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Journal articles on the topic 'Welfare state – Netherlands'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Yerkes, Mara, and Romke van der Veen. "Crisis and Welfare State Change in the Netherlands." Social Policy & Administration 45, no. 4 (June 16, 2011): 430–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9515.2011.00783.x.

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2

Roosma, Femke. "Boekbespreking: Raven, J. Popular Support for Welfare State Reforms. On Welfare State Preferences and Welfare State Reforms in the Netherlands." Mens en maatschappij 88, no. 2 (April 1, 2013): 238–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/mem2013.2.roos.

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3

GREEN-PEDERSEN, CHRISTOFFER. "Welfare-state Retrenchment in Denmark and the Netherlands, 1982-1998." Comparative Political Studies 34, no. 9 (November 2001): 963–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414001034009001.

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4

Toonen, Theo A. J. "The Netherlands: A decentralised unitary state in a welfare society." West European Politics 10, no. 4 (October 1987): 108–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388708424654.

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5

Becker, Uwe. "Welfare state development and employment in the Netherlands in comparative perspective." Journal of European Social Policy 10, no. 3 (August 1, 2000): 219–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/a013493.

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In recent years it has been said that the Dutch welfare state has been made fit for employment growth. This development is praised as part of the so-called Dutch 'Delta model' which since the mid-1980s has been very succesful in labour market terms. Some 20 years ago, when unemployment started to soar, the high level of social security was seen, by contrast, as an aspect of the 'Dutch disease'. Employing a typology based on regulative assumptions of dealing with market risks and aberrations, this paper briefly analyses the subsequent stages of Dutch welfare state development: from a predominantly Christian- paternalist system to social-democratization from the mid-1960s and then to a certain degree of liberalization since the mid-1980s. The structural or institutional inertia of the original system should not be overlooked, however. Comparative investigation reveals that the current Dutch welfare state, in spite of retrenchment measures, still belongs to the most generous ones in the western world, which allows only for relatively low, though rising, levels of poverty and inequality. And it is questionable whether and to what extent retrenchment has contributed to the impressive, although largely part-time-based rise in the Dutch employment rate. In any case non-employment, broadly understood as different from registered unemployment, has not declined in the Netherlands. It has been redistributed to other categories, particularly to the disability scheme. Like other continental countries, the Netherlands still seems to face the dilemma of work and welfare.

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6

Christopher, Karen, Paula England, Timothy M. Smeeding, and Katherin Ross Phillips. "The Gender Gap in Poverty in Modern Nations: Single Motherhood, the Market, and the State." Sociological Perspectives 45, no. 3 (September 2002): 219–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2002.45.3.219.

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In this article we examine gender gaps in poverty in the United States and seven other Western nations, asking how single motherhood, market earnings, and welfare states affect gender inequality in poverty. Our analyses speak to the theoretical literature emphasizing the gendered logic and effects of welfare states and labor markets. We find that single-mother families have higher poverty rates than other families in all nations except Sweden, though the degree of their poverty varies. Regarding welfare states, we find that the tax and transfer systems in Sweden and the Netherlands most effectively reduce gender inequality in poverty. Gender inequality in market earnings is worst in the Netherlands and Australia, though among full-time workers, Australia has the lowest gender gap. We conclude by discussing the policy issues raised by our findings.

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7

Soares da Silva, Diogo, Lummina Horlings, and Elisabete Figueiredo. "Citizen Initiatives in the Post-Welfare State." Social Sciences 7, no. 12 (November 30, 2018): 252. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci7120252.

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Recently we have seen the emergence of citizen-led community initiatives and civic enterprises, taking over governmental tasks in providing public services in various sectors, such as energy, care, landscape maintenance, and culture. This phenomenon can be explained by a renewed interest in community, place, and ‘local identity’; the erosion of the welfare state; the privatization of public services; a re-emergence of the social economy; and tensions between ‘bottom-up’ initiatives and the changing role of the state. The co-production of governments and initiatives can potentially result in a shift from government-led to community-led planning. This, however, raises questions about their innovative potential, the democratic consequences, and the potential roles of governments in enabling these societal dynamics. This article discusses these issues theoretically, illustrated with empirical examples from Portugal, the Netherlands, and Wales, in a context of uncertainty regarding the future of the traditional European welfare state.

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8

Seeleib-Kaiser, Martin, Silke van Dyk, and Martin Roggenkamp. "What Do Parties Want? An Analysis of Programmatic Social Policy AIMS in Austria, Germany and the Netherlands." European Journal of Social Security 7, no. 2 (June 2005): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/138826270500700202.

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Comparative welfare state research has argued for some time that whether Social Democrats or Christian Democrats are in government makes a difference with regard to specific welfare state design. The theory is based on the fact that, historically, the social policy aims of Social Democrats and Christian Democrats have differed. Can these policy differences still be assumed after almost three decades, which have been characterised by a discourse about ‘necessary’ welfare state retrenchment, adaptation, and modification? Based on an in-depth analysis of the social policy aims of the Social Democrats and Christian Democrats in Austria, Germany, and the Netherlands since 1975, we argue that, the differences between the two welfare state parties in formerly conservative welfare states have largely faded away.

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9

심성지. "Polder Model of Netherlands: Isn’t it Consensual Reform of Welfare State?" Dispute Resolution Studies Review 9, no. 2 (August 2011): 77–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.16958/drsr.2011.9.2.77.

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10

Raven, Judith, Peter Achterberg, and Romke van der Veen. "On support for welfare state reforms and deservingness in the Netherlands." Policy & Politics 43, no. 1 (January 27, 2015): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557314x13904873690444.

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11

de Koster, Willem, Peter Achterberg, and Jeroen van der Waal. "The new right and the welfare state: The electoral relevance of welfare chauvinism and welfare populism in the Netherlands." International Political Science Review 34, no. 1 (September 28, 2012): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512112455443.

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12

Oude Nijhuis, Dennie. "Business, labour and the costs of welfare state development." Journal of European Social Policy 30, no. 1 (August 6, 2019): 20–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928719855309.

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This article presents a novel explanation for instances of business support for welfare state expansion. It emphasizes the importance of cost considerations in shaping business preferences and argues that their willingness to support and ability to oppose demands for increases in the generosity of social insurance programmes depends primarily on the extent to which labour unions accept that these increases are to be financed by workers themselves. Based on a comparative-historical analysis of postwar welfare state development in the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, the article shows that this willingness among others depended on the type of labour market risk, the margin for pay increases, and the extent to which social welfare initiatives were perceived as actual improvements to the social wage by labour unions.

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13

Van Kersbergen, Kees, and Uwe Becker. "The Netherlands: A Passive Social Democratic Welfare State in a Christian Democratic Ruled Society." Journal of Social Policy 17, no. 4 (October 1988): 477–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400017025.

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ABSTRACTThe Netherlands are of considerable interest to students of comparative social policy, because Christian democracy and not social democracy is the leading political force. This article analyses the history of the Dutch system of social security in terms of political forces and their power resources. In particular, it considers the reasons for the comparatively high level of social security development in the Netherlands. The various approaches which have been adopted in much current research in comparative social policy are critically discussed in the context of the Dutch experience.

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14

Hupe, Peter, and Wouter van Dooren. "Talk as action: Exploring discursive dimensions of welfare state reform." dms – der moderne staat – Zeitschrift für Public Policy, Recht und Management 3, no. 2 (December 10, 2010): 377–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/dms.v3i2.07.

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In many New Public Management reforms a direct and causal one-to-one relationship is assumed between reform and better performance. This article challenges this assumption by specifying reform as independent variable. Looking at reform in two comparable welfare states, Belgium and The Netherlands, the discursive aspects of such reform are explored. Reform can be differentiated into reform action and reform talk. Next to measures (action) discourse (talk) seems to be an innate characteristic of reform that may fundamentally help shaping reform results.

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15

Verhoeven, Imrat, and Evelien Tonkens. "Talking Active Citizenship: Framing Welfare State Reform in England and the Netherlands." Social Policy and Society 12, no. 3 (April 10, 2013): 415–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746413000158.

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This article reviews how activation policies frame citizens as individual welfare agents. The analysis focuses on the framing of feeling rules employed by governments that encourage active citizenship, in this instance in the Netherlands and England. In England, encouraging voluntarism is central to the Big Society agenda; in the Netherlands, it is at the heart of the 2007 Social Support Act and more recent ideas on citizenship. Governments cannot compel their citizens to volunteer their time; they can, however, try to seduce people by playing on their emotions. Based on an analysis of thirty-nine policy documents and political speeches, we find that English politicians employ ‘empowerment talk’ calculated to trigger positive feelings about being active citizens, while Dutch politicians employ ‘responsibility talk’ conveying negative feelings about failure to participate more actively in society. Responsibility talk runs the risk that citizens respond with counter-responsibility claims, whereas empowerment talk can fail to incite sufficient enthousiasm among citizens.

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16

Arts, Josien, and Marguerite Van Den Berg. "Pedagogies of optimism: Teaching to ‘look forward’ in activating welfare programmes in the Netherlands." Critical Social Policy 39, no. 1 (February 18, 2018): 66–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018318759923.

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In the context of the Dutch welfare state, precarisation entails particular pedagogies: citizens are taught how to feel about being insecure through the techniques of (1) accepting; (2) controlling; and (3) imagining. Welfare activation thus focuses on teaching citizens to accept their precarious position, to embrace it and to prepare for its continuation while remaining optimistic about its discontinuation. Perhaps cruelly, then, the state teaches citizens to develop optimism towards certain imagined futures while at the same time acknowledging the unattainability of these futures. Importantly, case managers in Dutch welfare offices are often precarious themselves too, making the affective labour they perform both difficult and essential for themselves. Contemporary activation and workfare programmes are therefore best understood as characterised by insecurity and precarisation on both the receiving and the providing end of state–citizen encounters.

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17

Lubbers, Marcel, Claudia Diehl, Theresa Kuhn, and Christian Albrekt Larsen. "Migrants' support for welfare state spending in Denmark, Germany, and the Netherlands." Social Policy & Administration 52, no. 4 (April 25, 2018): 895–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spol.12404.

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18

Bussemaker, Jet. "Feminism and the welfare state: On gender and individualism in The Netherlands." History of European Ideas 15, no. 4-6 (December 1992): 655–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(92)90075-n.

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19

RAVEN, JUDITH, PETER ACHTERBERG, ROMKE VAN DER VEEN, and MARA YERKES. "An Institutional Embeddedness of Welfare Opinions? The Link between Public Opinion and Social Policy in the Netherlands (1970–2004)." Journal of Social Policy 40, no. 2 (July 21, 2010): 369–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279410000577.

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AbstractA major shortcoming in the existing literature on welfare state legitimacy is that it cannot explain when social policy designs follow public preferences and when public opinion follows existing policy designs and why. Scholars examining the influence of public opinion on welfare policies, as well as scholars investigating institutional influences on individual welfare attitudes, find empirical evidence to support both relationships. While a relationship in both directions is plausible, scholars have yet to thoroughly investigate the mutual relationship between these two. Consequently, we still do not know under which circumstances welfare institutions invoke public approval of welfare policies and under which circumstances public opinion drives welfare policy. Taking a quantitative approach to public opinion and welfare state policies in the Netherlands, this paper addresses this issue in an attempt to increase our understanding of welfare state legitimacy. The results show that individual opinions influence relatively new policies, policies which are not yet fully established and where policy designs are still evolving and developing. Social policy, on the other hand, is found to influence individual opinions on established and highly institutionalised policies, but does not influence individual opinions in relatively new areas of social policy.

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20

Schuyt, Theo N. M., Barbara M. Gouwenberg, and Barry L. K. Hoolwerf. "Foundations in the Netherlands: Toward a Diversified Social Model?" American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 13 (May 14, 2018): 1833–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218773406.

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This article describes the history, development, and current position of Dutch foundations. In the past, the philanthropy sector and foundations initiated many nonprofit services in the Netherlands. Along with the growth of the welfare state, philanthropy was sidelined. Due to public funding, the pillarized Dutch nonprofit sector extended strongly. However, despite its large scale it shows a special feature. Most nonprofits are still privately governed institutions although publicly funded. In the 1980s, governmental budget cuts forced the nonprofits to embrace the market as income source. A dualistic model got dominancy or state or market. At the end of the 20th century, however, philanthropy revived and a new philanthropy sector emerged. The article addresses the issue of the role of philanthropy in changing (European) welfare states. Are we experiencing further marketization and privatization—toward a so-called Anglo-Saxon shareholder model—or are we seeing a continuation of the so-called Rhineland, multistakeholder model of government, market, and philanthropy?

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21

Trein, Philipp. "Bossing or Protecting? The Integration of Social Regulation into the Welfare State." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 691, no. 1 (September 2020): 104–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716220953758.

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This article is an empirical analysis of how social regulation is integrated into the welfare state. I compare health, migration, and unemployment policy reforms in Australia, Austria, Canada, Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK, and the United States from 1980 to 2014. Results show that the timing of reform events is similar among countries for health and unemployment policy but differs among countries for migration policy. For migration and unemployment policy, the integration of regulation and welfare is more likely to entail conditionality compared to health policy. In other words, in these two policy fields, it is more common that claimants receive financial support upon compliance with social regulations. Liberal or Continental European welfare regimes are especially inclined to integration. I conclude that integrating regulation and welfare entails a double goal: “bossing” citizens by making them take up available jobs while expelling migrants and refugees for minor offenses; and protecting citizens from risks, such as noncommunicable diseases.

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22

Kloosterman, Robert C. "Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism? The welfare state and the post‐industrial trajectory in the Netherlands after 1980." West European Politics 17, no. 4 (October 1994): 166–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389408425048.

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23

van Oorschot, Wim, Tomáš Sirovátka, and Ladislav Rabušic. "Welfare State Solidarity and Support. The Czech Republic and the Netherlands in Comparison." Czech Sociological Review 35, no. 3 (June 1, 1999): 247–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/00380288.1999.35.3.01.

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24

Priemus, Hugo. "Redefining the welfare state; Impact upon housing and housing policy in The Netherlands." Netherlands Journal of Housing and the Built Environment 10, no. 2 (June 1995): 141–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02496532.

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25

van Oorschot, Wim, and Bart Meuleman. "Welfarism and the multidimensionality of welfare state legitimacy: Evidence from The Netherlands, 2006." International Journal of Social Welfare 21, no. 1 (January 17, 2011): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2397.2010.00779.x.

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26

TRAMPUSCH, CHRISTINE. "Industrial Relations as a Source of Solidarity in Times of Welfare State Retrenchment." Journal of Social Policy 36, no. 2 (March 5, 2007): 197–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279406000560.

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Within the literature on retrenchment policies, the ‘solidarity-decline thesis’ is discussed. It is argued that current welfare state restructuring leads to a decrease in the actual social cohesion of society because redistributive public benefits are cut. The article addresses this thesis by presenting empirical evidence on social security based on collective bargaining. In Denmark, France, Germany and the Netherlands, collective agreements are increasingly used to regulate and finance social benefits. These collectively negotiated benefits may compensate to a certain degree for solidarity losses caused by retrenchment policies. The article reviews concepts of solidarity used in the literature and develops a two-dimensional scheme of four different concepts. The conclusion for comparative welfare state research is twofold. First, when viewing policies of welfare state retrenchment, the research should systematically include industrial relations in its frame of reference. Second, further studies should analyse the politics as well as the outcomes of collectively negotiated benefits more systematically. Under certain conditions, which are worth specifying, collective bargaining may lead to complex public–private mixes that shift welfare states in other directions than outright market liberalisation, not only in factual but also in normative terms.

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27

Flynn, Rob. "Cutback Contradictions in Dutch Housing Policy." Journal of Social Policy 15, no. 2 (April 1986): 223–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400001689.

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ABSTRACTThis paper describes housing policy in the Netherlands and the current crisis over subsidies. It argues that the development of the welfare state, the housing system, and recent retrenchment contain contradictions which reflect the distinctive nature of Dutch politics and social structure. In particular, it suggests that the existence of pillarized social cleavages has been influential in the growth of a progressive welfare state, in providing a secure base for social rented housing, and in sustaining high levels of support for spending on housing subsidies. Expenditure cutbacks and measures for administrative rationalization are outlined, and some of the contradictory effects on housing policy are examined.

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28

Einerhand, Marcel, Ingemar Eriksson, and Michiel Van Leuvensteijn. "Benefit Dependency and the Dynamics of the Welfare State: Comparing Sweden and the Netherlands." International Social Security Review 54, no. 1 (January 2001): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-246x.00082.

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29

Vis, Barbara, Kees van Kersbergen, and Uwe Becker. "The Politics of Welfare State Reform in the Netherlands: Explaining a Never-Ending Puzzle." Acta Politica 43, no. 2-3 (June 24, 2008): 333–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2008.11.

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30

Cox, Robert H. "Alternative patterns of welfare state development: The case of public assistance in the Netherlands." West European Politics 13, no. 4 (October 1990): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389008424821.

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31

Hoekstra, Joris. "Housing and the Welfare State in the Netherlands: An Application of Esping-Andersen's Typology." Housing, Theory and Society 20, no. 2 (June 2003): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14036090310000634.

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32

Laenen, Tijs. "Do institutions matter? The interplay between income benefit design, popular perceptions, and the social legitimacy of targeted welfare." Journal of European Social Policy 28, no. 1 (February 2018): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928718755777.

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A recurring theme in welfare state research is that public support for social welfare is related to the institutional design of welfare policies. However, strong empirical evidence for the institutional embeddedness of welfare attitudes has been lacking to date, and the underlying theoretical mechanisms remain underexplored. This article diverges from the widespread macro-perspective of welfare regime theory, by shifting the focus of its analysis from countries to income benefit schemes within the heterogeneous welfare context of the Netherlands. Based on the 2006 Welfare Opinions Survey, results show that the institutional design of three differently organized benefit schemes (the people’s pension, workers’ unemployment insurance and social assistance) is meaningfully related to popular perceptions of self-interest, programme performance and welfare deservingness. These intermediate perceptions, in turn, appear to have a significant impact on the social legitimacy of welfare allocation to the target groups of the schemes: pensioners, unemployed people and social assistance recipients.

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33

Hoekman, Remco, Jan-Willem van der Roest, and Hugo van der Poel. "From welfare state to participation society? Austerity measures and local sport policy in the Netherlands." International Journal of Sport Policy and Politics 10, no. 1 (October 24, 2017): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19406940.2017.1381636.

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34

SUVARIEROL, SEMIN. "Creating Citizen-Workers through Civic Integration." Journal of Social Policy 44, no. 4 (April 22, 2015): 707–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279415000203.

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AbstractThe shift to the workfare state has brought about ways of governing welfare subjects, the practical implementation of which has often been delegated to private state agents and their street-level bureaucrats. In the neoliberal paternalist state, the words and deeds of these street-level agents become even more relevant in order to understand the impact of contemporary social policies. This article focuses on the case of migrants in the Netherlands, who are problematised in particular as (potential) welfare subjects. By analysing the civic integration programme content for migrants, it reveals the responsibilising and disciplining discourses and practices used to promote the ideal of citizen-worker. That the task of inculcating the virtues and skills demanded by neoliberal policies has been transferred to private course providers makes state ideology all-invasive. While the lack of integration and participation is linked to individual failure, the state loses its social face in the process.

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35

van Nederveen Meerkerk, Elise. "Grammar of Difference? The Dutch Colonial State, Labour Policies, and Social Norms on Work and Gender, c.1800–1940." International Review of Social History 61, S24 (December 2016): 137–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859016000481.

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AbstractThis article investigates developments in labour policies and social norms on gender and work from a colonial perspective. It aims to analyse the extent to which state policies and societal norms influenced gendered labour relations in the Netherlands and its colony, the Netherlands Indies (present-day Indonesia). In order to investigate the influence of the state on gender and household labour relations in the Dutch empire, this paper compares as well as connects social interventions related to work and welfare in the Netherlands and the Netherlands Indies from the early nineteenth century up until World War II. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, work was seen as a means to morally discipline the poor, both in the Netherlands and the Netherlands Indies. Parallel initiatives were taken by Johannes van den Bosch, who, in 1815, established “peat colonies” in the Netherlands, aiming to transform the urban poor into industrious agrarian workers, and in 1830 introduced the Cultivation System in the Netherlands Indies, likewise to increase the industriousness of Javanese peasants. While norms were similar, the scope of changing labour relations was much vaster in the colony than in the metropole.During the nineteenth century, ideals and practices of the male breadwinner started to pervade Dutch households, and children’s and women’s labour laws were enacted. Although in practice many Dutch working-class women and children continued to work, their official numbers dropped significantly. In contrast to the metropole, the official number of working (married) women in the colony was very high, and rising over the period. Protection for women and children was introduced very late in the Netherlands Indies and only under intense pressure from the international community. Not only did Dutch politicians consider it “natural” for Indonesian women and children to work, their assumptions regarding inherent differences between Indonesian and Dutch women served to justify the protection of the latter: a fine example of what Ann Stoler and Frederick Cooper have called a “grammar of difference”.

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36

Vonk, Robert A. A., and Frederik T. Schut. "Can universal access be achieved in a voluntary private health insurance market? Dutch private insurers caught between competing logics." Health Economics, Policy and Law 14, no. 03 (May 7, 2018): 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744133118000142.

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AbstractFor almost a century, the Netherlands was marked by a large market for voluntary private health insurance alongside state-regulated social health insurance. Throughout this period, private health insurers tried to safeguard their position within an expanding welfare state. From an institutional logics perspective, we analyze how private health insurers tried to reconcile the tension between a competitive insurance market pressuring for selective underwriting and actuarially fair premiums (the insurance logic), and an upcoming welfare state pressuring for universal access and socially fair premiums (the welfare state logic). Based on primary sources and the extant historiography, we distinguish six periods in which the balance between both logics changed significantly. We identify various strategies employed by private insurers to reconcile the competing logics. Some of these were temporarily successful, but required measures that were incompatible with the idea of free entrepreneurship and consumer choice. We conclude that universal access can only be achieved in a competitive individual private health insurance market if this market is effectively regulated and mandatory cross-subsidies are effectively enforced. The Dutch case demonstrates that achieving universal access in a competitive private health insurance market is institutionally complex and requires broad political and societal support.

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37

Van Bavel, Bas, and Ewout Frankema. "Wealth Inequality in the Netherlands, c. 1950-2015. The Paradox of a Northern European Welfare State." Tijdschrift voor Sociale en Economische Geschiedenis/ The Low Countries Journal of Social and Economic History 14, no. 2 (June 22, 2017): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/tseg.916.

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38

Kickert, Walter J. M. "Expansion and Diversification of Public Administration in the Postwar Welfare State: The Case of the Netherlands." Public Administration Review 56, no. 1 (January 1996): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3110059.

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39

Chapman, Herrick. "Paul V. Dutton,Origins of the French Welfare State: The Struggle for Social Reform in France, 1914–1947. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. xiii + 251 pp. $65.00 cloth; $27.00 paper." International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (October 2004): 194–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904210249.

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Comparative studies of social policy usually portray the French welfare state as lagging behind most of its counterparts in Western Europe during the first decades of the twentieth century. The sheer complexity of the French system, moreover, with its baroque mixture of separate private, government and quasi-public funds, made it exceptional as well. Yet tardiness and complexity by no means prevented the French from expanding social insurance at an especially rapid clip in the decades following the Second World War. By 1980 France spent more on social security as a percentage of Gross Domestic Product than any country in Europe except Denmark, Sweden and the Netherlands. Today the French are among Europe's most stalwart defenders of publicly funded pensions and health insurance. Given its unimpressive beginnings, how did the French welfare state become such a heavyweight?

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40

GROOTEGOED, ELLEN, and DIANA VAN DIJK. "The Return of the Family? Welfare State Retrenchment and Client Autonomy in Long-Term Care." Journal of Social Policy 41, no. 4 (July 4, 2012): 677–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279412000311.

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AbstractEuropean welfare states are cutting back their responsibilities for long-term care, emphasising ‘self-reliance’ and replacing care as an entitlement of citizenship with targeted services. But we do not know how former long-term care recipients cope with retrenchment and if they are able to negotiate support from their family and friends. Through an analysis of 500 telephone interviews and thirty face-to-face interviews with long-term care recipients facing reduced care rights in the Netherlands, we found that disabled and elderly persons resist increased dependence on their personal networks. Most clients who face reduced access to public long-term care do not seek alternative help despite their perceived need for it, and feel trapped between the policy definition of self-reliance and their own ideals of autonomy.

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41

Mellink, Bram. "Towards the Centre: Early Neoliberals in the Netherlands and the Rise of the Welfare State, 1945–1958." Contemporary European History 29, no. 1 (February 12, 2019): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000887.

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Although scholars have recently taken an increased interest in the history of neoliberalism, the ‘breakthrough’ of neoliberalism under Thatcher and Reagan still captures most of their attention. Consequently, the neoliberal project is primarily taken as Anglo-American, while its early history is mostly studied to explain the political shift of the 1980s. This article focuses on the early neoliberal movement in the Netherlands (1945–58) to highlight the continental European roots of neoliberal thought, trace the remarkably wide dissemination of neoliberal ideas in Dutch socio-economic debates and highlight the key role of these ideas in the conceptualisation of the Western European welfare state.

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Gantchev, Valery. "Data protection in the age of welfare conditionality: Respect for basic rights or a race to the bottom?" European Journal of Social Security 21, no. 1 (March 2019): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1388262719838109.

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This article addresses the informational control powers of the state to detect social security fraud as one of the pillars supporting welfare conditionality in Western European states. It sheds light on the question of whether the repressive trend of vastly expanding conditions and sanctions attached to welfare benefits can also be observed in an unwarranted expansion of the adopted control powers of the government. The article begins by highlighting the importance of data protection law in the field of social security. It then provides a normative yardstick for assessing nationally the control powers by analysing the normative criteria set by the EU data protection framework, more specifically with regard to the purpose limitation principle and the transparency rights of individuals. Three case studies are carried out on Germany, the United Kingdom and the Netherlands which investigate the conformity of the control powers of the welfare administration with the basic right to data protection. The article concludes by providing explanations for the diverging level of protection in the examined countries and by recommending strategies for improving the data protection position of welfare beneficiaries.

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van Hooren, Franca, and Uwe Becker. "One Welfare State, Two Care Regimes: Understanding Developments in Child and Elderly Care Policies in the Netherlands." Social Policy & Administration 46, no. 1 (July 18, 2011): 83–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9515.2011.00808.x.

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Kersbergen, Kees, and Kjersti Metliaas. "Radical alternative conceptualizations of the classical welfare state? Contrasting the United Kingdom and the Netherlands with Norway." Social Policy & Administration 54, no. 5 (February 6, 2020): 813–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spol.12580.

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TOUWEN, JEROEN. "Why Consult, Why Consent? Employers in Concertation Platforms Facing Welfare State Expansion in the Netherlands, 1920–1960." Journal of Policy History 35, no. 2 (March 1, 2023): 254–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030622000306.

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AbstractThis article analyzes the attitudes of Dutch employers toward social policy in the early twentieth century. Recent literature has evolved from an emphasis on power to an emphasis on preferences. Moving away from the traditional view that unions and social democrats forced social laws on employers, recent scholars suggest that firms saw specific advantages in the introduction of social laws. However, I show that the attitudes of Dutch business representatives, rather than seeking these specific advantages, merely reflected a willingness to consult, inspired by their macroeconomic view. Employers expressed the wish to attain an organized form of capitalism and accepted regulated forms of codetermination. Once the consultative platforms were in place, employers pursued strategic goals, such as labor peace and disciplining the unions. This paved the way for accepting welfare state expansion. In sum, mid-twentieth century business interests were strongly oriented toward coordinated capitalism.

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Groenendijk, J. G. "Local Policymaking under Fiscal Centralism in the Netherlands: Consequences for Local Environmental Policy." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 16, no. 2 (April 1998): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c160173.

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Fiscal centralism affects central—local relations in more ways than simply constraining local autonomy. In the case of the Netherlands, central—local policy communities, in which nongovernmental organizations may play a significant role, divide local policymaking into sectors. Responsiveness to local requirements is highly skewed. Decentralization to improve local policymaking is frustrated by the urge for equality in this one-constituency state. The pillarization in the formative decades of the welfare state contributed to the development of this characteristic of the Dutch polity. These central—local relations are not conducive to innovation, which is required for local implementation of environmental policy. Sectoral boundaries preclude the essential integration of this policy. Municipal development plans, essentially designed to improve local resources, defy centrally devised norms and even prevent proper application of environmental impact assessments in central government's decisions on motorways.

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Groot, Loek, Ruud Muffels, and Timo Verlaat. "Welfare States’ Social Investment Strategies and the Emergence of Dutch Experiments on a Minimum Income Guarantee." Social Policy and Society 18, no. 2 (August 28, 2018): 277–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746418000283.

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The focus in welfare state support in the Netherlands has been shifted from workfare and activation policies to social investment strategies. The discourse on basic income and the related municipal experiments highlights this shift. We address the inspiration found in basic income and behavioural economic and motivational psychological theoretical insights for the design of the experiments and for new avenues of minimum income protection and providing participation opportunities for the disadvantaged. The emerging new paradigm also implies a shift in the cultural values and principles on which welfare state policies are implicitly founded. This means that in these endeavours particular social values are put more upfront, such as personal autonomy (capacitating people by providing opportunities and therewith ‘free choice’) and trust (activating people by putting trust in their self-management capacities) which in day-to-day policy practice means more tailor-made, demand-oriented integrated mediation and coaching while rewarding people instead of penalising them.

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Afonso, Alexandre. "Choosing whom to betray: populist right-wing parties, welfare state reforms and the trade-off between office and votes." European Political Science Review 7, no. 2 (April 17, 2014): 271–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773914000125.

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This article analyses the impact of populist right-wing parties (PRWPs) on welfare state reforms in Western Europe in the light of the trade-off that they face between office and votes. On the one hand, PRWPs appeal to traditionally left-leaning blue-collar ‘insiders’ supportive of social insurance schemes. On the other hand, they have only been able to take part in government as junior coalition partners with liberal or conservative parties who are more likely to retrench these very same welfare programmes. In this context, the article argues that these parties have to choose between betraying their electorate (and losing votes), and betraying their coalition partners (and losing office). When they choose office, it enables welfare state retrenchment by allowing their coalition partners to curtail left-wing opposition, but entails high electoral costs for PRWPs. When they choose votes, it generates deadlock and potentially jeopardizes their participation in government. The paper draws on a comparative analysis of pension reforms during three periods of government participation of PRWPs: the Schüssel I and II cabinets in Austria (2000–06), the Rutte I cabinet in the Netherlands (2010–12) and three pension reforms in Switzerland between 1995 and 2010. The analysis draws on original primary material and interviews.

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Touwen, Jeroen. "The Hybrid Variety: Lessons in Nonmarket Coordination from the Business System in the Netherlands, 1950–2010." Enterprise & Society 15, no. 4 (December 2014): 849–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s146722270001613x.

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This article develops a historical perspective on the coordinated market economy of the Netherlands and explains why it opted forcompartmentalized liberalization. Two related questions are addressed, studying the Netherlands as a case study of a Coordinated Market Economy (CME): to what extent can economic change be accommodatedwithinone “type of capitalism”? And why do specific institutions change while others remain in place? Applying the criteria of “Varieties of Capitalism” I focus on the way the Dutch business system applied nonmarket coordination during the twentieth century. Drawing information from various subfields (business history, labor relations and welfare state studies), I review processes of change and postulate that coordination resulted in the adoption of market-oriented reform in clearly delineated areas. “Varieties of Capitalism” theory addresses the historical roots of institutional arrangements, but historical developments have been underexposed in the comparative capitalism-literature.

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Zadoroznyj, Maria, Cecilia Benoit, and Sarah Berry. "Motherhood, Medicine & Markets: The Changing Cultural Politics of Postnatal Care Provision." Sociological Research Online 17, no. 3 (August 2012): 134–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.2701.

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In high-income countries welfare states play a crucial role in defining - and re-defining - what is offered as publicly provided care, and as a result shape the role of families, markets and the voluntary sector in care provision. Fiscal policies of cost containment, coupled with neoliberal policies stressing individual responsibility and reliance on market forces in recent decades, have resulted in the contraction of state provided care services in a range of sectors and states. There has also been widespread retrenchment in public health sectors across many countries resulting in policies of deinstitionalisation and early discharge from hospital that are predicated on the assumption that the family or voluntary sector will pick up the slack in the care chain. At the same time that this loosening of medicalized control has occurred, services to families with young children have become increasingly targeted on ‘at risk’ mothers through widespread population surveillance. To date, analyses of the implications of these important changes in care provision have primarily focused on health services and outcomes for birthing women and their newborns. In this paper, we make the case that post-birth care is a form of social care shaped not only by welfare state policies but also by cultural norms, and we suggest an analytic framework for examining some of the recent changes in the provision of postpartum care. We use examples from three developed welfare states - the Netherlands, Australia and Canada - to illustrate how variations in welfare state policy and cultural norms and ideals shape the provision of home and community based postnatal services.

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