Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Welfare state – OECD countries'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Welfare state – OECD countries.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 36 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Welfare state – OECD countries.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Halla, Martin, Mario Lackner, and Johann Scharler. "Does the Welfare State Destroy the Family? Evidence from OECD Member Countries." WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2013. http://epub.wu.ac.at/3822/1/wp150.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
We study the effect of the size of the welfare state on family outcomes in OECD member countries.
Exploiting exogenous variation in public social spending, due to varying degrees of political fractionalization (i.e. the number of relevant parties involved in the legislative process), we show that an expansion in the welfare state increases the fertility, marriage, and divorce rates with a quantitatively stronger effect on the marriage rate.
We conclude that the welfare state supports family formation. Nevertheless, we also find that the welfare state decouples marriage and fertility, and therefore, alters the organization of the family. (authors' abstract)Series: Department of Economics Working Paper Series
2
Palme, Joakim. "Pension rights in welfare capitalism the development of old-age pensions in 18 OECD countries 1930 to 1986 /." Stockholm : Swedish Institute for Social Research, 1990. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/26763202.html.
Full text
3
Schustereder, Ingmar J. "Welfare state change in leading OECD countries the influence of post-industrial and global economic developments." Wiesbaden Gabler, 2009. http://d-nb.info/995018928/04.
Full text
4
Zhang, Xiao Yun. "Promoting private pensions in China : a tax policy based on the experience of the OECD countries." Thesis, University of Bath, 2002. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.250818.
Full text
5
Jang, Ikhyun. "The distributive impact of new welfare policies in the context of old welfare institution : a multilevel analysis of income inequality across OECD countries." Thesis, University of York, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/16768/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis provides a quantitative investigation into the effect of new social policy instruments on income inequality. Income inequality has increased over recent decades in the developed world, and existing studies have shown that a high level of income inequality is related to many social problems such as low levels of social trust or high crime rates. The welfare state, which had played an important role in relieving poverty and income inequality, is now under pressure for reformation due to economic and sociological changes. Many new policy instruments have been introduced in the process of welfare reform, and this thesis focuses particularly on private pensions and an active labour market policy. Existing studies have examined the distributive outcome of these policy instruments but they have shown inconsistent results. In addition, the existing literature suffers from limitations, particularly in the failure to consider the interaction between new policy instruments and the pre-existing institutional design of the welfare state. The contribution of this study is to examine how new policy instruments affect income inequality by considering the interaction between new policy instruments and the institutional design of the traditional welfare state. Data are measured at country-level and consist of nineteen OECD countries between 1980 and 2010 (for the case of private pension), and twenty-one OECD countries between 1985 and 2010 (for the case of active labour market policy). The analysis is conducted mainly by multi-level analysis. Multi-level analysis can estimate the effect of time-invariant variables without unrealistic assumptions. The results suggest that an increase in private pensions (excluding mandatory private pension) is related to a decrease in income inequality among the elderly but that the impact is different according to the institutional design of the public pension system. An increase in private pensions is related to an increase in income inequality when the public pension has a low level of coverage and a high level of earnings-relatedness. In the case of an active labour market policy, the results suggest that an increase in spending on active labour market policy is related to a decrease in income inequality, but this relation goes in the opposite direction when the unemployment benefit is based on a targeted or flat-rate system. This thesis suggests that there is no trade-off between new policy instruments and the traditional welfare state if the traditional welfare state is well-designed.
6
Wennemo, Irene. "Sharing the costs of children : studies on the development of family support in the OECD countries /." [Sweden : s.n.], 1994. http://bibpurl.oclc.org/web/23536.
Full text
7
Buckley, Jennifer. "Participatory inequality and the welfare state preferences of the politically active : a study of four European countries." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/participatory-inequality-and-the-welfare-state-preferences-of-the-politically-active-a-study-of-four-european-countries(a96bff18-adee-4a12-a311-d5a738bf7611).html.
Full textAbstract:
Across Europe, the welfare state is a focus of social and political contention. Participating in the democratic process offers a means for the public to voice their preferences. However, not everyone participates in politics. Research shows that there are significant participatory inequalities as those with greater socioeconomic resources are more likely to participate in politics. In light of these participatory inequalities, this thesis examines the representativeness of the welfare state preferences of the politically active. The main hypothesis posits that, if less advantaged socioeconomic groups are less likely to participate in politics, the welfare state preferences of the politically active are unlikely to be representative. The thesis brings together the comparative study of participatory inequality and social differences in welfare state preferences to examine data from the European Social Survey (ESS) 2008-09 for Germany, Spain, Sweden and the UK. Latent Class Analysis examines how preferences about the welfare state vary within Europe. By grouping individuals, the analysis shows that within societies there are different views about what should be the responsibilities of government. Using the latent classes, and considering a range of political actions, multivariate regression models show how social inequality determines conflict over the welfare state and transforms into political inequality. The association between preferences and political activity is examined to establish the representativeness of participant preferences. Finally, models combining welfare state preferences, political activity and social position address how social inequality shapes the link between political activity and welfare state preferences. Based on survey data for four European countries, the thesis finds that the politically active are not always representative in their preferences; however, the preference bias of participation varies in direction across countries and forms of political participation. Participatory inequalities do lead to the under-representation of support for the welfare state among the politically active but not in all cases. Examining the social stratification of preferences and participation, the thesis suggests that cross-national variations in the representativeness of participants may result from how preferences and participation are socially stratified. For instance, significant participatory inequalities can occur in contexts where there is less contention over the welfare state. Conversely, contention over the welfare state can coincide with egalitarian patterns of political activity. A concluding proposition is that the factors inhibiting the political participation of the socio-economically disadvantaged may also cultivate weaker levels of support for the welfare state.
8
Yen, Wei-Ting Yen. "Unstable Income and the Welfare State in Asia." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1533388469470047.
Full text
9
Rovira, Torres Florencia. "Public Sector Employment and Support for the Welfare State : A multilevel assessment of 15 advanced capitalist countries." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-78879.
Full textAbstract:
The development and longevity of the welfare state is dependent on public support. The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between public sector employment and popular support for the welfare state in comparative perspective. Welfare state attitudes represent the micro-foundation in many theories about links between welfare state organization and interest formation and the shaping of values, norms and levels of aspiration. Most studies seeking to explain differences in welfare state support use welfare state regime labels on countries as their independent variable. However, previous empirical research on comparative welfare state attitudes has found very mixed support using the regime typology approach. The present study takes a step forward in using comparative indicators of public sector employment and social protection, instead of regime labels. In previous research the role of public sector employment for welfare state attitudes has typically been given little attention. The main hypothesis is that public service employment positively influences aggregate levels of support towards the welfare state. Based on a multilevel-regression framework and drawing on ISSP comparative data from 2006 on individual level attitudes, this study demonstrates clear empirical support for this main hypothesis.
10
Mattila, Johanna, and Maija Uusilehto. "Female leaders' perceptions of the barriers and facilitating factors of their career in gender-equal Nordic countries." Thesis, Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-43981.
Full textAbstract:
Background – This paper examined the literature on the concept of the glass ceiling in the management field, with an emphasis on Finnish and Swedish female leaders' perceptions of the barriers and facilitating factors of their career. Purpose – The purpose of this thesis was to explore the factors that affect the career development of women in the context of Nordic countries, namely in Finland and Sweden. Furthermore, this thesis tried to understand the welfare state paradox better and how the women in Finland and Sweden perceive it. Lastly, the purpose of this study was to find out if there are any differences between the perceptions of these countries due to the societal and cultural differences. Method – Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 12 female leaders from different companies in Finland and in Sweden. The grounded analysis was used in the qualitative analysis of the coding. Conclusion – The research resulted that there are several barriers and facilitating factors that have affected the career of female leaders. Finnish and Swedish women highlighted their own individual factors such as motivation, self-esteem and courage as the major facilitating factor, and thereof lack of them a barrier. Based on this research, women’s perception of Nordic welfare policies is that they are beneficial to career development, providing an opportunity to focus on work more. Contrary to the expectations, there were relatively few differences in perceptions between Finnish and Swedish female leaders identified in this study. However, it seems that in Sweden the responsibilities about family are shared more equally and the overall social atmosphere is more encouraging for women's career success.
11
FERNANDES, Daniel. "Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 21 November 2022Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
12
Saglam, Gulcan. "Defeating Authoritarian State Structures in Semi-Democratic Countries: Lessons from Turkey's Justice and Development Party." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/46.
Full textAbstract:
Political success in semi-democratic countries has two aspects: shifting the balance of power in one’s favor and maintaining it. This thesis seeks to examine how the AKP has succeeded in shifting the balance of power in its favor while its predecessor the Welfare Party did not. Focusing on electoral success, existing research primarily lists center-periphery conflict, moderation, class struggle, party organization, and failures of others as the main determinants. Yet the significance of reining in the power of the Kemalist state structure has been mostly disregarded. Therefore, with a comparison of the AKP (2002-2007) and the Welfare Party (1996-1997) governments, this study tests one assertion using most-similar systems research design that in semi-democratic political settings with strong authoritarian actors, political parties that build broad coalitions via group specific policy promises will be more likely to shift the balance of power in favor of themselves than actors that lack such connections.
13
Olofsson, Johan. "The Welfare State and Attitudes to Free Movement : How does the design of the social insurance system associate with public attitudes towards free movement in receiving EU countries?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-403455.
Full textAbstract:
The EU is faced with problems related to the unrestricted access to national welfare states of mobile EU workers. These problems are mainly framed by the growing opposition to the free movement of workers. The strongest contributing factor to these negative attitudes has commonly said to be actor-based, i.e. the media or political elites. However, more recent research has been shifting the focus to institutions as explanatory factor. I raise the question of to what extent individuals’ attitudes towards the free movement of workers are associated with their exposure to different welfare state institutional contexts. More specifically I explore the role of “earnings-relatedness” in specific social insurances for the attitudes of potential benefit claimants. Analyzing 12 EU/EFTA countries who are net receivers of mobile EU workers I find that in welfare state contexts with a high degree of earnings-relatedness the opposition to free movement is significantly lower than otherwise among the unemployed. Furthermore, I discover that these observations seem to vary depending on what part of the social insurance system one is analyzing.
14
Praninskienė, Vidmantė. "Postkomunistinė erdvė Lietuvoje: socialinės gerovės politika." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2012. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2012~D_20120607_103858-23778.
Full textAbstract:
Tyrime nagrinėjamas postkomunistinis palikimas šalyje ir jo įtaka Skandinaviško socialdemokratinio modelio gerovės valstybės kūrimo politikai. Prieš du dešimtmečius iš Sovietų Sąjungos išsivadavusios valstybės, taip pat ir Lietuva, dabar susiduria su naujais iššūkiais - gebėjimu kurti gerovę savo valstybės piliečiams. Taigi, pagrindinė šiame tyrime iškelta problema - postkomunistinėse valstybėse atsisakius sovietinio socialinio politikos modelio iki šiol nebuvo sukurta ir įdiegta optimali socialinės apsaugos alternatyva, kuri pilnai atitiktų transformacijos metų realijas. Kadangi komunistinės sistemos prisiminimai įtakoja visuomenės tolesnius lūkesčius, tyrimo objektas darbe išskirtas kaip Lietuvos gerovės valstybės politika.
Šio magistro darbo tyrimo tikslas – ištirti, kaip postkomunistinės transformacijos ir likęs sovietinis palikimas įtakojo Lietuvos politiką kuriant socialinės gerovės valstybę pateikiant Skandinavijos šalių pavyzdį. Šiam tikslui įgyvendinti buvo iškelti tokie uždaviniai: Aptarti postkomunistinės erdvės bruožus ir transformacijų pradžią valstybės valdžioje; Aprašyti svarbiausius postkomunistinių transformacijų visuomenėje procesus; Pateikti socialinės gerovės valstybės Skandinavijos modelio pagrindinius ypatumus; Ištirti, kaip Lietuvoje po Nepriklausomybės atgavimo buvo kuriama socialinės gerovės sistema; Išanalizuoti, kaip sovietinis palikimas Lietuvoje trukdo kurti socialinės gerovės valstybę taikant Skandinavijos socialdemokratinį modelį.
Siekiant... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]This search contains post-communism countries transitions to democracy and heritage that was left after that in society. Now in Lithuania some problems are seen that makes influence to Scandinavian model welfare state building processes. First of all, the main aim of this paper: post-communist countries didn’t found till now the most optimal and advantageous welfare state model. The main reason is that communism system recollection has influence on society expectations in Lithuania welfare state policy. So, the key object of this paper is Lithuania welfare state policy after rapid reforms. Secondly, the main problems are: to reveal post-communism transformations heritage; to give Scandinavia welfare state model as an example; to discuss Lithuania legitimate basis on welfare state policy; to analyze if this model could be applied in post-communist Lithuania. Welfare state model in Scandinavia contains strong labor market, solid economy and generous welfare spending. The results of analyze shows, that welfare state won’t be built in Lithuania unless people will start to care about all society well-being, not only individual and most of the time – material. Statistic data of searches or interviews how people grades well-being shows, that Lithuania is far more lagging behind Scandinavia and Europe average level. So, in order to make welfare state policy successful society needs to get more solidarity, which was impossible in communism. Moreover, Lithuania economy needs to get... [to full text]
15
Nyhodo, Bonani. "The impact of the Doha round of WTO agricultural negotiations on the South African economy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1734.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MScAgric (Agricultural Economics)--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.The Doha Round of negotiations on the liberalisation of agricultural trade inherited complications from its predecessor - the Uruguay Round (UR). It needs to be noted, as one of the fundamental differences, that agriculture sectors in the developed countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) get support from their governments. In contrast to the situation, in the developing countries, agriculture is taxed to generate government revenue. The subsidies that farmers receive in the developed countries affect farmers globally through world prices (world prices depression). Therefore protection and greater subsidies should be not encouraged. As such, after a long time of preferential treatment, agriculture trade was tabled as a separate issue of negotiations at the UR and resulted to the round to be prolonged. However, one of the achievements of the UR was imposing of bound tariffs on agricultural products and determining tariff equivalence for non-tariff measures. Then, the Doha Round (DR) also known as the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) which is the first round to place development and focus strongly on agricultural liberalisation as a tool for development. International trade theory supports agricultural liberalisation, as negotiated in the DDA. Therefore, the DDA, in seeking more liberalised agricultural markets, continues a theoretically sound approach, as in the UR. The effects of liberalising agricultural trade in the DDA will differ across countries, whereas some will gain, others may loose, and the same situation is true for different sectors within an economy. The focus of the DDA on agriculture, as a tool of development, links well to the fact that agriculture in the developing countries accounts for a substantial share of their gross domestic products (GDPs) and exports. This situation, therefore, calls for a closer consideration of the possible impact of agricultural liberalisation in South Africa even though agricultural share of GDP is less than 4 percent.
16
O'Dorchai, Sile Padraigin. "Family, work and welfare states in Europe: women's juggling with multiple roles :a series of empirical essays." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210592.
Full textAbstract:
The general focus of this thesis is on how the family, work and the welfare system are intertwined. A major determinant is the way responsibilities are shared by the state, the market and civil society in different welfare state regimes. An introductory chapter will therefore be dedicated to the development of the social dimension in the process of European integration. A first chapter will then go deeper into the comparative analysis of welfare state regimes, to comment on the provision of welfare in societies with a different mix of state, market and societal welfare roles and to assess the adequacy of existing typologies as reflections of today’s changed socio-economic, political and gender reality. Although they stand strong on their own, these first two chapters also contribute to contextualising the research subject of the remainder of the thesis: the study and comparison of the differential situation of women and men and of mothers and non-mothers on the labour markets of the EU-15 countries as well as of the role of public policies with respect to the employment penalties faced by women, particularly in the presence of young children. In our analysis, employment penalties are understood in three ways: (i) the difference in full-time equivalent employment rates between mothers and non-mothers, (ii) the wage penalty associated with motherhood, and (iii) the wage gap between part-time and full-time workers, considering men and women separately. Besides from a gender point of view, employment outcomes and public policies are thus assessed comparatively for mothers and non-mothers. Because women choose to take part in paid employment, fertility rates will depend on their possibilities to combine employment and motherhood. As a result, motherhood-induced employment penalties and the role of public policies to tackle them should be given priority attention, not just by scholars, but also by politicians and policy-makers.Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
17
Fekete, Mátyás. "Skandinávský model státu blahobytu." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-165368.
Full textAbstract:
The Nordic welfare state is usually referred to as the most successful model of its kind; this social system based on the principle of universalism is a common ideal for other European states. The goal of the diploma thesis The Nordic Welfare State Model is to introduce this social model, both from a theoretical and practical point of view. The description of theoretic models as well as the history of European welfare states are vital in order to understand the functioning of social systems; however the main purpose of this paper is to characterize the Nordic welfare state model through the examples of Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden and to capture the main commonalities and disparities in comparison with the rest of Europe. Based on up-to-date analyses of mainly Scandinavian researchers as well as reports of international organizations this paper offers an extensive analysis of the Nordic Welfare State Model.
18
Kinuthia, Wanyee. "“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of Canada." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/30170.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
19
CAPPELEN, Cornelius. "Responsibility, equality, and unemployment insurance." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14493.
Full textAbstract:
Defence Date: 12 February 2010Examining Board: Professor Christine Chwaszcza, (EUI, Supervisor); Professor Jaap Dronkers (EUI); Professor Stein Kuhnle (University of Bergen and Hertie School of Governance); Professor Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen (University of Copenhagen)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
It is a central political goal to secure involuntarily unemployed individuals the same opportunities as others to pursue their conception of a good life. This goal reflects an ambition to combine an egalitarian and a liberal intuition. The egalitarian intuition is that any inequality between individuals must be justified by appealing to differences in some responsibility factors. The liberal intuition is that redistribution only can be justified by appealing to differences in some non-responsibility factors. In this dissertation I analyze how a system of unemployment insurance should ideally be designed in order to respect both the egalitarian and the liberal intuitions. The dissertation asks how the different unemployment insurance instruments, such as the UI benefit level, the entitlement conditions, the eligibility criteria, and the distribution of the costs associated with UI should ideally be designed and combined given that the aim is to maximize conformity to both the egalitarian and the liberal intuitions. The dissertation also asks how the different OECD unemployment insurance schemes have combined the egalitarian and the liberal intuitions in the design of their respective unemployment policy instruments.
20
Brennenstuhl, Sarah K. "The Welfare State and Socioeconomic Inequalities in Women’s Health Dynamics: A Comparative Study of Four OECD Countries." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/65647.
Full textAbstract:
While it is known that social policies influence the organization of employment and family life, this knowledge is rarely used to understand women's health. The current study uses feminist welfare state theory to examine socioeconomic inequalities in women's health dynamics in countries differing by the extent to which their social policies encourage male breadwinning and female caring/homemaking. The pathways underlying these inequalities are also investigated. Socioeconomic inequalities in health are hypothesized to be largest in strong male-breadwinner states (Britain/Germany), smallest in weak male-breadwinner welfare states (Denmark), and intermediate in modified male-breadwinner states (France). Further, family and income will explain more of health inequalities in strong and modified versus weak male-breadwinner regimes.
The analysis uses longitudinal data from the European Community Household Panel (1994-2001) for working-aged women from Britain (n=2,193), Germany (n=2,421), France (n=2,400) and Denmark (n=1,412). The effects of socioeconomic position (measured by education) on self-rated health trajectories are examined using Latent Growth Curve Models; model estimates iii are compared cross-nationally using z-scores. Pathways linking education to health are identified by determining how much employment status, family roles and household income attenuate health inequalities in each country. The analyses are repeated for a sub-sample of mothers of young children—a group for whom policies surrounding the integration of employment and family are critical.
Low education predicts worse initial health in all countries, but not faster health decline. Against expectations, education-based inequalities in health are largest in weak male-breadwinner states, but income explains virtually none of that inequality. By contrast, income has a larger explanatory role in regimes where women's unpaid caregiving is encouraged. Employment status is a relatively important mediator of the education-health relationship in all policy contexts, while family roles are not. Restricting the analysis to mothers reveals a much smaller education gradient in health in Denmark, providing evidence that weak male-breadwinner states are most effective at reducing health inequalities among mothers, relative to all women. Feminist welfare state theory better predicts cross-national differences in pathways underlying socioeconomic inequalities in health than the magnitude of inequalities, and may be most useful for understanding the health of mothers with young children.
21
Pankratz, Curtis. "National health policies and population health outcomes in 17 OECD countries: an application of the welfare state regimes concept." 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/5311.
Full textAbstract:
This project examines the extent to which industrialized countries’ national social policy orientations (welfare state regimes), which shape social cohesion and inequality, reflect the structure of their healthcare policies and/or population health characteristics. Hierarchical cluster analysis is used with data from 17 OECD countries in order to assess inductively the extent to which established welfare state regime groupings emerge when a wide range of population health and health policy measures are analyzed. Overall findings are that welfare state regime typologies are evident when child health measures are used, but not when other measures of population health (adult health measures, chronic and infectious diseases) or health policy measures are applied. This has implications for emerging work within the population health field that has used child health measures to argue that welfare state regime orientations have direct impacts on population health in general. Results also question the extensive reliance on infant mortality rates as a summary of national population health. Finally, results cast doubt on the assumption that welfare state regime types share parallel healthcare policy structures and orientations. Rather, it appears that different historical, political and popular pressures, which result from specific historical events, have driven policy areas in different directions within national welfare states. A more detailed model of population health, welfare states and health-specific policies is developed to guide future research.
22
Ye, Su-Ke. "Welfare configuration : the East Asian NICs and OECD countries compared." Thesis, 1996. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/21964/1/whole_YeSu-Ke1996_thesis.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines, comparatively, patterns of welfare provisions in
the East Asian NICs (newly industrialising countries) and the OECD
(the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development)
countries. It is based on the analysis of secondary data. The concept of
'the welfare state' is historically and culturally specific. It has been used
for a half century, but such usage is inconsistent. Most analytical
approaches to the development of 'the welfare state' do not capture the
dynamics of the relationship between the state and civil society because
the concept of 'the welfare state' is used in a static manner. If we wish
to understand the development of welfare in the East Asian NICs a
better analytic concept is that of 'welfare configuration'. It covers both
the services provided by the state, and by various sectors of civil
society. The study compares welfare configurations in the East Asian
NICs and selected OECD countries with specific reference to education
and child care provisions. Particular attention, is paid to historical
developments and changing social, economic and cultural forces. Four
models of welfare configurations are suggested, taking into
consideration: (a) type of welfare (education, child care etc.); (b) changes
in welfare provision over time; and (c) government policy. It is argued
that different welfare configurations are a result of different
relationships between the state and civil society. The low involvement
of the state in welfare in the East Asian NICs in comparison with the
OECD countries is a function of a weaker civil society and stronger
state power in those countries. This differential strength of civil society
is related to the historical development of these nations and their
geopolitical location.
23
Chuang, Ya-ju, and 莊雅如. "Empirical Analysis of Convergence Test for Social Welfare Expenditure in Taiwan and OECD Countries." Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/63661255636272754887.
Full textAbstract:
碩士逢甲大學
財稅所
94
There are more and more international capital movements, labor force flows and immigration following by the trend of globalization. In the face of such immigration, it is necessary to establish transnational cooperation social security system, which can guarantee transnational labor forces to have jobs and their families receive matching old age social security. Consequently, the trend of making social order by an international organization, such as EU or a global norm rises gradually, which is to develop a consistent society security policy by nations’ cooperation. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether the social welfare expenditure of various countries under globalization tends toward consistent, or still different and dependent on its own characteristic of social welfare system. The study analyzes the social welfare expenditure of Taiwan and the OECD 21counties from 1980 to 2001. By using cross-section, time-series and panel data models to examine the nations’ convergence of two indices, which are the ratio of social welfare expenditure to GDP and social welfare net benefit per head. The empirical results of the cross-section, models support that there are absolute and conditional convergence of the social welfare expenditure in Taiwan and the OECD countries, respectively. The panel data regressions also show the same relation, which implies low social welfare expenditure countries will convergence to long-term equilibrium faster than the high expenditure counties. However, the unit root tests show that only a few countries have tendencies to convergence in the long-run. And cointegration tests indicate that only the conservative country of the three different welfare regimes has the convergence tendency. For social welfare development process of Taiwan is generally called the corporatistism, and the empirical result shows that Taiwan tends toward the conservatism country. The Taiwan government can ponder over the direction of the social welfare policy in the future.
24
Rudra, Nita. "Globalization and the decline of the welfare state in less developed countries." 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/52210799.html.
Full text
25
ZORN, Annika. "The Welfare State we're in: Organisations of the unemployed in action in Paris and Berlin." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14515.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 5 February 2010Examining Board: Donatella Della Porta (EUI) (Supervisor), Colin Crouch (University of Warwick, Business School), Klaus Eder (Humboldt-Universität Berlin), Marco Giugni (Université de Genève)
First made available online on 26 March 2013.
The following thesis looks at the contentious action of the unemployed in Paris and Berlin. The thesis investigates the role of local organisations of the unemployed in contentious activities. More specifically, it looks at the forms of collective action these local organisations are engaged in, and asks about which conditions lead to the disruptive activities considered crucial for poor people’s actors. This is done by analysing different empirical sources: semi-structured interviews, participant observation, surveys, and expert interviews. In order to describe the forms of contentious engagement seen and the role of local organisations, the second part employs an analytical descriptive approach. In an attempt to explain the tactical choices of organisations of the unemployed I link four different conditions (access to resources, access to the field of institutionalised actors, belonging to a counter-cultural network and movement experience) to the use of disruptive activities. Combining all four conditions I then carry out a Comparative Qualitative Analysis (QCA). One important insight of the thesis is that contentious action by the poor can be stabilised over time. Further, the thesis also shows that the two fields of local organisations are characterised by different features. Some features, for example the existence of certain types of organisations - as defined by their preferred activities - can be explained by the political system and, more particularly, by the institutions of contention present in each country. However, there are also many similarities between the fields, showing that national opportunity structures explain only some aspects of contentious action. In looking at the conditions leading to the use of disruptive action, the thesis shows that political opportunities are just one of several other factors that explain types of contentious engagement. The thesis disconfirms the assumption of the central role of exclusion from centres of political and discursive power and the lack of resources in accounting for disruptive action. It is more important that organisations of the unemployed belong to a counter-cultural network, defined as a necessary, albeit not a sufficient condition for disruptive action.
26
Almeida, João António Saraiva Rocha de. "The role of human capital in economic growth: Evidence from OECD countries." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/21151.
Full textAbstract:
Esta investigação pretende estimar a relação entre o capital humano e o crescimento económico de diferentes países da OCDE, com base em dados em painel recolhidos entre 2005 e 2015. Para avaliar os efeitos da tecnologia e suas repercussões no capital humano, foi efetuada uma análise exploratória para uma amostra de 12 países, com base na qual foram estimados modelos de regressão linear controlados por efeitos fixos e aleatórios.
Concluiu-se que a generalidade dos dados relacionados com o capital humano aponta para um resultado insignificante da percentagem da população com ensino superior para explicar o crescimento económico, como também demonstrado por outros autores, como Henderson (2010) e Durlauf et al. (2008). No entanto, a contribuição do ensino básico e secundário para o desenvolvimento económico é maior do que o convencionalmente percecionado.
A análise foi subdividida em dois períodos, a fim de compreender o efeito da educação sobre as economias da OCDE, quer num contexto de crise quer num de recuperação económica. Os resultados sugerem diferentes níveis de influência em relação ao abandono escolar e aos gastos públicos com educação. De um modo geral, a economia parece ser afetada negativamente por essas duas variáveis durante um período de crise, em contraste com um cenário de recuperação, onde os efeitos dessas variáveis são insignificantes. Foi ainda evidenciado o papel fulcral do comércio em ambos os ciclos económicos.
Este trabalho mostra que a conexão entre educação, tecnologia e crescimento económico continua a ser um assunto multifacetado, dependendo da abordagem e dos métodos adotados.This research aims to estimate the relationship between human capital and economic growth of different OECD countries, using panel data collected from 2005 to 2015. To assess the effects of technology and its repercussions in human capital an exploratory analysis was performed for a sample of 12 countries, from which linear regression estimations controlled by fixed and random effects were established. It was found that matters regarding human capital point toward an insignificant outcome of tertiary education for explaining economic growth. This is in accordance with authors such as Henderson (2010) and Durlauf et al. (2008). Nevertheless, the contribution of primary and secondary schooling to economic development is greater than what has conventionally been perceived. The analysis was subdivided into two periods, in order to perceive the education effect on the OECD economies, either in a crisis or in an economic recovery context. The results suggest different levels of influence regarding children out of school and public expenditures on education. In general, economic development appears to be negatively affected by these two variables during a crisis period, in contrast with a recovery scenario where the effects of such variables are meaningless. The important effect of trade over economic growth in every circumstance was also highlighted. This work shows that the connection between education, technology and economic growth remains a multifaceted subject, depending on the approach and the methods adopted.
27
Powell, Catherine. "Justice, Care and the Welfare State by Daniel Engster [Book review]." 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/8123.
Full textAbstract:
yesJustice, Care and the Welfare State’ presents a justice theory to guide welfare policies across Western societies. As the author highlights “the main value of this book is to provide some insight into how Western welfare states can be reformed to better promote justice under contemporary social and economic conditions” (p.3).
The full text will be available at the end of the publisher's embargo.
28
Lima, Gonçalo da Silva. "Efficiency in school education: a semi-parametric study of shool efficiency in OECD countries." Master's thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/16122.
Full textAbstract:
Efciency-driven reforms have become increasingly relevant in education policy, as education systems face tighter budget constraints. Educational authorities around the world often struggle to foster the best student outcomes out of the set of available school resources. This dissertation aims to contribute to this debate by using a semi-parametric approach to evaluate the efciency across 34 OECD countries, using data from PISA 2015.
The estimation of the education production possibilities frontier is made through a free disposal hull (FDH) method, a non-convex and non-parametric estimator, also extending the analysis to incorporate recently developed partial frontier methods (order-m and order-x).According to the different specifications, ineficient schools could have increased average student achievement between 9%-18%, for the same level of human and material resources, and given the socio-economic characteristics of their students. Differences in
eficiency scores are also investigated. The results suggest that schools that enrol a larger number of students and where the principal can decide on budget allocations are more eficient. On the other hand, schools with high concentration of students from immigrant backgrounds and more repeaters are hindered in the provision of eficient allocations of school resources. Finally, no necessary trade-off is found between efciency and equity in the provision of quality education.Reformas tendo em vista aumentos de eficiência têm-se tornado crescentemente relevantes na definição de políticas educativas, especialmente no contexto de orçamentos educativos mais limitados. Neste sentido, responsáveis em diferentes sistemas educativos têm tentado saber como melhorar os resultados dos alunos, dados os recursos escolares disponíveis. Esta dissertação tem por objectivo contribuir para este debate, através de uma avaliação semi-paramétrica de eficiência escolar em 34 países da OCDE, recorrendo a dados do PISA 2015. Estimamos a fronteira de possibilidades de produção educativa através de "free disposal hull" (FDH), um estimador não-paramétrico e não-convexo. Também estendemos a análise para incorporar métodos de fronteiras parciais (order-m e order-x). De acordo com as diferentes especificações, as escolas ineficientes na amostra poderiam ter aumentado a qualidade de educação entre 9% e 18%, utilizando o mesmo nível de recursos humanos e materiais, e tendo em conta as características socio-económicas dos seus alunos. A variação nos scores de eficiência é também investigada. Os resultados sugerem que escolas com um maior número de alunos e em que o diretor tem poder de decisão sobre a alocação do orçamento escolar são mais efcientes. Por outro lado, escolas com maior concentração de alunos de contextos familiares de imigração e com mais repetentes têm maior difculdade em se aproximar da fronteira internacional de efciência. Por fm, não há evidência de um trade-off necessário entre efciência e equidade na provisão de educação de qualidade.
29
Šanc, Filip. "Welfare state v rozvojových zemích: případová studie Botswany, Ghany a Indie." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-322964.
Full textAbstract:
This diploma thesis explores the emergence of the welfare state in developing countries, in particular shown on the example of Botswana, Ghana and India. The inquiry is focused on the period beginning in 1990, when the neoliberal paradigm was dominating, untill 2010. The recent years are in token of the shift from the neoliberalism to the post-neoliberalism characterized by a number of concepts, which are taking into account. The common feature of these concepts is the diversion from the narrow focus on GDP, as the only indicator of the growth, to the social dimension of the development. This shift is also being distinguished as a transition from the basic-needs concept to the rights-based approach. Therefore, the thesis explores, if these shifts are remarkable in the analyzed countries, eventually, if there are any divergences as compared to the theoretical concepts. To achieve this goal, a broader analysis of the welfare state was used, which involves social, health and education policy. Based on this analysis, the diploma thesis tries to classify the analyzed countries into the welfare state typology; eventually, in case such classification is impossible, it describes the weaknesses of this welfare state the typology. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)
30
OLESEN, Jeppe Dørup. "Adapting the welfare state : privatisation in health care in Denmark, England and Sweden." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14504.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 12 June 2010Examining Board: Jens Blom-Hansen (Aarhus Univ), Pepper Culpepper (EUI), Bo Rothstein (Univ. Gothenborg), Sven Steinmo (EUI) (Supervisor)
First made available online on 8 April 2019
This dissertation deals with the following question: In the past decades some of the countries most dedicated to the universal public welfare state have privatised many of their welfare service provisions. Why is this so? The dissertation takes a close look at privatisation policies in health care in Denmark, Sweden and England in order to figure out how and why the private health care sector has expanded rapidly in recent years. Health care services in Denmark, Sweden and England provide good examples of welfare state service privatisation because these three countries have spent decades building up universal public health care systems that offer free and equal access to all citizens - and these programmes are very popular. In this dissertation I find that the most common explanations for welfare state reform fail to explain these changes: Privatisation policies are not the result of partisan politics, instead they are supported by Social Democratic / Labour parties and in some cases the unions as well. Privatisation is not the result of pressures for fiscal retrenchment; in fact, public health care funding has increased in all three countries over the past decade. Neither is privatisation the straight forward result of new right wing ideas. Certainly, new ideas play a role in this change, but it is difficult to sustain the argument that ideas alone have been the cause of privatisation in these three health care systems. Finally, it has been debated whether privatisation is the result of pressure from EU legislation. This explanation does not hold either for the basic reason of timing. The policies leading to privatisation in Denmark, England and Sweden were all implemented before the European debate over health care services started. Instead, I suggest that privatisation in health care in Denmark, Sweden and England can best be understood as the product of policy makers puzzling over important policy problems (Heclo, 1972). I call this an adaptive process. In this analysis I show that privatisation is the result of several interconnected attempts to adapt health care systems to a changing context. By taking a long historical view of the changes in health care systems, it becomes evident that the changes towards privatisation do not occur overnight or as a result of a ‘punctuated equilibrium’. Rather, the increasing privatisation in health care is the accumulated effect of several small step policy changes, which, over time, result in rising levels of privatisation. Some scholars have suggested that neo-liberal policies, such as privatisation of service provision, will ultimately lead to the end of the welfare state. In this study, I come to a different conclusion. Rather than undermine the welfare state, privatisation in health care may help the welfare state survive. Privatisation can be seen as a way of adapting welfare state services to a changing political context.
31
Gogelashvili, Anna. "Social Policy in Eastern European Countries: A Study of Post-Socialist Welfare State Development in Poland and Hungary." Doctoral thesis, 2018. https://repositorio-aberto.up.pt/handle/10216/116536.
Full text
32
Gogelashvili, Anna. "Social Policy in Eastern European Countries: A Study of Post-Socialist Welfare State Development in Poland and Hungary." Tese, 2018. https://repositorio-aberto.up.pt/handle/10216/116536.
Full text
33
HÜBSCHER, Evelyne. "The joint impact of party politics and institutional constraints on social policy reforms in open economies." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14710.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 29 September 2010Examining Board: Evelyne Huber (University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill), Peter Mair (EUI) (Supervisor), Philip Manow (University of Heidelberg), Alexander Trechsel (EUI)
Financial resources. My study contributes to the welfare state reform literature by proposing and testing a novel argument based on a multi-dimensional framework of social policy-making. In a nutshell, the results of the nested-analysis of social policy-making show that in institutional settings where political constraints are high, left-wing party government have an adverse effect on the very poor and unskilled in society and do not meet the general expectations that left-wing policy-making increases the outcome equality. My thesis thus extends the standard welfare state research that generally focuses on a single dimension, e.g. the size of expenditure. Unlike previous research that mainly focuses on the size of spending, this project also takes into account compensatory and redistributive aspects of policies as relevant dimensions. A major shortcoming of the many studies on welfare state reforms is their one-dimensional approach. The empirical analysis is based on a nested analysis design, which combines a quantitative macro-analysis with three case studies. The macro-analysis shows that leftist governments increase compensation, particularly in political systems with high institutional constraints, whereas the size of expenditure is not affected by government partisanship. The case country case studies on a series of unemployment insurance and labor market reforms in Germany, Ireland, and Switzerland trace the underlying policy-making processes that led to these macro-level outcomes. The overall results suggest that party politics in social policy-making still matters, especially in countries with high institutional constraints. However, the mechanisms work differently than generally assumed. The strong linkages between left-wing parties and labor unions may have a partially adverse effect on outcome equality. A high level of political constraints combined with a leftist party government leads to redistributive effects that are predominantly beneficiary for `insiders' which are represented by labor unions. The preferential outcome for the `insiders' comes at the expenses of `outsiders' (mainly unskilled, long-term unemployed and part-time employees), which are not represented by powerful interest organizations (Rueda 2007, 2005). My project thus integrates the apolitical institutionalist theory of welfare state development (`New Politics' approach by Pierson) with theories that assign more importance to political struggles, such as the `power resource' approach by Korpi (1989), Korpi and Palme (1998, 2003).
34
VONK, Olivier. "Dual nationality in the European Union : a study on changing norms in public and private international law and in the municipal laws of four EU member state." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15386.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 19 November 2010Examining Board: Rainer Baubock (EUI); Gerard-René De Groot (Universiteit Maastricht); Marie-Ange Moreau (Supervisor, EUI); Bruno Nascimbene (Università degli Studi di Milano)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The main objective of this study is to examine the phenomenon of dual nationality in the European Union (EU), particularly against the background of the status of European citizenship - a status that is linked to the nationality of each EU Member State (Article 20(1) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union provides that ‘citizenship of the Union shall be additional to and not replace national citizenship’). The study consists of two parts. The first part (Chapters 1 and 2) sets out the approach towards (dual) nationality in Private International Law and EU Law, in particular by analyzing the case law of the European Court of Justice (ECJ). The second part (Chapters 3- 6) consists of an overview of the dual nationality regimes in four EU Member States - France, Italy, the Netherlands and Spain -, and their possible effects on the EU as a whole. Chapter 2 of the thesis is entitled the ‘intra-EU context’, since it primarily deals with the ECJ’s approach towards a dual nationality consisting of two Member State nationalities. The country reports, on the other hand, deal with the ‘extra-EU context’ because the dual nationality policies of the countries under consideration predominantly affect non-Member State nationals. Thus, France and the Netherlands have for some time already faced the question how to integrate the (Muslim) immigrant population; Italy and Spain have long since adopted a system of preferential treatment for (Latin American) former emigrants and their descendants. The country reports demonstrate how dual nationality is used (or rejected) in these four countries. Finally, the question whether the EU should in time acquire (limited) competence in the field of European nationality law is one of the major themes of this study. Regardless of one’s stance on this question, it must be readily admitted that the subject of Member State autonomy in nationality law is becoming ever more salient with the enlargement of the Union and the growing relevance of European citizenship in the case law of the ECJ. In the opinion of this author, the study shows that the almost absolute autonomy of Member States in the field of nationality law is becoming increasingly problematic for the EU as a whole. Based inter alia on the findings from the country reports, this thesis takes the position that there is arguably a need for the (minimum) harmonization of European nationality laws.
35
KNUDSEN, Ann-Christina Lauring. "Defining the policies of the Common Agricultural policy : a historical study." Doctoral thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5858.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 10 December 2001Examining board: Prof. Richard T. Griffiths, Universiteit Leiden ; Prof. Jan van der Harst, Rijksuniversiteit Groningen ; Prof. Johnny N. Laursen, Aarhus Universitet ; Prof. Alan S. Milward, European University Institute (Supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
36
Saglam, Gulcan. "Defeating Authoritarian State Structures in Semi-Democratic Countries: Lessons from Turkey’s Justice and Development Party." 2012. http://scholarworks.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/62.
Full textAbstract:
Political success in semi-democratic countries has two aspects: shifting the balance of power in one’s favor and maintaining it. This thesis seeks to examine how the AKP has succeeded in shifting the balance of power in its favor while its predecessor the Welfare Party did not. Focusing on electoral success, existing research primarily lists center-periphery conflict, moderation, class struggle, party organization, and failures of others as the main determinants. Yet the significance of reining in the power of the Kemalist state structure has been mostly disregarded. Therefore, with a comparison of the AKP (2002-2007) and the Welfare Party (1996-1997) governments, this study tests one assertion using most-similar systems research design that in semi-democratic political settings with strong authoritarian actors, political parties that build broad coalitions via group specific policy promises will be more likely to shift the balance of power in favor of themselves than actors that lack such connections.