations during a period of rising prosperity. Beyond these sociopolitical aspects, the foundation of systems of social security after 1945 also had important cultural and epistemic implications. The promise of the state to provide a generalized form of security represented an important cultural factor in securing the social and political stability of postwar societies in Europe. This article examines some exemplary aspects of the meaning of social security by tracing their historical roots and their effects on postwar welfare states in Western Europe. In order to chart the various, interconnected cultural meanings of social security, it juxtaposes two institutional contexts in which social security and prevention were discussed: an international organization of social security experts and a Swiss life insurance company with an innovative health promotion service. The article shows how security was seen ultimately as an utopian response to the multiplication of risks and damages through the processes of industrialization and modernization and thus reveals how security served as both a technical concept for managing integrated systems of insurance and an instrument of control and calculation to help administer the economic and social policies of modern societies. By focusing on the example of life insurance, it demonstrates how security acted as an umbrella term for a generalized model of prevention that targeted the specific risks of a modern, middle-class consumer society.
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Cox, Kevin R. "Development policy, Western Europe and the question of specificity." European Urban and Regional Studies 27, no. 1 (October 2, 2018): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776418798689.

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In the Anglophone literature on local and regional development policy there are tendencies to overextension of claims from one side of the Atlantic to the other, or there is no comparative framing at all. As a result the specificity of the West European case tends to be lost. In contrast with the USA, the West European instance is very different indeed. Although there have been changes since the postwar golden years of urban and regional planning, central government remains crucial in the structuring of local and regional development and has given expression to counter-posed class forces: regional policy was historically an aspect of the welfare state as promoted by the labor movement, while urbanization policy has been much more about the forces of the political right. In the USA, by contrast, local governments and to a lesser degree, the states, have been and continue to be supreme; in contrast to Western Europe, location tends to be much more market-determined, with local and governments acting as market agents. Class forces have seemingly been much weaker, territorial coalitions occupying the center ground. As a first cut, these differences have to do with state structure: the Western European state is far more centralized, facilitating the implementation of policies that are relatively indifferent to local specificity, while in the USA the converse applies. State structures, however, are parts of broader social formations and reflect the different socio-historical conditions in which West European societies, on the one hand, and their American counterpoint, on the other, have emerged.
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von Beyme, Klaus. "Economics and Politics in a Socialist Country: Gorbachev's New Concepts." Government and Opposition 23, no. 2 (April 1, 1988): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1988.tb00076.x.

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SINCE GORBACHEV'S COMING TO POWER THE RELATIONSHIP between economics and politics in the Soviet Union has been changing rapidly. But even from the outset one could see that there would be limits to change. The primacy of politics which characterizes the relationship between economics and politics under the conditions of socialism in power will be fully maintained in the future, too. All proposals for more decentralization meet with obstacles when they seem to call into question the leading role of the party. The party is only advised to observe a kind of ‘economic restraint’: it should stop mingling every aspect of public administration with the economy. The idea is to free the party from its responsibility for detail in order to allow it to concentrate more on its central political tasks. In this respect socialism has problems similar to those which Western governments face in the welfare state. After the end of the hegemony of social democracy it is, above all, the conservative parties in Western Europe who are ready to reduce the responsibility of the governments of the day for many economic and social tasks: this is why we find deregulation efforts, privatization of public enterprises and the transfer of political functions to non-state social organizations everywhere.
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PASCALL, GILLIAN, and JANE LEWIS. "Emerging Gender Regimes and Policies for Gender Equality in a Wider Europe." Journal of Social Policy 33, no. 3 (July 2004): 373–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004727940400772x.

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This article addresses some implications for gender equality and gender policy at European and national levels of transformations in family, economy and polity, which challenge gender regimes across Europe. Women's labour market participation in the west and the collapse of communism in the east have undermined the systems and assumptions of western male breadwinner and dual worker models of central and eastern Europe. Political reworking of the work/welfare relationship into active welfare has individualised responsibility. Individualisation is a key trend west – and in some respects east – and challenges the structures that supported care in state and family. The links that joined men to women, cash to care, incomes to carers have all been fractured. The article will argue that care work and unpaid care workers are both casualties of these developments. Social, political and economic changes have not been matched by the development of new gender models at the national level. And while EU gender policy has been admired as the most innovative aspect of its social policy, gender equality is far from achieved: women's incomes across Europe are well below men's; policies for supporting unpaid care work have developed modestly compared with labour market activation policies. Enlargement brings new challenges as it draws together gender regimes with contrasting histories and trajectories. The article will map social policies for gender equality across the key elements of gender regimes – paid work, care work, income, time and voice – and discuss the nature of a model of gender equality that would bring gender equality across these. It analyses ideas about a dual earner–dual carer model, in the Dutch combination scenario and ‘universal caregiver’ models, at household and civil society levels. These offer a starting point for a model in which paid and unpaid work are equally valued and equally shared between men and women, but we argue that a citizenship model, in which paid and unpaid work obligations are underpinned by social rights, is more likely to achieve gender equality.
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Korpi, Walter. "Welfare-State Regress in Western Europe: Politics, Institutions, Globalization, and Europeanization." Annual Review of Sociology 29, no. 1 (August 2003): 589–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.29.010202.095943.

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Attewell, David. "Deservingness perceptions, welfare state support and vote choice in Western Europe." West European Politics 44, no. 3 (February 11, 2020): 611–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2020.1715704.

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Brütt, Christian. "Peter Taylor-Gooby (ed.): Ideas and Welfare state reform in western europe." Politische Vierteljahresschrift 48, no. 1 (March 2007): 167–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11615-007-0019-4.

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O’Connor, Julia S. "Ideas and Welfare State Reform in Western Europe By Peter Taylor-Gooby." International Journal of Social Welfare 16, no. 3 (June 25, 2007): 291–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2397.2007.00505.x.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Welfare state – Political aspects – Europe, Western"

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AAGAARD, Anders Juhl. "Family formation and stability in western welfare states since 1960 : the influence of family and housing policy." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/68455.

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Defence Date: 29 September 2020 (Online)
Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Hans-Peter Blossfeld, (EUI); Prof. Dr. Anton Hemerijck, (EUI); Prof. Dr. Melinda Mills, (University of Oxford); Prof. Dr. Jon Kvist, (Roskilde University)
This thesis explains differences in changes to family formation and stability in France, Norway, the FRG and the GDR based changes to family- and housing policy. Focus is on developments from the 1960s to the early 2000s. Previous research has focused on more recent developments from the 1980s onwards. A new conceptualization of family policy is introduced that enables a distinction between policy that alleviate the care giving role of mothers (de-familialization) and policies that intervene more directly in the caring responsibility within the family, aiming for a more equal share of childcare between women and men (de-genderization). Findings show that higher educated women are more likely of entry into marriage, when family policy provides more de-familalization (France, GDR) or de-genderization (Norway). But higher educated women are less likely of entry into marriage in the FRG where family policy remained conservative, forcing these women to choose between family and career. In the FRG where family policy remained conservative, with low support for female employment, married women with low levels of education became more likely of entry into divorce. A difference between women with different educational levels is not observed where family policy has included more de-familialziaiton and de-genderization. Findings for changes to housing policy are less convincing. Soft deregulation of rent control and tenure security has a positive effect on entry into consensual union in all countries, making a two person income household better equipped to cover the cost of rent increases that this change introduced. But results for the influence of support for home-ownership show little effect on entry into a marriage and divorce in all four countries. This may be because the full effect has not manifested itself yet. Extending the time period of analysis may provide more insights on the influence of these changes.
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Beckfield, Jason. "The consequences of regional political and economic integration for inequality and the welfare state in Western Europe." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3183488.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Sociology, 2005.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-08, Section: A, page: 3111. Adviser: Arthur S. Alderson. Title from dissertation home page (viewed Oct. 5, 2006).
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MICHEL, Elie. "Welfare politics and the radical right : the relevance of welfare politics for the radical right’s success in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/46384.

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Defence date: 15 May 2017
Examining Board: Professor Stefano Bartolini, EUI; Professor Martial Foucault, Sciences Po Paris; Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Jens Rydgren, Stockholm University
This thesis looks at the success of radical right parties in Western Europe through the perspective of welfare politics, by examining parties and voters in a comparative and mixed method perspective. I argue that purely socio-cultural or socio-economic accounts of the radical right success face several theoretical and empirical shortcomings. Focusing on the conflict dimension of welfare politics - who gets what, when and how in terms of social benefits – constitutes a novel approach to explain these parties’ and voters’ political preferences. Relying on different theories of the political sociology of the welfare state, I put forward the protection and exclusion hypotheses, which have implications at the party and at the voter levels. On the demand side, the precarization sub-hypothesis expects that economically insecure voters are likely to support radical right parties who offer them an alternative to mainstream parties. The scapegoating sub-hypothesis expect that voters who feel that core normative beliefs of the moral economy of the welfare state are being violated by individuals or outgroups should support the radical right because it fosters an exclusive conception of welfare politics. On the supply side, the programmatic shift sub-hypothesis expects that radical right parties turn their back on their initial ‘winning formula’ (which entailed retrenchment of welfare institutions) in order to adopt protective welfare preferences that match their constituents’ economic insecurity. The exclusive solidarity sub-hypothesis expects that radical right parties frame their welfare preference in terms of group inclusion and exclusion. I find that economic insecurity and welfare specific attitudes (welfare populism, welfare chauvinism, welfare limitation and egalitarianism) underlie voters’ support for radical right parties. Conversely, some – but not all – West European radical right parties have adapted their welfare preferences towards protective welfare policies in order to match their constituents’ concerns. However, all radical right parties put forward an exclusive conception of solidarity. These findings contribute to a finer-grained understanding of the electoral of radical right parties in Western Europe, and also open a broader research agenda for the better inclusion of welfare politics in electoral studies.
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Books on the topic "Welfare state – Political aspects – Europe, Western"

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Preece, Daniel V. Dismantling social Europe: The political economy of social policy in the European Union. Boulder: First Forum Press, 2009.

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Preece, Daniel V. Dismantling social Europe: The political economy of social policy in the European Union. Boulder, CO: First Forum Press, 2009.

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Takashi, Inoguchi, and Marsh Ian, eds. Globalisation, public opinion and the state: Western Europe and East and Southeast Asia. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2007.

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Reframing social citizenship. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009.

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Politics of segmentation: Party competition and social protection in Europe. New York: Routledge, 2012.

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Bernhard, Ebbinghaus, and Manow Philip, eds. Comparing welfare capitalism: Social policy and political economy in Europe, Japan and the USA. London: Routledge, 2001.

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Bent, Greve, ed. The future of the welfare state: European and global perspectives. Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate, 2006.

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United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, the current state and future prospects of democracy in Russia, November 3, 1993. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1994.

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Sang-in, Chŏn, ed. Hanʼguk hyŏndaesa: Chinsil kwa haesŏk. Kyŏnggi-do Pʻaju-si: Nanam Chʻulpʻan, 2005.

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Leonardi, Laura, ed. Opening the european box. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-8453-593-1.

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Viewed from a theoretical and empirical perspective, the ongoing process of Europeanization poses new challenges to sociology. As a science, sociology reveals the inadequacy of the conceptual and methodological instruments currently available for our understanding of European social phenomena. Sociologists fi nd it di cult to defi ne the very object under scrutiny: does a European society exist? How should we defi ne a society whose boundary lines are variable? Does a study of Europe from a sociological perspective entail a study of the European Union, or of a broader social formation? e di culty encountered in "studying Europe" in the sociological area is linked to a broader theoretical debate which, in the light of the ongoing processes of change, queries the entire cognitive apparatus and the theoretical paradigms developed by sociological disciplines and related to the modernity of the western world. e "national constellation" of norms, institutions and regulative techniques which have allowed political and social integration within the national state, are now challenged by phenomena which undermine their very epistemological foundations. e concepts applied to the study of social and political integration, - society, state, legitimacy, social inequality, mobility, justice, solidarity, etc.- are, in a classic defi nition of the term, no longer e cient in discerning the phenomena which impact on contemporary societies. e variety of themes discussed by several Italian and foreign authors explore many aspects of the workings of Europe; they reveal new theoretical and methodological perspectives with which we set out to study the political, social, cultural and economic phenomena which today characterize Europe.
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Book chapters on the topic "Welfare state – Political aspects – Europe, Western"

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Petersen, Klaus, Michele Mioni, and Herbert Obinger. "The Cold War and the Welfare State in Western Europe." In International Impacts on Social Policy, 47–59. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86645-7_5.

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AbstractThe Cold War and the growth of the welfare state constitute two major frameworks for understanding politics and society in post-war Western Europe. This chapter discusses how the Cold War shaped the development of welfare states in selected Western European countries in the first decades after 1945. It is argued that two mechanisms were important. First, social policies were used for securing mass loyalty and as an anti-communist strategy in Western Europe. Second, the Cold War strongly impacted political coalition-building in Western countries.
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Balmas, Paolo, and Sabine Dörry. "The Geoeconomics of Chinese Bank Expansion into the European Union." In The Political Economy of Geoeconomics: Europe in a Changing World, 161–85. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-01968-5_7.

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AbstractWe apply the concept of geoeconomics to the example of Chinese state-owned commercial banks based in Luxembourg and their financial activities in the European Union. The case study links the uneven relationship between China and Luxembourg to the field of international finance via large Chinese state-owned banks as important but analytically neglected actors. In doing so, we analyze how economic resources are used by, through and between nation states in the pursuit of their strategic goals. Starting from the observation that Chinese banking networks primarily provide a platform for the implementation of direct investments by Chinese companies, we identify important mechanisms and practices of Chinese banks, their anchoring in Luxembourg and the limited fulfilment of Western policy makers’ expectations from the presence of the Chinese banks in Luxembourg. Furthermore, we analyze instruments and strategies that define important aspects and dimensions of the concept of geoeconomics and complement them with the agency attributed to Chinese banks. An interesting paradox emerges from our analysis: while the geoeconomic power of Chinese banks’ activities is limited by the strict adherence to Chinese state development guidelines, the new organization of the Chinese banking networks in the EU suggests that they will be able to exercise their geoeconomic power in the future; with corresponding implications for local economies and economic development in Europe.
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Balisacan, Arsenio M. "Competition, Antitrust, and Agricultural Development in Asia." In Emerging-Economy State and International Policy Studies, 357–73. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-5542-6_26.

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AbstractCompetition law—also known as antitrust in some jurisdictions—has become part of governments’ policy arsenal to achieve efficient and welfare-improving market outcomes. From only a handful of economies in North America and Europe, the adoption of competition law and policy has spread rapidly to Asian economies since 1990. Like their Western counterparts several decades earlier, most Asian jurisdictions have exempted agriculture, albeit in varying degrees, from the prohibitions of competition law, such as those involving the exercise of market power by farmers’ associations. Public choice considerations suggest that the exemption serves as a countervailing force for the farmers’ comparatively weak position in the balance of political influence for agricultural policy and in bargaining power over the more concentrated wholesale-retail segments of the agri-food value chain. Farm heterogeneity and farm-operation consolidation, induced in part by the economy’s structural transformation, weaken the case for broad exemption.
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"Political parties and the welfare state in Western and post- communist democracies." In Party Government in the New Europe, 157–80. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203111611-17.

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Amaral, Luciano. "Social, Economic, and Demographic Change during the Portuguese Democracy (1974–2020)." In The Oxford Handbook of Portuguese Politics, 53—C4.P80. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192855404.013.4.

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Abstract Portugal went through substantial social and economic changes since the onset of democracy in 1974. The general transformation of Portuguese economy and society was defined by a general pattern of convergence with Western European standards in many aspects: Portugal became a high-income country, having previously been a mid- to low-income country at the beginning of the democratic period; it also became a service economy, much like its European counterparts. This convergence was also visible in the role played by the government, both in terms of its growth (as measured by public spending) and its structure, with the expansion of social elements (social security, education, and health), bringing Portugal closer to the standard of European welfare states. One final aspect where convergence was noticeable was demographic behaviour, as Portugal quickly completed the process generally known as ‘demographic transition’.
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Boyer, George R. "Living Standards in Edwardian England and the Liberal Welfare Reforms." In The Winding Road to the Welfare State, 169–216. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691178738.003.0006.

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This chapter argues that the Liberal Welfare Reforms of 1906–11, which created a safety net reducing the economic insecurity associated with industrial capitalism, marked a watershed in the history of British social welfare policy. Their timing is explained by increased middle-class knowledge of workers' insecurity and by the greater willingness of Parliament to act as a result of growing working-class political influence. The chapter then compares British social welfare policies with social policies elsewhere in Western Europe. Britain's welfare reforms did not take place in isolation—several European nations adopted social welfare policies in the decades leading up to 1914. Indeed, Britain was a bit of a latecomer in the adoption of social programs, although it caught up quickly after 1906 and by the eve of the First World War was a leader in social welfare protection.
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Baldwin, Peter. "Th e Rest of the Welfare State." In The Narcissism of Minor Differences. Oxford University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195391206.003.0007.

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If We Turn to Other forms of Social Policy, how does the United States care for its old, its poor, its unemployed, and its disabled? Here, most outcomes place the United States in the lower half of the spectrum, but within European norms and standards. The primary weakness of American social policy is its reluctance to deal resolutely with poverty. If we measure outcomes before redistribution, the United States starts with an economy that produces less poverty than most European nations. According to one calculation, only Finland and the Netherlands have lower “natural” poverty rates. But after taxes, social benefits, and other mechanisms of redistribution have worked their magic, the American poverty rate (as measured relatively, i.e., as a fraction of median income) is higher than anywhere in Western Europe. We will come back in more detail to the question of poverty and inequality. In what one might call the middle-class entitlement aspects of the welfare state, however, America is less of an anomaly. As is widely known, the American state is more modest in size and scope than its European peers. Yet as an employer of civil servants, it ranks in the middle of the European scale (figure 50). France and Finland employ proportionately more civil servants, but at least five other countries, including Germany, hire fewer. Correspondingly, the percentage of America’s GDP spent on government employee salaries is higher than in six of the nations we are examining. The size of the American state, as measured by government expenditure as a percentage of GDP, also fits into the European span. Ireland and Switzerland spend less (figure 51). For most social policies and benefits— which together make up what is usually called the welfare state—the picture is analogous: the United States ranks low, but within the bottom half of the European spectrum. All figures given here and elsewhere (unless otherwise indicated) are phrased in internationally comparable terms. Sometimes this means benefits rates are measured as a percentage of median income, allowing a sense of what proportion of a standard of living is maintained. Sometimes they are calculated in Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) terms, which means that differences between the cost of living in poorer and richer nations have been factored in.
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Palier, Bruno, Julian L. Garritzmann, Silja Häusermann, and, and Francesco Fioritto. "How Democracies Transform Their Welfare States." In The World Politics of Social Investment: Volume II, 402–76. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197601457.003.0017.

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The chapter maps the development of welfare state reforms in Western Europe and Northern America, central and eastern Europe, North East Asia, and Latin America. It identifies specific trends such as the focus on demographics in Asia, new instruments to fight poverty in Latin America, a novel human capital perspective in the Baltic region, the focus on activation and family policies in Continental Europe, and de-universalization in Scandinavia. It provides systematic comparative analyses of social investment politics in democratic context throughout the world. It identifies four main political coalitions behind the various types of social investment reforms: two social democratic coalitions based on the alliance between representatives of the educated middle class and the working class, with a Nordic version leading to inclusive social investment and a Latin American version leading to targeted social investment; a conservative coalition, where the middle class is allied with employers, leading to stratified social investment favoring human capital mobilization typical of Continental Europe or North East Asia; and a liberal coalition, where the same middle class–employers alliance emerges, but in the context of liberal welfare regimes it leads to social compensation retrenchment substituted by some targeted public social investment policies (and private ones publicly supported via fiscal exemption) as in North America and the Baltic countries. It also identifies a social protectionist coalition, when social protection legacies are strong and when the educated middle class is not large enough to constitute an appealing electoral constituency, as in Southern Europe and the Visegrád countries.
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Gosewinkel, Dieter. "Liberalization and Community Ties." In Struggles for Belonging, 225–337. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198846161.003.0006.

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The post-war period (Tony Judt) of citizenship, which was overshadowed by expulsions, decolonization, and the ideological division of Europe, embodied a long history of dealing politically with the consequences of war, violence, and discrimination. In the European dictatorships after 1945, integration into the community of class and the state-prescribed ideology remained decisive for political affiliation. By contrast, in Western European society, which became more open under the influence of post-colonial immigration and the sustained boom, citizenship (T. H. Marshall) evolved into the ultimate emblem of a social-welfare state, a state in which on the principles of constitutionally guaranteed and expanding civil rights political affiliation was based on consensus, participation, and consumerism. These two polar concepts of citizenship were overcome and politically overlaid by a new human rights policy that established the protection of civil rights beyond the state and contributed to the 1989 political transformation of Europe.
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Zechner, Minna, Lena Näre, Olli Karsio, Antero Olakivi, Liina Sointu, Hanna-Kaisa Hoppania, and Tiina Vaittinen. "Tracing ailment in social and care policies." In The Politics of Ailment, 17–42. Policy Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447343479.003.0002.

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This chapter’s sections – ‘Sanctioning the ailing’, ‘Protecting the ailing workforce’, ‘Acknowledging ailment’ and ‘Failing the ailing’ – trace how ailment as a social force has historically manifested itself in social and care policies in western societies. In pre-modern Europe, workhouses and other disciplinary institutions were used to control and sanction ailing individuals. Later, social policies began to recognise the need to protect the ailing workforce to secure the demands of an industrialising world. After the Second World War, social and care policies began addressing ailment throughout the life course, and collective and public responses to the needs of ailing individuals expanded to several areas of life as part of the modern welfare state. The transformation of the welfare state and the austerity politics of recent decades have undermined the acknowledgement of ailment in social and care policies. Through this exploration, it is demonstrated how ailment creates various relations and responses and how these responses combine elements of care, control and profit making to different degrees, depending on the historical, political and social context.
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