Journal articles: 'Welfare state – Germany'

1

Leibold, Stefan. "Il welfare tedesco: un compromesso confessionale?" SOCIOLOGIA E POLITICHE SOCIALI, no. 3 (January 2013): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sp2012-003004.

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From the end of the 19th century to the present, six political regimes followed one another in Germany: from the monarchy to the Weimar Republic, the national socialist dictatorship, the occupation by the allies after the Second World War, East Germany under Soviet influence, the new established capitalist West Germany and the reunified Germany (the "Berlin Republic" after 1990). Nevertheless, surprisingly enough, the structure of the German welfare state has shown a steady continuity over such a long span of time: Germany is a very prominent example of "path dependency" in matter of welfare state. This direction is characterized by a corporative stance in social policy and it involves economic associations, Unions, private welfare organizations and mainstream Churches as leading actors of this process. The article discusses whether or not the influence of religion is a cause for the distinct features of the German welfare state. It briefly draws on current analysis and a research project in Münster (Germany); it investigates the historical and ideological roots of the typical German welfare model, and the role religion played in that respect. Finally, it focuses upon the German welfare-state model from 1945 to the present.

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Steinmetz, George. "Worker and the Welfare State in Imperial Germany." International Labor and Working-Class History 40 (1991): 18–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900001113.

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A complex relationship existed between working-class formation and the development of the welfare state in Imperial Germany between 1871 and 1914. In the 1880s, the Social Democratic party voted against the three major national social insurance law's, and many workers seemed to spurn the incipient welfare state. But by 1914, socialists were active in social policy-making and workers were participating in the operations of the welfare state. Tens of thousands of workers and social democrats held positions in the social insurance funds and offices, the labor courts and labor exchanges, and other institutions of the official welfare state. Hundreds of workers had even become “friendly visitors” in the traditional middle-class domain of municipal poor relief. This shift is interesting not only from the standpoint of working-class orientations; it also challenges the received image of the German working class as excluded from the state —an interpretation based on an overly narrow focus on national parliamentary politics.

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Petersen, Klaus, and Jørn Henrik Petersen. "Confusion and divergence: Origins and meanings of the term ‘welfare state’ in Germany and Britain, 1840–1940." Journal of European Social Policy 23, no. 1 (January 23, 2013): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928712463160.

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It is often stated that there is no standard definition of a ‘welfare state’. A survey of the standard textbooks supports this claim. It is also often the case that academic works on welfare state and social policy history earmark lines or even pages to discussing the origins of the term welfare state. However, these brief accounts are often wrong in the details and are missing important aspects. In our article we offer the first detailed study of the origin of the term ‘welfare state’ tracing it back to the mid-19th century Germany and following its diverse and changing definitions in the German and British context until the 1940s. The study adds decades to the conventional understanding of this history and offers a more nuanced understanding of the different definitions attributed to the term before its political breakthrough in the late 1940s. Projecting this post-war understanding backwards in time – what the literature generally does – is too simple and anachronistic. Both in Germany and Britain the dominating understandings differ from our present day understanding of the ‘welfare state’ as a social security system.

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Heinelt, Hubert. "Immigration and the welfare state in Germany." German Politics 2, no. 1 (April 1993): 78–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644009308404315.

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Кудайберген and Pirimkul Kudaybergen. "Functions and the role of labor agency in social welfare and personnel management in Germany (through the example of immigrants)." Management of the Personnel and Intellectual Resources in Russia 3, no. 3 (June 17, 2014): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/4872.

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The paper considers functions of the Labor Agency (Agency), which is an important mechanism for workforce management processes and procedures in the context of socially-oriented German economy. Agency activities are analyzed and how it practically implements social welfare principles (as exemplified by immigrants from CSI, Asian and African countries). The author operates based on his research and personal experience, gained while working in various German universities and companies. Special attention is given to how the Agency’s Center of Employment provide unemployed with unemployment relief and workplaces. Practical measures conducive to unemployment reduction are highlighted. It is emphasized that while Germany has powerful system of social welfare and sufficient unemployment reliefs, payroll taxes are also relatively high. Consequently, many immigrants try their hard to avoid working and prefer to live on the dole. Along with that the author reveals the reasons and ways through which German state officials discriminate immigrants thus favoring natives of Germany. Nevertheless, given one million vacancies to be filled throughout the country, many Germans reject the German tax system, emigrate and work successfully abroad (e.g., 65% of doctors in Switzerland are expatriate Germans). The paper specially emphasizes, that the majority of immigrants to Germany are poorly educated, poorly civilized Asians and Africans with extra families, while among native Germans single-child families prevail and highly qualified specialists do prevail among emigrants. Such social discrepancy arose discontent among German burghers which results in annual neo-Nazi anti-German marches in towns and villages. In conclusion the author provides recommendations for immigrants and Russians, willing to work in German, on how to integrate in the German society and adapt to labor market conditions of Germany.

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Mertens, Daniel. "Borrowing for social security? Credit, asset-based welfare and the decline of the German savings regime." Journal of European Social Policy 27, no. 5 (September 15, 2017): 474–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928717717658.

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This article investigates the question to what extent Germany fits into the recent trend of credit-based social policy that has originated in Anglophone economies. In the course of the financial crisis and with its preceding increase in private indebtedness in mind, a growing number of scholars have argued that loans to households have become a central component of contemporary welfare states. Because of comprehensive savings-promotion schemes, high levels of public welfare provision and a low homeownership rate, the German welfare state conventionally figures as the paradigmatic counter case to this intensifying relation between welfare and finance. This article argues, to the contrary, that one can observe the rise of credit-based social policy in Germany due to the gradual erosion of savings promotion, the expansion of quasi-public loan schemes and the restructuring of the welfare state since the mid-1970s. Based on document and statistical analysis, the article evaluates reform trajectories in the field of pensions, education and healthcare to substantiate this claim. Within the current low-interest rate environment in the Eurozone, the developments combined might well challenge the traditional savings-oriented features of the German welfare state and its political economy.

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7

Kim, Pil. "Political Preferences and Attitudes Towards the Welfare State: Cross-National Comparison of Germany, Sweden, the U.S. and Japan." Comparative Sociology 3, no. 3-4 (2004): 321–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569133043019726.

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AbstractThis study attempts to build a causal model of attitudes towards the welfare state in Japan and to compare it to those of Germany, Sweden and the U.S., which represent conservative, socialist, and liberal welfare regime respectively. The effect of political preferences on attitudes towards the welfare state is the focus of the comparison. The basic premise of this comparison is that welfare attitudes vary across countries, bearing the characteristics of the given welfare regime that they belong to. Structural equation modeling and path analysis are conducted on a large-scale international survey dataset, ISSP 1996. Each country is first analyzed separately, and then all four countries are compared to each other. The single-country analysis reveals the cross-national diversity of welfare attitudes, while the effect of political preferences on the welfare attitudes exhibits a bifurcate pattern: in Sweden and the U.S. it is quite strong, relatively weak in Germany, and not even statistically significant in Japan. The comparative analysis further confirms this pattern. Therefore, I conclude that Japan is closest to the German conservative regime in terms of attitudes and political preferences, sharing welfare conservatism that credits the conservative party for building a welfare state.

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8

Grdešić, Marko. "Neoliberalism and Welfare Chauvinism in Germany." German Politics and Society 37, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370201.

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Anti-immigration sentiments can take on a variety of forms, but a particularly prevalent version across Europe is welfare chauvinism. According to welfare chauvinism, the services of the welfare state should be provided only to natives and not to immigrants. Like many other European countries, German politics also features welfare chauvinism, and not only on the far right segment of the political spectrum. What drives welfare chauvinism? Most studies of welfare chauvinism try to assess whether economic or cultural factors matter most. In an attempt to bridge these perspectives, this article brings in neoliberalism. An examination of survey results from EBRD’s Life in Transition project suggests that neoliberal economic attitudes are a key determinant of welfare chauvinism. German respondents who have neoliberal economic views tend to see immigrants as a drain on the welfare state, while those who have economically leftist views tend to see immigrants as providing a positive contribution.

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9

Linton, Derek S., and Elizabeth Harvey. "Youth and the Welfare State in Weimar Germany." American Historical Review 100, no. 1 (February 1995): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168061.

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10

Hong, Young-Sun, and Elizabeth Harvey. "Youth and the Welfare State in Weimar Germany." Contemporary Sociology 24, no. 1 (January 1995): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075094.

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11

Eley, Geoff, and Elizabeth Harvey. "Youth and the Welfare State in Weimar Germany." German Studies Review 18, no. 1 (February 1995): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431547.

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12

Jones, Larry Eugene, and Elizabeth Harvey. "Youth and the Welfare State in Weimar Germany." History of Education Quarterly 35, no. 2 (1995): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369655.

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13

Roller, Edeltraud. "Welfare State and Political Culture in Unified Germany." German Politics 24, no. 3 (April 2015): 292–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2015.1021792.

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14

Shevin-Coetzee, Marilyn. "Youth and the Welfare State in Weimar Germany." History: Reviews of New Books 23, no. 1 (July 1994): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1994.9950917.

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15

Klammer, Ute. "Low pay - a challenge for the welfare state." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 6, no. 4 (November 2000): 570–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890000600404.

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The current debate in Germany on extending the low-wage sector turns primarily on labour market policy considerations. This contribution, on the other hand, focuses on the social and social-policy challenges thrown down by a low-wage strategy. The problem levels and the arenas for social-policy action are discussed, initially considering fundamental issues, but then moving on to look at the approaches to the problem taken by various European countries. The second section focuses on the subsidisation of social security contributions, an approach that has recently been the subject of particularly intense debate in Germany, and is to be tried out in pilot projects at regional level. As is clearly shown by the discussion of two leading concepts taken from the debate in Germany, proposals made under the same 'label' may differ considerably from one another in terms of their premises, their financial resource requirements and their distributive effects.

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16

Susanto, Siti Rokhmawati. "Germany’s Strategy in Handling COVID-19: The Role of National Leadership Strength and The Maximization of Welfare State Continental System Support." Jurnal Global & Strategis 14, no. 2 (November 30, 2020): 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.14.2.2020.403-420.

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Pandemi Covid-19 merupakan krisis kesehatan terbesar pada abad ke-21. Diawali dengan kemunculan virus ﬂu jenis baru di Wuhan-China pada Desember 2019, virus ini menyebar ke seluruh dunia dengan sangat cepat sehingga mengakibatkan kematian yang tinggi di seluruh dunia. Jerman merupakan salah satu negara yang terdampak pada periode awal virus muncul di Eropa. Setelah menyadari efeknya fatal, Pemerintah Jerman melakukan kebijakan nasional integratif mengatasinya, hingga Jerman perlahan keluar dari krisis. Fenomena ini disebut dengan “German exception”, karena banyak negara masih berjuang mengatasi pandemi. Paper ini meneliti strategi kebijakan nasional Pemerintah Jerman mengatasi Covid-19. Kerangka pemikiran yang dipakai adalah teori kepemimpinan nasional di masa krisis dan peranan sistem welfare state nasional. Argumen yang menentukan keberhasilan Jerman mengatasi Covid-19 adalah peran kepemimpinan nasional Kanselir Merkel yang visioner dan konsisten di masa krisis, serta dukungan sistem welfare state Continental yang dianut negara sehingga menguatkan masyarakat dan kestabilan politik nasional di masa pandemi.Kata-kata kunci: Jerman, Covid-19, kepemimpinan nasional, Kanselir Merkel, sistem welfare state Continental.The Covid-19 pandemic is the biggest health crisis of the 21st century. Starting with the emergence of a new type of ﬂu virus in Wuhan-China in December 2019, this virus has spread throughout the world very quickly and resulting in high deaths worldwide. Germanywas one of the countries aﬀected in the early period when the virus emerged in Europe. After realizing its fatal eﬀects, the German Government carried out an integrative policy to overcome it until the German national came out of the crisis. This phenomenon is calledthe “Germany exception”, as many countries are still struggling with the pandemic. This paper examines the German Government’s national policy strategy to tackle Covid-19. The framework used is the theory of national leadership in times of crisis and the role of thenational welfare system. The arguments that support Germany in overcoming Covid-19 are the role of Chancellor Merkel’s national leadership, who is visionary and consistent in times of crisis and support for the welfare system of the Continental state is a state thatstrengthens society and national political stability during the pandemic.Keywords: Germany, Covid-19, national leadership, Chancellor Merkel, the continental welfare state system.

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17

Gabriel, Oscar W., and Eva-Maria Trüdinger. "Embellishing Welfare State Reforms? Political Trust and the Support for Welfare State Reforms in Germany." German Politics 20, no. 2 (June 2011): 273–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2011.582098.

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18

Snower, Dennis J., Alessio J. G. Brown, and Christian Merkl. "Globalization and the Welfare State: A Review of Hans-Werner Sinn's Can Germany Be Saved?" Journal of Economic Literature 47, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 136–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.47.1.136.

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What are the challenges that globalization makes on welfare states and how should welfare states respond? How should welfare states be designed to enable countries to reap the benefits of globalization? These are the main themes of Hans-Werner Sinn's book, Can Germany Be Saved? We view Germany as a case study of how a welfare state can go wrong in reacting to the pressures of globalization. We present two views of globalization—the “specialization view” (of Sinn) and the “Great Reorganization view” (ours)—and examine the policy implications of each for the welfare state design.

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19

Kalm, Sara, and Johannes Lindvall. "Immigration policy and the modern welfare state, 1880–1920." Journal of European Social Policy 29, no. 4 (April 12, 2019): 463–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928719831169.

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This article puts contemporary debates about the relationship between immigration policy and the welfare state in historical perspective. Relying on new historical data, the article examines the relationship between immigration policy and social policy in Western Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when the modern welfare state emerged. Germany already had comparably strict immigration policies when the German Empire introduced the world’s first national social insurances in the 1880s. Denmark, another early social-policy adopter, also pursued restrictive immigration policies early on. Almost all other countries in Western Europe started out with more liberal immigration policies than Germany’s and Denmark’s, but then adopted more restrictive immigration policies and more generous social policies concurrently. There are two exceptions, Belgium and Italy, which are discussed in the article.

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20

Hauser, Richard. "The personal distribution of economic welfare in Germany – how the welfare state works." Social Indicators Research 65, no. 1 (January 2004): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/a:1025554016181.

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21

Fietkau, Sebastian, and Kasper M. Hansen. "How perceptions of immigrants trigger feelings of economic and cultural threats in two welfare states." European Union Politics 19, no. 1 (October 6, 2017): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116517734064.

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Better understanding of attitudes toward immigration is crucial to avoid misperception of immigration in the public debate. Through two identical online survey experiments applying morphed faces of non-Western immigrants and textual vignettes, the authors manipulate complexion, education, family background, and gender in Denmark and Germany. For women, an additional split in which half of the women wore a headscarf is performed. In both countries, highly skilled immigrants are preferred to low-skilled immigrants. Danes are more skeptical toward non-Western immigration than Germans. Essentially, less educated Danes are very critical of accepting non-Western immigrants in their country. It is suggested that this difference is driven by a large welfare state in Denmark compared to Germany, suggesting a stronger fear in welfare societies that immigrants will exploit welfare benefits.

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22

Christof, Schiller, and Kuhnle Stein. "The Erosion of The Institutional Pillars of the German Sozialstaat." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 23, no. 1 (August 31, 2008): 73–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps23104.

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In scholarly literature, Germany often serves as a prime example of the conservative welfare state par excellence. Notwithstanding, a huge number of welfare reforms have been introduced since 1980, in particular during the last ten years. The article examines whether the institutional welfare elements attributed to Germany are still intact based on an analytical review of reforms in the areas of pensions, long-term care, and policies regarding families, the labor market, and health care. Have reforms been path-dependent adjustments, or are signs of transformative change evident? The conclusion is that the model conservative welfare state no longer exists, and that a new hybrid welfare state, combining elements from several types of welfare states, is developing. While we find substantial liberalization (of social risks) in most social policy areas, we also find extended state responsibility and more universalism (inspired by Scandinavian countries) in the area of family policy.

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23

Adorf, Philipp. "A New Blue-collar Force." German Politics and Society 36, no. 4 (December 1, 2018): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.360402.

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Within a mere five years, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) has established itself in the German party system. During the same period, however, it has undergone a significant ideological transformation as well. Initially regarded as a direct competitor to the small-government Free Democrats, the AfD has since adopted the tried-and-tested electoral approach of other rightwing populist actors by embracing welfare chauvinist positions, linking the survival of the welfare state to that of the nation state. In doing so it has made substantial inroads into the blue-collar electorate, in some German states even overtaking the Social Democrats as the preferred choice of the working class.

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24

Rouette, Susanne. "Mothers and Citizens: Gender and Social Policy in Germany after the First World War." Central European History 30, no. 1 (March 1997): 48–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900013352.

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Historians have generally interpreted the early years of the Weimar Republic as an important stage in the development of the German welfare state. For the first time in the history of Germany, the state established in the constitution not only its own wideranging responsibilities and opportunities for intervention, but also the political and social rights of its citizens. Apart from “fundamentally” equal citizenship rights for womenand men (Art. 108) these also included entitlement to state support for the family and maternity as well as special state protection for marriage which, the constitution proclaimed, was to rest on an “equality of the two sexes” (Art. 119).

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25

Leitner, Sigrid, and Stephan Lessenich. "Assessing Welfare State Change: The German Social Insurance State between Reciprocity and Solidarity." Journal of Public Policy 23, no. 3 (September 2003): 325–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x03003155.

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The analytic framework used here to study welfare state change builds upon the distinction of two fundamentally opposed logics of social exchange: the logic of reciprocity and of solidarity. The approach enables to assess the complexity and ambivalence of policy change in advanced welfare states. Using recent social policy reform in Germany as an illustration of the analytical capacity of our approach, it is shown that change can be detected in two different dimensions. One type of change is in the overall mix between reciprocity-based insurance and solidarity-based assistance programmes which makes up the specific profile of a national welfare regime. Another type is in the balance between elements of reciprocity and solidarity within social insurance schemes. This approach can be replicated with any of the developed welfare states of the OECD world.

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26

Seliger, Bernhard. "Reforming the Welfare State: German and European Experiences and Challenges." International Area Review 4, no. 1 (March 2001): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590100400105.

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The rise of the welfare state has been a characteristic feature of Western European development after the second world war, despite quite different economic models in Western European countries. However, dynamic implications of the welfare state made a reform increasingly necessary. Therefore, since the 1980s the reform of the welfare state has been an important topic for Western European states. This paper describes the development of the welfare state and analyzes possible welfare reform strategies with special respect to the case of Germany. It focuses on the interdependence of political and economic aspects of welfare reform on the national as well as international level.

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27

Kliková, Christiana, and Boris Navrátil. "Is the Czech Republic a Welfare State?" Danube 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 185–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/danb-2019-0010.

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Abstract Is the Czech Republic a welfare state? This question is to be answered through this article, whose purpose is to classify Czechia into one of the types of the welfare state. The introduction of the article describes the creation of the welfare state and the main factors influencing its origin. The article also describes the characteristic features of the welfare state and presents its typology. The section entitled “The Czech Republic and the welfare state” expounds on the constituent stages of development of the Czech social policy until the present day. The article concludes with the comparison of some aggregate indicators and characteristics of social policies found in Sweden, Germany and the United Kingdom with similar indicators from the Czech Republic; this basis forms the assignment of the Czech Republic to one of the types of the welfare state.

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Leung, Ray C. H. "A corpus-based analysis of textbooks used in the orientation course for immigrants in Germany: Ideological and pedagogic implications." Journal of Language and Cultural Education 4, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 154–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jolace-2016-0030.

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Abstract Contextualized within immigrants’ acquisition of specialized knowledge about the host country at the institutional level, this article examines a 64295-word corpus of textbooks written for participants of the orientation course in German politics, history and culture. Corpus-based techniques (“keyness,” collocation and qualitative examination of concordance lines) are deployed to explore the corpus. The findings reveal that the collocational patterns of the identified keywords construct particular world views vis-à-vis Germany. For instance, the keyword DDR [German Democratic Republic (GDR), aka East Germany] frequently co-occurs with negatively connoted lexis while collocates of the keywords denoting present-day Germany (e.g., Bundesrepublik Deutschland [Federal Republic of Germany] and Staat [nation, country, state]) facilitate the portrayal of Germany as a nurturing welfare state that is popular among foreigners. It is argued that such discursively-construed opposition between the “bad” GDR and the “good” Federal Republic of Germany helps to legitimize the German reunification. Furthermore, it is found that certain keywords (e.g., Sie [you], Kurs [course, class] and z.B. [e.g.]) are “metadiscourse resources” (Hyland, 2005). Their pedagogic effects are discussed in relation to the ideological implications of the research findings.

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Ganßmann, Heiner. "Einigung als Angleichung? Sozialpolitische Folgen des deutschen Einigungsprozesses,." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 23, no. 91 (June 1, 1993): 185–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v23i91.1034.

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Against the Standard hypothesis that German unification will sooner or later end with the economic and social structural equality of East and West Germany it is argued that permanent disparities are the more likely result of the unification process, which will not leave the old West German system unchanged. Some of the likely changes of welfare state institutions are discussed.

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PRINZEN, KATRIN. "Intergenerational ambivalence: new perspectives on intergenerational relationships in the German welfare state." Ageing and Society 34, no. 3 (November 9, 2012): 428–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x12001080.

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ABSTRACTThis paper deals with ambivalence in the working generation's attitudes towards the elder generation in the German welfare state. Whereas most researchers focus on either norms or self-interest in intergenerational relationships, ambivalence is widely neglected. Ambivalence denotes a simultaneous positive and negative evaluation of the elder generation. The theoretical framework is developed by combining two common perspectives on intergenerational relationships in the welfare state. The first is age-based self-interest that is often discussed in the context of ageing societies with scarce welfare state resources. The second perspective concerns the norms that individuals internalise when growing up both in society and in the family. Drawing on survey data from the Population Policy Acceptance Study in Germany, the empirical analysis first presents evidence of intergenerational ambivalence and, second, investigates whether the structural contradictions that confront individuals in certain situations cause ambivalent attitudes towards the elder generation. The findings show that the higher the structural contradictions of being young and holding strong societal norms towards the elder generation the higher the ambivalent attitude towards this group in the context of the welfare state.

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31

Halfmann, Jost. "Immigration and Citizenship in Germany: Contemporary Dilemmas." Political Studies 45, no. 2 (June 1997): 260–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00080.

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The paper starts from a paradox of contemporary German politics: after the unification of the two Germanies the ethnocultural grounding of German citizenship has lost its historical meaning; at the same time violent conflicts and heated debate over the rights to full membership for immigrants in the German state have developed. After a theoretical discussion of the notions of nation state, citizenship, and immigration, the development of the contemporary paradox of citizenship is sketched historically using two pairs of distinctions: nationhood v. statehood and political v. social (state-mediated) inclusion. The paradox of ‘ethnicized’ conflicts over Germans v. foreigners is interpreted as a discrepancy between membership in the state on the one hand and membership in the welfare state system on the other – a discrepancy which currently is ‘overdetermined’ by the socio-economic consequences of unification.

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Taylor-Gooby, Peter, Bjørn Hvinden, Steffen Mau, Benjamin Leruth, Mi Ah Schoyen, and Adrienn Gyory. "Moral economies of the welfare state: A qualitative comparative study." Acta Sociologica 62, no. 2 (June 13, 2018): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001699318774835.

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This paper uses innovative democratic forums carried out in Germany, Norway, and the United Kingdom to examine people’s ideas about welfare-state priorities and future prospects. We use a moral economy framework in the context of regime differences and the move towards neo-liberalism across Europe. Broadly speaking, attitudes reflect regime differences, with distinctive emphasis on reciprocity and the value of work in Germany, inclusion and equality in Norway, and individual responsibility and the work-ethic in the UK. Neo-liberal market-centred ideas appear to have made little headway in regard to popular attitudes, except in the already liberal-leaning UK. There is also a striking assumption by UK participants that welfare is threatened externally by immigrants who take jobs from established workers and internally by the work-shy who undermine the work-ethic. A key role of the welfare state is repressive rather than enabling: to protect against threats to well-being rather than provide benefits for citizens. UK participants also anticipate major decline in state provision. In all three countries there is strong support for continuing and expanding social investment policies, but for different reasons: to enable contribution in Germany, to promote equality and mobility in Norway, and to facilitate self-responsibility in the UK.

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Schmidt-Catran, Alexander W., and Romana Careja. "Institutions, culture and migrants’ preference for state-provided welfare. Longitudinal evidence from Germany." Journal of European Social Policy 27, no. 2 (January 9, 2017): 197–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928716681463.

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Using the difference-in-differences estimator and data provided by the German Socio-Economic Panel, this article explores migrants’ preferences for state-provided welfare. The study finds evidence that over time, the preferences of immigrants and natives become more similar. We interpret this finding as evidence that the culture of home countries does not have a time-invariant effect, and that immigrants’ welfare preferences are subject to a socializing effect of the host countries’ welfare regime.

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Hohmeyer, Katrin, and Eva Kopf. "Caught between two stools? Informal care provision and employment among welfare recipients in Germany." Ageing and Society 40, no. 1 (August 7, 2018): 162–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x18000806.

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AbstractIn many countries, population ageing is challenging the viability of the welfare state and generating higher demands for long-term care. At the same time, increasing participation in the labour force is essential to ensuring the sustainability of the welfare state. To address the latter issue, affected countries have adopted measures to increase employment; e.g. welfare recipients in Germany are required to be available for any type of legal work. However, 7 per cent of welfare benefit recipients in Germany provide long-term care for relatives or friends, and this care-giving may interfere with their job search efforts and decrease their employment opportunities. Our paper provides evidence of the relationship between the care responsibilities and employment chances of welfare recipients in Germany. Our analyses are based on survey data obtained from the panel study ‘Labour Market and Social Security’ and on panel regression methods. The results reveal a negative relationship between intensive care-giving (ten or more hours per week) and employment for male and female welfare recipients. However, employment prospects recover when care duties end and are subsequently no longer lower for carers than for non-carers.

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Abhishek. "Book review: Welfare beyond the Welfare State: The Employment Relationship in Germany and the UK." European Journal of Social Security 22, no. 1 (March 2020): 83–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1388262720909201.

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Ebner, Christian, Michael Kühhirt, and Philipp Lersch. "Cohort Changes in the Level and Dispersion of Gender Ideology after German Reunification: Results from a Natural Experiment." European Sociological Review 36, no. 5 (April 26, 2020): 814–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcaa015.

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Abstract Modernization theorists’ ‘rising tide hypothesis’ predicted the continuous spread of egalitarian gender ideologies across the globe. We revisit this assumption by studying reunified Germany, a country that did not follow a strict modernization pathway. The socialist German Democratic Republic (GDR) actively fostered female employment and systematically promoted egalitarian ideologies before reunification with West Germany and the resulting incorporation into a conservative welfare state and market economy. Based on nationally representative, pooled cross-sectional data from the German General Social Survey (ALLBUS) from 1991 to 2016, we apply variance function regression to examine the impact of German reunification—akin to a natural experiment—on the average levels and dispersion of gender ideology. The results show: (i) East German cohorts socialized after reunification hold less egalitarian ideologies than cohorts socialized in the GDR, disrupting the rising tide. (ii) East German cohorts hold more egalitarian ideologies than West German cohorts, but the East-West gap is less pronounced for post-reunification cohorts. (iii) Cohorts in East Germany show higher conformity with gender ideology than their counterparts in West Germany; yet conformity did not change after reunification. (iv) Younger cohorts in West Germany show higher conformity with gender ideology than older cohorts.

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Hoffman, Beatrix. "Scientific Racism, Insurance, and Opposition to the Welfare State: Frederick L. Hoffman's Transatlantic Journey." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2, no. 2 (April 2003): 150–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400002450.

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Frederick Ludwig Hoffman, statistician and insurance executive, was a formidable opponent of the emerging welfare state during the Progressive Era. As a vice president of the Prudential Insurance Company of Newark, New Jersey, Hoffman led a relentless campaign against proposals for government-ran compulsory health insurance between 1915 and 1920. While he acted in the interests of his insurance company employer, Hoffman's opposition also arose from his ardent beliefs about the nature of welfare states. Social insurance and other forms of state-organized assistance, Hoffman claimed, represented “alien governmental theories” based on “paternalism and coercion,” especially since they originated in autocratic Germany, where in 1885 Chancellor Otto von Bismarck had created the world's first sickness insurance system. “In so far as our right to oppose compulsory health insurance is concerned,” explained Hoffman, “it [is] the duty of every American to oppose German ideas of government control and state socialism.” In the anti-German atmosphere engendered by the First World War, his arguments had particular resonance.

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Seeleib-Kaiser, Martin, Silke van Dyk, and Martin Roggenkamp. "What Do Parties Want? An Analysis of Programmatic Social Policy AIMS in Austria, Germany and the Netherlands." European Journal of Social Security 7, no. 2 (June 2005): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/138826270500700202.

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Comparative welfare state research has argued for some time that whether Social Democrats or Christian Democrats are in government makes a difference with regard to specific welfare state design. The theory is based on the fact that, historically, the social policy aims of Social Democrats and Christian Democrats have differed. Can these policy differences still be assumed after almost three decades, which have been characterised by a discourse about ‘necessary’ welfare state retrenchment, adaptation, and modification? Based on an in-depth analysis of the social policy aims of the Social Democrats and Christian Democrats in Austria, Germany, and the Netherlands since 1975, we argue that, the differences between the two welfare state parties in formerly conservative welfare states have largely faded away.

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Pierson, Paul. "The New Politics of the Welfare State." World Politics 48, no. 2 (January 1996): 143–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.1996.0004.

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This essay seeks to lay the foundation for an understanding of welfare state retrenchment. Previous discussions have generally relied, at least implicitly, on a reflexive application of theories designed to explain welfare state expansion. Such an approach is seriously flawed. Not only is the goal of retrenchment (avoiding blame for cutting existing programs) far different from the goal of expansion (claiming credit for new social benefits), but the welfare state itself vastly alters the terrain on which the politics of social policy is fought out. Only an appreciation of how mature social programs create a new politics can allow us to make sense of the welfare state's remarkable resilience over the past two decades of austerity. Theoretical argument is combined with quantitative and qualitative data from four cases (Britain, the United States, Germany, and Sweden) to demonstrate the shortcomings of conventional wisdom and to highlight the factors that limit or facilitate retrenchment success.

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Leonov, E. S. "The Origin of German-American Relations as a Partnership of Unequal Parties." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-15-22.

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Abstract: Despite the high technological effectiveness of today’s German economy which serves as the «engine» of Europe and the core of the European integration processes, Germany, however, possesses a limited foreign policy leverage in the modern international relations. Gradual restriction of the sovereignty of Germany began during the post-war period due to the strengthening of the European track of U.S. foreign policy. For instance, at this stage Washington takes the responsibility on restoration of the German economic welfare, filling of legal vacuum in West Germany and also initiates cultural and ideological expansion. In the latter case it was an important role played by the American course on the formation of the renewed German nation by means of work with the German youth and the control over the sphere of education. In fact, at the end of the war US authorities started in West Germany experimental project from scratch, since there were no state institutions in postwar Germany in principle. At the same time, German foreign policy takes shape in the 1950s in the spirit of «Atlantic solidarity» as a result of falling into the trap of Euro-Atlantic partnership. Hopes of attainment of foreign policy independence as a result of German reunification did not come true - the United States haven’t yet set Germany free from the sphere of its geopolitical influence. American military forces with nuclear component continue to be based within the territory of Germany. In addition, in the 1990s. Germany finds itself in even deeper trade, investment and financial bondage. The article analyzes the origin of German full-scale dependence on U.S. foreign policy.

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Bruzelius, Cecilia, Elaine Chase, and Martin Seeleib-Kaiser. "Social Rights of EU Migrant Citizens: Britain and Germany Compared." Social Policy and Society 15, no. 3 (October 28, 2015): 403–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746415000585.

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European migrant citizens and their social rights are strongly contested in British political debate. This article seeks to challenge some common concerns and perceptions regarding the exceptionality of the British welfare state and the alleged ‘costs’ to it from intra-EU migration. The article first provides a brief overview of the foundations for EU citizenship and associated social rights, highlighting the semi-sovereign nature of welfare states in the European Union. It then (i) rejects the significance of the often-claimed difference between contributory and non-contributory welfare states in the context of EU migration; and (ii) challenges concerns about the costs of EU migration. The article contrasts the experiences of Britain and Germany. It concludes by considering how concerns often associated with EU migration can be addressed by improving administrative and state capacities.

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MAHMUD RICE, JAMES, ROBERT E. GOODIN, and ANTTI PARPO. "The Temporal Welfare State: A Crossnational Comparison." Journal of Public Policy 26, no. 3 (October 30, 2006): 195–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x06000523.

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Welfare states contribute to people's well-being in many different ways. Bringing all these contributions under a common metric is tricky. Here we propose doing so through the notion of temporal autonomy: the freedom to spend one's time as one pleases, outside the necessities of everyday life. Using income and time use surveys from five countries (the USA, Australia, Germany, France, and Sweden) that represent the principal types of welfare and gender regimes, we propose ways of operationalising the time that is strictly necessary for people to spend in paid labour, unpaid household labour, and personal care. The time people have at their disposal after taking into account what is strictly necessary in these three arenas – which we christen discretionary time – represents people's temporal autonomy. We measure the impact on this of government taxes, transfers, and childcare subsidies in these five countries. In so doing, we calibrate the contributions of the different welfare and gender regimes that exist in these countries, in ways that correspond to the lived reality of people's daily lives.

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Pirro, Robert. "Tragedy, Surrogation and the Significance of African-American Culture in Postunification Germany: An Interpretation of 'Schultze Gets the Blues'." German Politics and Society 26, no. 3 (September 1, 2008): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260304.

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In the aftermath of unification, the loss of job security and other forms of social support under East Germany's comprehensive (if increasingly inefficient and corrupt) system of welfare state paternalism, coupled with a newfound dependence on West German financial largesse, not only disoriented former East Germans, but also led to pressures on them to repress their past experiences of solidarity and distinctiveness. Schultze Gets the Blues, the critically acclaimed box office hit from director Michael Schorr, relates the story of a retired mineworker and accordionist for a town band in the economic backwaters of eastern Germany who undergoes a lifechanging conversion to the Cajun folk music of Zydeco. Drawing from Joseph Roach's notion of surrogation and Cornel West's articulation of an African-American tragic sensibility, this article casts Schultze in the role of a postunification mediating figure reconciling East German solidarity and localism with West German individualism and multiculturalism.

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Fabig, Holger. "Income mobility and the welfare state: an international comparison with panel data." Journal of European Social Policy 9, no. 4 (November 1, 1999): 331–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/a010295.

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This article examines gross and net equivalent income mobility in the western and eastern states of Germany, in Great Britain and in the United States, using panel data of these countries from the period 1989-95. By comparing the differences between the mobility of gross and net equivalent income internationally, it analyses to what extent the welfare state reduces income mobility, thereby testing hypotheses concerning international differences in the mobility-reducing effect of the welfare state. The results show that the largest mobility-reducing effect is observed in eastern states of Germany, followed by western Germany. While the reduction of gross equivalent income mobility by the tax and transfer system is much smaller in Great Britain, this reduction cannot be observed in the USA at all. These results support the hypothesis that the mobility-reducing effect of the tax and transfer system is much stronger in conservative welfare states like Germany than in liberal welfare states like Great Britain and the USA. Résumé Cet article étudie les flux de revenus brut et net (y compris transferts) des individus dans le temps en Allemagne de l'Est et de l'Ouest, en Grande-Bretagne et aux Etats-Unis à partir de données couvrant la période 1989-95. Sur base d'une comparaison international sur les dynamiques entre revenus équivalents nets et bruts, il analyse dans quelle mesure le système de protection sociale réduit ces différences. Les résultats indiquent que l'effet de réduction le plus important s'observe en Allemagne de l'Est, suivie de l'Allemagne de l'Ouest. Si en Grande-Bretagne, cette réduction par le système de redistribution et d'imposition est nettement plus faible, aucune réduction ne s'observe aux Etats-Unis. Ces résultats soutiennent l'hypothèse selon laquelle l'effet réducteur de la mobilité des revenus par le système d'imposition et de redistribution est plus important dans les systèmes de sécurité sociale conservateurs comme l'Allemagne que dans le systèmes de protection sociale qualifié de libéraux comme la Grande-Bretagne et les Etats-Unis.

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Hipp, Lena. "Do Hiring Practices Penalize Women and Benefit Men for Having Children? Experimental Evidence from Germany." European Sociological Review 36, no. 2 (November 12, 2019): 250–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcz056.

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Abstract Although observational studies from many countries have consistently shown that motherhood negatively affects women’s wages, experimental findings on its effect on the likelihood of being hired are less conclusive. Motherhood penalties in hiring have been reported in the United States, the prototypical liberal market economy, but not in Sweden, the prototypical social-democratic welfare state. Based on a field experiment in Germany, this study examines the effects of parenthood on hiring processes in the prototypical conservative welfare state. My findings indicate that job recruitment processes indeed penalize women but not men for having children. In addition to providing theoretical explanations for why motherhood penalties in hiring are particularly likely to occur in the German context, this study also highlights several methodological and practical issues that should be considered when conducting correspondence studies to examine labour market discrimination.

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Crepaz, Markus M. L., and Regan Damron. "Constructing Tolerance." Comparative Political Studies 42, no. 3 (December 9, 2008): 437–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414008325576.

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Over the past 30 years, the hitherto rather homogeneous welfare states in Europe have been experiencing a dramatic influx of immigrants, making them much more diverse. The central purpose of the early development of the welfare state was twofold: to bridge class divisions and to mollify ethnic divisions in the vast multiethnic empires of 19th-century Germany and Austria. This research examines the impact of the programmatic and expenditure dimensions of the welfare state on attitudes of natives across modern publics, theorizing that nativist resentment and welfare chauvinism should be reduced in more comprehensive welfare systems. Individual, aggregate, and multilevel analyses reveal that the more comprehensive the welfare state is, the more tolerant natives are of immigrants, indicating that contemporary welfare states have a similar capacity to bridge ethnic divisions as their 19th-century incarnations.

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KHOUDOUR-CASTÉRAS, DAVID. "Welfare State and Labor Mobility: The Impact of Bismarck's Social Legislation on German Emigration before World War I." Journal of Economic History 68, no. 1 (March 2008): 211–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050708000077.

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The rapid decline of German emigration before World War I constitutes a puzzle that traditional explanations have difficulty in solving. The article shows that the social legislation implemented by Bismarck during the 1880s—the most developed at the time—played a key role in this process. Indeed, candidates for migration considered not only the gap between “direct wages” (labor earnings) in the United States and Germany, but also the differential in “indirect wages,” that is, social benefits. In that way, Bismarck's insurance system partly offset low wage rates in Germany and furthered the fall of the emigration rate.O sprecht! warum zogt ihr von dannen?Das Neckartal hat Wein und Korn;Der Schwarzwald steht voll finstrer Tannen,Im Spessart klingt des Ålplers Horn.Wie wird es in den fremden WäldernEuch nach der Heimatberge Grün,Nach Deutschlands gelben Weizenfeldern,Nach seinen Rebenhügeln ziehn!Ferdinand Freiligrath1

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Hong, Young‐Sun. "The contradictions of modernization in the German welfare state: Gender and the politics of welfare reform in First World War Germany∗." Social History 17, no. 2 (May 1992): 251–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071029208567837.

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Vancea, Mihaela, Jennifer Shore, and Mireia Utzet. "Role of employment-related inequalities in young adults’ life satisfaction: A comparative study in five European welfare state regimes." Scandinavian Journal of Public Health 47, no. 3 (January 25, 2019): 357–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1403494818823934.

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Aims: There is evidence that young people are less satisfied with their lives when they are unemployed or working in precarious conditions. This study aims to shed light on how the life satisfaction of unemployed and precariously employed young people varies across welfare states with different labour market policies and levels of social protection. Methods: The analyses are based on representative cross-sectional survey data from five European countries (Denmark, the UK, Germany, Spain and the Czech Republic), corresponding to five different welfare state regimes. For economically active young adults ( N=6681), the prevalence ratios of low life satisfaction were estimated through multivariate logistic regressions. Results: In all five countries, unemployed young adults presented a higher prevalence of low life satisfaction. When we compared employees with people with permanent and temporary contracts, the former were more satisfied with their lives only in Germany and the UK, examples of conservative and liberal welfare regimes, respectively. Experience of unemployment decreased young adults’ life satisfaction only in Germany and the Czech Republic, examples of a conservative and an eastern European welfare regime, respectively. In almost all countries, young adults with low economic self-sufficiency presented a higher prevalence of low life satisfaction. Conclusions: There are nuanced patterns of employment type and life satisfaction across European states that hint at welfare state regimes as possible moderators in this relationship. The results suggest that the psychological burdens of unemployment or work uncertainty cannot be overlooked and should be addressed according to different types of social provisions.

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von Beyme, Klaus. "Electoral Unification: The First German Elections in December 1990." Government and Opposition 26, no. 2 (April 1, 1991): 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb01131.x.

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BOTH GERMAN STATES HAVE IN THE PAST BEEN ECONOMIC systems in search of political legitimation. The legitimation of the West German state was gradually established by the acceptance of democratic principles by the huge majority of the population and by a welfare system which was deliberately devised to protect it against contamination from the socialist camp. East Germany lost its legitimation at the moment when it abandoned its economic system. Consequently the battle-cry turned from ‘we are the people’ to ‘we are one people’.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Welfare state – Germany'

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