Academic literature on the topic 'Welfare state – Ireland'

AbstractPublic discourse on migrant interactions with state welfare systems has often assumed exploitative motivations on the part of migrants, with charges of welfare tourism a recurring theme among segments of the political spectrum. Academic research has also tended to characterise migrant welfare utilisation in simple dichotomous terms where migrants are either ‘welfare dependent’ or not. This article argues for the analytic utility of disaggregating the concept of welfare utilisation into distinct component parts, denoting usage, participation and dependency with regard to state-provided cash welfare benefits. Using EU survey data, these distinct components of welfare utilisation among migrants are assessed in comparative cross-national context, comparing welfare and labour market outcomes for similar cohorts of migrants faced with dissimilar incentive structures. The results have direct implications for policy-makers, and for migrant experiences of social citizenship, in so far as they show little support for the moral hazard view of migrant interactions with welfare systems. Migrants in Ireland's relatively more generous welfare system are seen to have no greater likelihood of welfare dependency, and in fact show a lower usage of welfare (as a proportion of total income) than similar migrants in Britain, controlling for characteristics. Intriguingly, however, the likelihood of forming a partial labour market attachment is seen to respond to increasing levels of welfare usage in Ireland, but not in Britain, suggesting that migrants may be taking an active role in how they define their position in the work-welfare nexus in response to welfare system incentives.

The article examines how the roles of state institutions and state owned enterprises have been changed in Ireland since its independence, with special regard to the role of state ownership and crisis management. The history of planning and social partnership, the courses of nationalisation and privatisation and the problem of damaging the state are discussed as well. The author concludes that the crisis has not resulted in the strengthening of the developmental or welfare role of the state, the evolution of a “developmental welfare state” has become less likely in Ireland in the course of crisis management. Another lesson is that the state can manage certain bad assets of the private sector in a way that yields a profit to the public. There are other costs of the crisis management, however, which are to be paid by the people and result in a decrease of state ownership and a shrinking of the welfare systems.

The article presents the origins and evolution of social policy programmes in Scotland since the referendum in 1997. Regional authorities in Scotland obtained significant prerogatives in payment of social benefits. They actively exercised the rights granted by the UK legislation, resulting in the partial decentralisation of the social security system in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland has become a fact. This decentralisation is not complete, because the administration of pensions, and unemployment benefits remains the sole responsibility of London’s central government. One of the features of British social policy has become territorial asymmetry, consisting of partially different programs and social policy institutions in other parts of the UK. The most important effect of the reforms is the creation of institutions and draft social policy programs that can be put into effect, when the process of political emancipation in Scotland will lead to a new regional referendum.

AbstractWhile both migration and welfare states are popular topics of research, the intersection between them is rarely studied. In this article, we present the findings of a study that explored migrant workers' conceptualisation of ‘social protection’ and their relationship with the Irish welfare state. The main foci of analysis for the purposes of this article are the migrant workers' understandings, experiences and expectations regarding their social protection and the welfare state. While our findings hint at the presence of many migrant workers who are very poorly anchored into and even completely detached from the Irish welfare state, they also reveal complex and ambivalent attitudes towards component parts of the social protection system. While the findings presented here stem from a qualitative study in a single country, we hypothesise that similar patterns can be identified among the migrant populations in other, particularly liberal, welfare states.

Travellers and Gypsies are recognised ethnic groups in the UK and Ireland. Horse ownership is an important cultural tradition, however, practices associated with poor welfare are often perceived to be linked to these horse owning communities. Despite this, empirical studies on the welfare status of Traveller and Gypsy owned horses are lacking. To determine the welfare status of Traveller and Gypsy owned horses, 104 horses were assessed using a bespoke horse welfare protocol. This protocol assessed animal, resource and management-based measures. In addition, Qualitative Behaviour Assessment (QBA) identified horses’ emotional state. Results indicated that 81% of horses had an optimal body condition score, with no horse recorded as very thin/fat. The absence of limb conditions (95%), ocular (98%) and nasal (93%) discharges were evident in most horses, and 81% of horses responded positively to the voluntary animal approach test. The most commonly observed welfare issues were hoof neglect (27%), with hoof cracks/breakages (19%) being the most prevalent. QBA indicated that positive emotional states were more commonplace than negative. A relationship between QBA and other horse welfare measures was observed, e.g., improved mood was associated with better water availability. This research provides novel data in the under-researched area of the welfare of Traveller and Gypsy owned horses and counters perceptions of a poor welfare state in this group of horses.

Beginning by outlining the pre-recession aspirations for an active Irish social policy, the article then examines the recent political economy of social policy and the cumulative impact of the National Asset Management Agency, the Report of the Special Group on Public Service Numbers and Expenditure Programmes (McCarthy, 2009), the Commission on Taxation (Government of Ireland, 2009) and Budget 2010 on unemployment, social expenditure, poverty and inequality. Assuming a Developmental Welfare State is still the aspiration of Irish social policy, it explores three different models of activation; flexicurity, mutual obligations and active inclusion for all. Arguing for a flexicurity model strengthened by incorporating principles from Active Inclusion for All (EAPN, 2008) that promote a less punitive approach to activation; the article ends by considering how to gender the life cycle approach and concludes strong political leadership is required to move in this direction.

Partant des années du tigre celtique, la croissance économique remarquable de l’Irlande et les inégalités existantes dans son sillage, cette thèse tente de réévaluer la question des inégalités contemporaines dans les sociétés modernes en s’intéressant au cas irlandais entre 1922 et 2002. Dans quelle mesure les inégalités existaient-elles avant l’avènement du tigre celtique ? Quelles étaient les attitudes irlandaises vis-à-vis des inégalités et comment celles-ci ont-elles évolué ? Les Irlandais se préoccupent-ils de l’égalité ? À partir d’une analyse économique, sociale, historique et politique fondée sur des recherches comparatives portant sur le développement des systèmes d’État providence et le degré plus ou moins redistributif de leurs politiques, ainsi que des réflexions portant sur les inégalités et la justice dans nos sociétés, cette thèse a pour objectif de montrer que les inégalités actuelles en Irlande peuvent être mieux appréhendées lorsqu’elles sont considérées sous l’angle d’une incapacité à créer une société plus juste à partir de 1922. Selon l’auteur, trois séries particulières de facteurs, les facteurs démographiques et économiques, les facteurs politiques et les mentalités irlandaises, ont, en profonde interaction les uns avec les autres, établi un cadre puissant qui a empêché l’avènement d’une société plus juste entre 1922 et 2002
Beginning with the Celtic Tiger years, Ireland’s remarkable economic growth and the inequalities existing in its wake, this PhD tries to re-assess the issue of contemporary inequalities in modern societies emphasising the Irish case from 1922 to 2002. To what extent did inequalities exist in Ireland prior to the advent of the Celtic Tiger? What were Irish attitudes to inequalities and how have they evolved? Do Irish people care about equality? Based on an economic, social, historical and political analysis resting on recent comparative studies of the development of welfare state systems and the varying extents of their redistributive agendas as well as on reflections on inequalities and fairness in our societies, this thesis aims to show that current inequalities in Ireland can best be understood in the light of an inability to create a more just society from 1922 onwards. The author argues that three particular sets of factors, demographic and economic factors, political factors, and Irish mentalités have, in close interaction with one another, provided a strong framework which has prevented the advent of a more just society between 1922 and 2002

Defence date: 3 February 2003
Examining board: Prof. Colin Crouch (EUI-Supervisor) ; Prof. Jaap Dronkers (EUI) ; Prof. Gabriel Kiely (University College Dublin) ; Prof. Diane Sainsbury (Stockholm University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

碩士
國立中正大學
社會福利所
97
Because of being short of natural resources, population or territory, small states must choose open economy instead of closed economy to connect with the world, and national economy is exposed risk of high economic volatility. At this time, nations have to use some “compensation” for low paid workers and labor of high risk. Although competitiveness has been a top priority now, we don’t neglect the increasing social inequality in this process. Ireland had high unemployment rate at 17% in 1980s, but economic miracle called “Celtic Tiger” appeared in 1990s. Per capita GDP of Ireland which had grown up almost four times became the second in EU, and unemployment rate which had been down at 4% in 2000s was near the level of Golden age. Ireland has lack of traditions of corporatism, but developed social partnership agreement at national level in economic and political crisis. There are six agreements up to now, and each has been the base of Irish development. The main way of compensation in Ireland is that income tax concessions for pay moderation, and this is surely to ease the tax burden of labor. But it is a surprising that there’s high income inequality and poverty in EU, and it seems to be the price of success. Whether economic development, labor or welfare policies, Irish situation is similar to Taiwan. Therefore the experience of Irish success is important, social consensus of social partnership agreement especially. On the contrary, we must learn a lesson of Irish high social inequality.

Cette thèse porte sur le rôle des organismes communautaires entre 1994 et 2002 dans l’élaboration de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté au Québec et en Irlande et ce, dans un contexte de gouvernance. Au cours de années 1980 et 1990, des gouvernements, dont ceux du Québec et de l’Irlande, ont fait appel à des organismes communautaires pour que ceux-ci participent à la gestion des services sociaux ainsi qu’à la formulation des politiques sociales. Cette participation s’est inscrite dans le cadre de nouveaux arrangements politiques, soit des nouvelles formes de gouvernance alors que les gouvernements éprouvaient des difficultés à remédier à l’accroissement des inégalités sociales. Cependant, il demeure difficile de discerner en quoi l’établissement de ces nouvelles formes de gouvernance a façonné le rôle des organismes communautaires dans l’élaboration des politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. De plus, les partenariats sociaux en Irlande relèvent d’un processus davantage institué que la concertation au Québec, ce qui a entraîné des différences au plan des mobilisations sociales. L’objectif de cette thèse est donc celui de mieux cerner le lien entre les nouvelles formes de gouvernance et la mobilisation sociale des organismes communautaires dans l’élaboration de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. L’hypothèse mise en avant est que l’efficacité de l’action collective dépend de la manière dont les organismes communautaires s’y prennent pour pallier l’incertitude qui caractérise les modes de gouvernance. Sur le plan théorique, cette thèse mise sur les interactions entre acteurs et, plus particulièrement, sur la formation de réseaux de politiques publiques. Cela implique plus précisément de cerner comment les acteurs coordonnent des activités entre eux et se rallient autour d’un même thème, comme celui de la lutte contre la pauvreté. Lorsque la coordination des activités est forte et que le ralliement autour d’un même thème est important, on parle de coalition de cause. La nécessité de former une coalition se produit dans le contexte d’un champ institutionnel incertain, comme c’est le cas pour les mécanismes de concertation au Québec. Mais le caractère incertain du champ institutionnel entraîne aussi des divergences à l’intérieur de la coalition instaurée à cette occasion, ayant pour effet d’affaiblir la mobilisation sociale. Ainsi, l’interprétation que font les organismes communautaires des nouvelles formes de gouvernance façonne la manière dont ces organismes vont définir la lutte contre la pauvreté et élaborer leurs stratégies. Sur le plan méthodologique, le choix des cas de l’Irlande et du Québec repose dans les différences qui existent en termes de gouvernance et ce, alors qu’ils partagent de fortes similarités. Tant l’Irlande que le Québec sont caractérisés par des économies de marché ouvertes, des régimes d’État-providence de type libéral ainsi que l’emprise, par le passé, de l’Église catholique dans les services sociaux. Cependant, ces deux cas diffèrent en ce qui concerne le rôle de l’État, le système électoral, le statut juridico-politique, le caractère de leur économie et la place occupée par le milieu communautaire par rapport à l’État. Ces différences permettent de rendre compte du moins en ce qui concerne le Québec et l’Irlande, de la manière dont l’action collective découle de la relation entre les stratégies des acteurs et le contexte dans lequel ils se situent. Cette thèse montre comment, dans un processus davantage institué, comme c’est le cas des partenariats sociaux en Irlande, la mobilisation sociale s’avère plus efficace que lorsqu’elle se situe dans le cadre d’un processus moins institué, comme ce qu’on peut observer avec la concertation au Québec. Bien que, dans les deux cas, l’influence du milieu communautaire en matière des politiques sociales demeure mitigée, la mobilisation sociale des organismes communautaires irlandais s’est avérée plus efficace que celle de leurs homologues québécois eu égard de la formulation de politiques pour lutter contre la pauvreté. Au Québec, bien que les organismes communautaires sont parvenus à former une coalition, soit le Collectif pour une loi sur l’élimination de la pauvreté, leur mobilisation s’est trouvée affaiblie en raison de la prédominance de divergences entre acteurs communautaires. De telles divergences étaient aggravées en raison du caractère incertain du champ institutionnel lié à la concertation. En Irlande, bien que les organismes communautaires ont dû faire face à des contraintes qui rendaient difficiles la formation d’une coalition, ceux-ci ont pu néanmoins se mobiliser autrement, notamment en raison de liens formés avec des fonctionnaires dans le cadre des ententes partenariales.
This dissertation concentrates on the role community organisations played between 1994 and 2002 in the development of anti-poverty policies in Québec and in Ireland. The elaboration of these policies took place within a context characterized by new forms of governance, that is new political arrangements designed to include non-governmental actors in the policy process. Indeed, since the 1980s and 1990s, community organizations have been called upon by their governments to take part in the delivery of social services and, in particular, in the development of anti-poverty policies. This comes at a time when governments are having difficulty addressing social inequalities. But despite greater inclusion of community organizations into the policy process, the extent of their role in social policy development remains difficult to ascertain. This is made all the more difficult on account of institutional differences, like those that exist between social partnerships in Ireland and cooperation-based initiatives (« la concertation ») in Québec. The objective of this dissertation is therefore to understand how new forms of governance shaped community organizations’ efforts to mobilize around the fight against poverty. The hypothesis put forth in this dissertation is that collective action is shaped by the way in which community organizations compose with the uncertainty which characterizes new modes of governance. The theoretical framework focuses on the way in which actors interact in the course of the development of anti-poverty policies. These interactions are characterized by the formation of policy networks. Their cohesion depends on the extent to which actors coordinate their activities and also rally around a similar theme, like that of fighting against poverty and social exclusion. When a policy network is highly cohesive, it resembles an advocacy coalition. This happens when actors’ mobilization efforts take place within a less institutionalized process. Because such a process is marked by uncertainty, it becomes necessary for actors such as community organizations to form a coalition. However, with that uncertainty differences emerge over strategy within such a coalition. As a result, the formation of a coalition does not, in and of itself, guarantee a strong mobilization. Put simply, community organizations’ efforts depend on the way in which they interpret the new forms of governance in which they participate. From a methodological standpoint, the choice to study Québec and Ireland on a comparative basis lies in the fact that although the two cases share strong similarities, they differ sharply when it comes to governance. Both are small open economies, have liberal welfare states and have, in the past, been characterized by the Catholic Church’s predominance in social services. However, these cases differ in terms of the role of the state, their electoral systems, their judicial and political status, the nature of their economies and the role of the community sector in public policy. Such a comparison renders it possible to better understand in what way actors’ strategies are related to the wider context in which they find themselves. This dissertation has found that while social mobilization may, in the context of an institutionalized process, seem weak, it is more effective in enabling community organizations to exert influence in the development of anti-poverty policies. This was the case in Ireland. Indeed, while the social partnership process constrained community organizations in forming a coalition, it also enabled them to form ties with key civil servants. This gave community organizations the opportunity to tailor their demands in an effective manner. Such a margin of manoeuver did not exist for community organizations in Québec. Moreover, the need to form a coalition resulted in community organizations diverging over strategy. Their divergences stemmed from the uncertain form « la concertation » took in the development of Bill 112, the anti-poverty bill. While community organizations did form a coalition, the Collective to Eliminate Poverty, disagreements over strategy took over, thus weakening mobilization efforts.

This chapter analyses the post-war evolution of a welfare state in Ireland. It explores the tension between traditionalist influences (clientelism, localism, and religion) and the modernising forces of social democracy that were reshaping civic culture and the idea of citizenship into what T. H. Marshall (1950) has called a ‘three-legged stool’ of civil rights, political rights, and social rights. The Irish welfare state is often categorised as belonging to the Anglo-Saxon model. However, Ireland's ideological orientation (driven by Catholic social teaching in the form of the principle of subsidiarity) and an informal Church–State alliance suggests the Irish welfare state had more in common with the Mediterranean countries (Spain, Portugal, Italy), Nonetheless, a shared language and popular culture did influence the public imaginary concept of the ideal of a welfare state and similarly shape public demands for higher levels of social expenditure.

Mary Daly examines the severe crisis in Ireland in this chapter. The crisis was preceded by an extended period of rapid economic growth, yet the national financial situation had been deteriorating prior to the recession. When it hit, a strong austerity approach was adopted, dictated principally by the terms of the financial bailout Ireland secured in 2010. In return for this funding, Ireland undertook a very detailed programme of reforms in which social policy and changed taxation were prioritized. These reforms featured large reductions in social expenditure and significant cuts to all benefits (except old-age pensions) and services, increasing poverty and hardship. Housing-related indebtedness increased quite widely as well. Reforms also institutionalized a much stronger activation approach. Apart from this, there was little or no major restructuring of the Irish welfare state, hence this proved quite resilient in a period that saw the overshadowing if not demise of social partnership.

This chapter explores the ideal of the welfare state with particular reference to Ireland and why it matters to us as European citizens. It discusses the origins of the welfare state, the relationship between welfare and citizenship, Ireland's position within welfare state frameworks, Irish social policy, and the crisis of legitimacy in the welfare state. It is argued that in the reconstructed reality of postmodern society, the challenge of social policy is to respond reflexively to changing needs and demands. The challenge to a universalist welfare state based on social obligation, common citizenship and human rights is manifest. If populism is to be the shape of things to come, where does that leave the welfare state? Is it possible to have a welfare state in a polarised and fragmented social order? This is the great social, political and intellectual challenge of postmodernity.