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1

Nord, Philip. "The Welfare State in France, 1870-1914." French Historical Studies 18, no. 3 (1994): 821. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/286694.

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2

Jobert, Bruno. "La critique libérale du Welfare State en France." International Review of Community Development, no. 2 (January 29, 2016): 155–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1034866ar.

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On assiste en France à une remise en cause des politiques de services collectifs à laquelle contribuent certains « nouveaux » sociologues et économistes qui contestent vivement les principes mêmes de la sociologie « critique ». Dans cette perspective, la croissance de l’État ne résulte pas de changements dans la domination mais de la tendance des bureaucraties à renforcer leur influence. Il en résulte une nouvelle conception de l’ordre social qui a, à son tour, des implications pour les politiques sociales. L’auteur examine ces dernières dont les caractéristiques sont celles d’un retour à l’économie de marché et d’un désengagement corrélatif de l’État. On oppose maintenant les impératifs de la justice productive et de la liberté aux aspirations à l’égalité exprimées par le Welfare State. L’État providence a échoué. L’individu doit prendre ses responsabilités. Les stratégies témoignent d’un effort de réintroduction de la logique capitaliste dans les politiques sociales. La recapitalisation du social est recherchée à la fois par la subordination accrue de la politique sociale à la politique économique et par la recherche d’un nouveau partage entre le public et le privé dans le domaine des dépenses sociales.
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3

Connolly, James. "Pierre Laroque and the Welfare State in Postwar France." Modern & Contemporary France 21, no. 3 (August 2013): 397–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2013.818962.

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4

Valat, Bruno. "Pierre Laroque and the Welfare State in Postwar France." Revue d'histoire de la protection sociale 7, no. 1 (2014): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhps.007.0157.

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5

Lynch, F. M. B. "Pierre Laroque and the Welfare State in Postwar France." French History 27, no. 2 (April 18, 2013): 304–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crt027.

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6

Ford, C. (Caroline). "Creating the Welfare State in France, 1880-1940 (review)." University of Toronto Quarterly 75, no. 1 (2006): 344–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/utq.2006.0073.

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7

Balme, Richard, Jeanne Becquart-Leclercq, Terry N. Clark, Vincent Hoffmann-Martinot, and Jean-Yves Nevers. "New Mayors: France and the United States." Tocqueville Review 8 (December 1987): 263–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.8.263.

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In 1983 we organized a conference on “Questioning the Welfare State and the Rise of the City” at the University of Paris, Nanterre. About a hundred persons attended, including many French social scientists and political activists. Significant support came from the new French Socialist government. Yet with Socialism in power since 1981, it was clear that the old Socialist ideas were being questioned inside and outside the Party and government—especially in the important decentralization reforms. There was eager interest in better ways to deliver welfare state services at the local level.
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8

Adams, Christine. "Maternal Societies in France: Private Charity Before the Welfare State." Journal of Women's History 17, no. 1 (2005): 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2005.0002.

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9

Jensen, Carsten. "Fixed or Variable Needs? Public Support and Welfare State Reform." Government and Opposition 42, no. 2 (2007): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2007.00210.x.

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AbstractThe study of welfare state reform has in the last decade been strongly influenced by the ‘new politics’ literature. A fundamental assumption of this literature is that the public has fixed attitudes concerning welfare benefits; however, this may be hard to sustain empirically. Instead, this article argues that public support differs depending on whether a welfare programme aims at relieving fixed or variable needs. By analysing reforms of old-age pension schemes and the introduction of workfare strategies in the United States, France and Denmark, the fruitfulness of this approach is indicated.
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10

Morel, Nathalie, Chloé Touzet, and Michaël Zemmour. "From the hidden welfare state to the hidden part of welfare state reform: Analyzing the uses and effects of fiscal welfare in France." Social Policy & Administration 53, no. 1 (July 6, 2018): 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spol.12416.

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11

MAHMUD RICE, JAMES, ROBERT E. GOODIN, and ANTTI PARPO. "The Temporal Welfare State: A Crossnational Comparison." Journal of Public Policy 26, no. 3 (October 30, 2006): 195–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x06000523.

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Welfare states contribute to people's well-being in many different ways. Bringing all these contributions under a common metric is tricky. Here we propose doing so through the notion of temporal autonomy: the freedom to spend one's time as one pleases, outside the necessities of everyday life. Using income and time use surveys from five countries (the USA, Australia, Germany, France, and Sweden) that represent the principal types of welfare and gender regimes, we propose ways of operationalising the time that is strictly necessary for people to spend in paid labour, unpaid household labour, and personal care. The time people have at their disposal after taking into account what is strictly necessary in these three arenas – which we christen discretionary time – represents people's temporal autonomy. We measure the impact on this of government taxes, transfers, and childcare subsidies in these five countries. In so doing, we calibrate the contributions of the different welfare and gender regimes that exist in these countries, in ways that correspond to the lived reality of people's daily lives.
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12

Morgan, Kimberly J. "The Politics of Mothers' Employment: France in Comparative Perspective." World Politics 55, no. 2 (January 2003): 259–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2003.0013.

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Contemporary theories and typologies of welfare states in Western Europe assume that social democratic parties are the engine behind progressive policies on gender roles and on the participation of women in the labor force. The French case challenges these assumptions—this conservative welfare state, surprisingly, provides an extensive system of public day care along with other forms of support that facilitate mothers' employment. This article explains the existence of the French system through a comparative historical analysis of child care policy in France and other European welfare states. The mainfindingsconcern the role of organized religion in shaping contemporary public day care policies. In contrast to most conservative welfare regimes, the French welfare state has been shaped not by clericalism and Christian democracy but by secularism and republican nationalism—forces that influenced some of the earliest public policies for the education of young children in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and that later affected the founding of the contemporary day care system in the 1970s. In that latter period of propitious economic circumstances, pragmatic policy elites eschewed moralizing critiques of mothers' employment and established a system of financing that has enabled the long-term expansion of public day care. These findings have implications for our understanding of gender politics and welfare regimes in Western Europe. The secularization of political life—not social democratic power—best explains why public policies in France and in many Scandinavian countries have promoted the demise of the traditional family model.
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13

Ahmad, Waqar I. "Religious Identity, Citizenship, and Welfare." American Journal of Islam and Society 10, no. 2 (July 1, 1993): 217–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v10i2.2508.

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In addressing the situation of Muslim communities in Britain, it isapparent that one of the major frameworks for understanding their situationhas been the notion of "Citizenship," for citizenship is a means ofidentifying critical aspects of the relationship between the individual andthe state. Following Bottomore (1992), we may make a useful distinctionbetween "formal" and "substantive" citizenship: the former being Simplydefined as "membemhip in a nation state" and the latter as "an array ofcivil, political, and especially social rights, involving also some kind ofparticipation in the business of government'' (ibid.).There are a number of salient points that should be made in relationto examining the implications of this distinction. First, we may note thatthe legal definition of citizenship is always informed by the cultural andethnic agendas historically rooted in the foundation myths of each nationstate.Thus in France, for example, just as the revolutionary iconographyof the Tricolor, Marianne, and Liberty, Equality, and Fratemity continueto serve contemporary national sentiments (Hobsbawm 1983), so todayFrench legal framing of formal citizenship is infused with its revolutionaryroots:La tradition centraliste francaise interdit la reconnaissance dansl'espace public des 'communautes', au sens oii elles existent auWtats-Unis. (Schnapper 1990).Consequently, in France neither ethnicity nor religion are formally relevantin determining access to citizenship ...
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14

Steffen, Monika. "The Medical Profession and the State in France." Journal of Public Policy 7, no. 2 (April 1987): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00005237.

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ABSTRACTFrench medicine is organised with dialectical relation between the public and private in health and welfare policy; there is also an ideological impact of public/private confrontation. The article retraces the history of the profession and shows how it was set up both with and against the state, emphasising two ideas at once: the idea of the small independent entrepreneur, guarantor of individual liberty, and the idea of the great state servant, guarantor of the public interest. Public/private confrontation is only rhetorical and bears no relation to the real content of the dualistic health system.
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15

LYNCH, FRANCES M. B. "FINANCE AND WELFARE: THE IMPACT OF TWO WORLD WARS ON DOMESTIC POLICY IN FRANCE." Historical Journal 49, no. 2 (June 2006): 625–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005371.

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Fathers, families, and the state in France, 1914–1945. By Kristen Stromberg Childers. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2003. Pp. 261. ISBN 0-8014-4122-6. £23.95.Origins of the French welfare state: the struggle for social reform in France, 1914–1947. By Paul V. Dutton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp. 251. ISBN 0-521-81334-4. £49.99.Britain, France, and the financing of the First World War. By Martin Horn. Montreal and Kingston: McGill – Queen's University Press, 2002. Pp. 249. ISBN 0-7735-2293-X. £65.00.The gold standard illusion: France, the Bank of France and the International Gold Standard, 1914–1939. By Kenneth Mouré. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Pp. 297. ISBN 0-19-924904-0. £40.00.Workers' participation in post-Liberation France. By Adam Steinhouse. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2001. Pp. 245. ISBN 0-7391-0282-6. $70.00 (hb). ISBN 0-7391-0283-4. $24.95 (pbk).In the traditional historiography of twentieth-century France the period after the Second World War is usually contrasted favourably with that after 1918. After 1945, new men with new ideas, born out of the shock of defeat in 1940 and resistance to Nazi occupation, laid the basis for an economic and social democracy. The welfare state was created, women were given full voting rights, and French security, in both economic and territorial respects, was partially guaranteed by integrating West Germany into a new supranational institutional structure in Western Europe. 1945 was to mark the beginning of the ‘30 glorious years’ of peace and prosperity enjoyed by an expanding population in France. In sharp contrast, the years after 1918 are characterized as a period dominated by France's failed attempts to restore its status as a great power. Policies based on making the German taxpayer finance France's restoration are blamed for contributing to the great depression after 1929 and the rise of Hitler. However, as more research is carried out into the social and economic reconstruction of France after both world wars, it is becoming clear that the basis of what was to become the welfare state after 1945 was laid in the aftermath of the First World War. On the other hand, new reforms adopted in 1945 which did not build on interwar policies, such as those designed to give workers a voice in decision-making at the workplace, proved to be short-lived.
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16

Wardhaugh, J. "Pierre Laroque and the Welfare State in Postwar France, by Eric Jabbari." English Historical Review 129, no. 539 (August 1, 2014): 1015–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceu196.

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17

Trein, Philipp. "Bossing or Protecting? The Integration of Social Regulation into the Welfare State." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 691, no. 1 (September 2020): 104–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716220953758.

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This article is an empirical analysis of how social regulation is integrated into the welfare state. I compare health, migration, and unemployment policy reforms in Australia, Austria, Canada, Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK, and the United States from 1980 to 2014. Results show that the timing of reform events is similar among countries for health and unemployment policy but differs among countries for migration policy. For migration and unemployment policy, the integration of regulation and welfare is more likely to entail conditionality compared to health policy. In other words, in these two policy fields, it is more common that claimants receive financial support upon compliance with social regulations. Liberal or Continental European welfare regimes are especially inclined to integration. I conclude that integrating regulation and welfare entails a double goal: “bossing” citizens by making them take up available jobs while expelling migrants and refugees for minor offenses; and protecting citizens from risks, such as noncommunicable diseases.
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18

Reiter, Renate. "Is Service Quality a Driver of the Regulatory Welfare State? Policies for Health Services in Germany and France." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 691, no. 1 (September 2020): 174–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716220962407.

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The article analyzes the design and development of health services in Germany and France—two countries with similar welfare states but with striking differences in their national regulatory styles. Using these comparative cases, I show how the interplay of long-term institutional factors and short-term political factors shaped the establishment and development of these regulatory welfare states’ (RWS) social services. Specifically, I argue that the discovery of service quality in the 1990s had the potential to accelerate RWS development. In Germany, characterized by a corporatist state tradition and a cooperative regulatory style, the political debate on quality (either as a parameter of competition or as a concept for the professional consolidation of service production) had a greater influence on the design of the national quality regulation system (goals, instruments, processes, institutions) than in France, which is characterized by a state-centered Napoleonic tradition and a directive regulatory style.
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19

Mitchell, Allan. "Reviews of Books:Creating the Welfare State in France, 1880-1940 Timothy B. Smith." American Historical Review 109, no. 1 (February 2004): 263–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/530293.

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20

Bonke, Jens, and Elke Koch-Weser. "11. THE WELFARE STATE AND TIME ALLOCATION IN SWEDEN, DENMARK, FRANCE, AND ITALY." Advances in Life Course Research 8 (January 2003): 231–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1040-2608(03)08011-0.

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21

Kus, Basak. "Neoliberalism, Institutional Change and the Welfare State: The Case of Britain and France." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 47, no. 6 (December 2006): 488–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715206070268.

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22

Goodchild, Barry. "Implementing the Right to Housing in France: Strengthening or Fragmenting the Welfare State?" Housing, Theory and Society 20, no. 2 (June 2003): 86–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14036090304263.

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23

Kolupaeva, Ekaterina Vladislavovna, and Liliya Rifhatovna Galimzyanova. "French Policy in the Sphere of Tourism." Journal of Politics and Law 12, no. 5 (August 31, 2019): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n5p71.

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In this paper we present the current situation of France in the field of tourism and describe the main state organizations that carry on business in the sphere of tourism development in the French Republic. We also give examples of the main events delivered by these institutions for the sustainable development of the tourism industry in France. Today in France there are several state structural units that are full of vitality in this direction. Of these, the following departments and organizations were considered: Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Development; Ministry of Commerce and Finance; Interagency Committee on Tourism, Tourism Promotion Council, Atout France, etc. Thanks to the active work carried out at the state level, France today holds one of the leading positions among the countries to be most frequently visited by tourists. Moreover, the results of this smart policy are the annual income from the development of the tourism industry in France, which, in turn, significantly affects the economic welfare of the country. Thus, a carefully thought-out state policy in the field of tourism has a favorable effect on the socio-economic condition of the country as a whole.
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24

TRAMPUSCH, CHRISTINE. "Industrial Relations as a Source of Solidarity in Times of Welfare State Retrenchment." Journal of Social Policy 36, no. 2 (March 5, 2007): 197–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279406000560.

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Within the literature on retrenchment policies, the ‘solidarity-decline thesis’ is discussed. It is argued that current welfare state restructuring leads to a decrease in the actual social cohesion of society because redistributive public benefits are cut. The article addresses this thesis by presenting empirical evidence on social security based on collective bargaining. In Denmark, France, Germany and the Netherlands, collective agreements are increasingly used to regulate and finance social benefits. These collectively negotiated benefits may compensate to a certain degree for solidarity losses caused by retrenchment policies. The article reviews concepts of solidarity used in the literature and develops a two-dimensional scheme of four different concepts. The conclusion for comparative welfare state research is twofold. First, when viewing policies of welfare state retrenchment, the research should systematically include industrial relations in its frame of reference. Second, further studies should analyse the politics as well as the outcomes of collectively negotiated benefits more systematically. Under certain conditions, which are worth specifying, collective bargaining may lead to complex public–private mixes that shift welfare states in other directions than outright market liberalisation, not only in factual but also in normative terms.
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25

BÉLAND, DANIEL. "Does Labor Matter? Institutions, Labor Unions and Pension Reform in France and the United States." Journal of Public Policy 21, no. 2 (May 2001): 153–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x01001088.

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This article challenges Paul Pierson's account on the (supposedly declining) role of labor unions in the ‘new politics of the welfare state’. More specifically, the text compares labor's influence on the French and the American politics of pension reform since the 1980s. The analysis of recent reforms undertaken in both countries demonstrates the impact of institutions and managerial settings on labor's political strategies. These institutional variables explain the fact that French unions have a much more direct influence on public pension reform than their American counterparts. In France, labor unions have an ideological ‘veto point’ derived from their integration into the management process. Their strong influence on the ‘new politics of the welfare state’ is undeniable: labor still matters.
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26

Trofimova, O. "Evolution of French Social State Model." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2015): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-5-29-40.

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The configuration of French welfare state is determined by a mix of factors. Historically, the nation’s social insurance system is based on the principles of solidarity, social protection, collective efforts and government’s responsibility. To a large extent this explains its paternalistic features. The French social model has a complex institutional structure and consists of different insurance schemes which are highly segmented according to the professions and industries, to belonging to the private or public sectors. The article deals with the theoretical framework, specifics of the development and modernization of French social model, its adaptation to the most recent economic changes triggered by the processes of globalization and European integration. The French welfare state’s transformations are necessitated by domestic and external economic, social and political challenges. The financing of the system is largely based on Bismarkian principle, namely, the bulk of social contributions are traditionally assumed by the firms along with the workers themselves. But it is mixed with a dose of Beveridgian society with its wide solidarity via general taxation. The author focuses on the welfare policy and legislation framework according to its model and type of regime. The analysis of the reform’s process reveals the specifics of the weaknesses of French model which still faces contradictions between dirigist and market approaches in resolving social problems, between the aims of economic effectiveness and social protection. Successive reforms of the social protection system towards reductions of state social expenditures and privatization of pensions will help France to recalibrate its welfare model in accordance with a new logic at the European level and its mainstream in social policy. Acknowledgements. The article has been supported by a grant of the Russian Humanitarian Scientific Foundation. Project no. 14-07-00048 “Transformation of Concept and Practices of Social State in EU Countries”.
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27

Soucy, Robert J., and Susan Pederson. "Family, Dependence, and the Origins of the Welfare State: Britain and France, 1914-1945." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 26, no. 2 (1995): 297. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206631.

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28

Lewis, Jane, and Susan Pedersen. "Family, Dependence, and the Origins of the Welfare State. Britain and France, 1914-45." British Journal of Sociology 46, no. 1 (March 1995): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/591643.

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29

Prost, Antoine, Susan Pedersen, and Jean-Francois Montes. "Family, Dependence and the Origins of the Welfare State. Britain and France 1914-1945." Le Mouvement social, no. 182 (January 1998): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3779193.

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30

Michel, Sonya, and Susan Pedersen. "Family, Dependence, and the Origins of the Welfare State: Britain and France, 1914-1945." Contemporary Sociology 23, no. 6 (November 1994): 802. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076041.

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31

Comacchio, Cynthia, and Susan Pedersen. "Family, Dependence, and the Origins of the Welfare State: Britain and France, 1914-1945." Labour / Le Travail 36 (1995): 368. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25144001.

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32

Houborg, Esben, and Marie Jauffret-Roustide. "Drug Consumption Rooms: Welfare State and Diversity in Social Acceptance in Denmark and in France." American Journal of Public Health 112, S2 (April 2022): S159—S165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2022.306808.

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Drug consumption rooms (DCRs) have the potential to have a positive impact on the opioid overdose crisis. DCRs could also potentially change the political environment for public health because they can affect the distribution of responsibility for harm reduction between the individual and society by collectivizing responsibility for harm reduction through welfare regimes. The methodology is based on 2 case studies—1 in Copenhagen, Denmark, and 1 in Paris, France—about residents, people who inject drugs (PWID), and politicians’ experiences of DCRs involving semidirective interviews. Denmark has a long history of harm-reduction policy, and the implementation of DCRs in Copenhagen has happened through close collaboration between local authorities and the local community. France is far more centralized and paternalistic in terms of the distribution of authority and decision-making in welfare and drug policy. Difficulties in cohabitation between local residents and PWID happened in both countries and can sometimes make public authorities hesitate to implement DCRs because of the NIMBY (“not in my backyard”) phenomenon. However, the Danish and French case studies show that DCRs have the potential to become an instrument for civic cohabitation as well as to contribute to the destigmatization and health of PWID. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(S2):S159–S165. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2022.306808 )
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Hartlapp, Miriam. "Measuring and Comparing the Regulatory Welfare State: Social Objectives in Public Procurement." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 691, no. 1 (September 2020): 68–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716220952060.

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This article constructs an index that translates the substance of policy documents into numeric values across three dimensions of regulation—a qualitative assessment of policy substance, its potential impact, and enforcement of regulation—which aims to capture the strength of social objectives in the economy. It draws on theories of economic regulation and literature on the welfare state to develop a general understanding of social objectives. The use of the index is illustrated through public procurement regulation in two European countries (France and Germany) and shows an overall increase in the strength of social objectives. It also highlights systematic differences in country priorities in the regulation of their economy. The index demonstrates that social regulation can be measured and compared in a meaningful way within and across countries.
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34

Mares, Isabela. "The Sources of Business Interest in Social Insurance: Sectoral versus National Differences." World Politics 55, no. 2 (January 2003): 229–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2003.0012.

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When and why have employers supported the development of institutions of social insurance that provide benefits to workers during various employment-related risks? The analysis developed in this article challenges the dominant explanations of welfare state development, which are premised on the assumption that business opposes social insurance. The article examines the conditions under which self-interested, profit-maximizing firms support the introduction of a new social policy, and it specifies the most significant variables explaining the variation in employers' social policy preferences. The model is tested in three political episodes of welfare state development in France and Germany, using policy documents submitted by various employers' associations to bureaucratic and parliamentary commissions.
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35

Nicholls, Walter J. "Between Growth and Exclusion in Technopolis: Managing Inequalities in Toulouse, France." City & Community 5, no. 3 (September 2006): 319–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6040.2006.00183.x.

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As high technology development has created important resources and opportunities for some residents of cities, it has also introduced a new set of barriers and constraints for others. The new inequalities resulting from this pathway of economic development present local public officials with important challenges for managing their cities. This article argues that local strategies to confront inequalities in high technology cities are dependent on how individual states have undertaken restructuring reforms over the last 30 years. In France, the state has ceded some control over the allocation of economic resources to markets while retaining some control over the allocation of welfare resources. The rising importance of markets and the continued centrality of a redistributive state in French cities have resulted in the formation of distinct types of policy communities in the areas of economic development and welfare. The former community operates according to an entrepreneurial logic and the latter community continues to operate according to a political/statist logic. These local policy communities are like two ships passing in the night, embedded in and responding to distinct institutional constraints that lead them in very different directions.
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Stanimirovic, Mirko, and Goran Jovanovic. "Residence of the elderly." Facta universitatis - series: Architecture and Civil Engineering 9, no. 3 (2011): 443–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fuace1103443s.

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Residence of the elderly is analyzed in this work. Experiences of the developed world in this field can be extremely beneficial to the housing policy in Serbia. The elderly are facing serious facility shortages for living compared to the actual demand. The subject-matter of this work is to carry out research into the institutional forms of taking up residence of the elderly in Serbia and France, since France is a welfare state. By analyzing French pattern, some useful recommendations can be found for the development of the Serbian pattern.
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37

Browning, Sean. "The Life Satisfaction of Informal Caregivers in Europe: Regime Type, Intersectionality, and Stress Process Factors." Innovation in Aging 5, Supplement_1 (December 1, 2021): 794. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igab046.2928.

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Abstract This research assessed the role of welfare state/family care regimes, intersecting social locations and stress process factors in influencing the life satisfaction of informal caregivers of care recipients with age-related needs or disabilities within a European international context. Empirical analyses were conducted with a sample of informal caregivers residing in Denmark, Sweden, France, Germany, Italy, Greece and the United Kingdom (n=6,007). Ordinary least squares and ordered logit regression models revealed that welfare state/family care regime, intersecting social locations, and stress process factors were independently associated with the life satisfaction of informal caregivers. Furthermore, there was some evidence to suggest that social location and stress process factors intervened in some of the relationships between regime type and life satisfaction. There was also some evidence that stress process factors intervened in the relationships between social location factors and life satisfaction. Overall, the results provide support for integrating welfare state/family care regime type and intersectionality factors into the stress process model as applied to the context of informal caregiving. The results also have policy and practice implications with regards to which social location and stress process factors explain specific disparities in life satisfaction between informal caregivers residing in different welfare state/family care regimes.
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Ares, Cristina, and Antón Losada. "Political Parties’ Preferences about the Volume of Social Spending and its Distribution between Programs and Age Groups: a Comparative Study of France, Spain and the UK." Cuadernos de Gobierno y Administración Pública 7, no. 2 (November 10, 2020): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/cgap.68179.

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The transformation of the Welfare State is not a standardized response to globalization or a by-product of European Union policies, but rather ‘what parties make of it’ (Burgoon, 2006). Different welfare regimes and welfare cultures contribute to the maintenance of diverse national responses to global and regional integration in terms of their public welfare systems, but there are also meso-level variables, such as parties´ ideologies, that may have an impact on the volume and distribution of welfare expenditure. This article presents a new scheme and procedure to code party manifesto statements in favor of social spending and retrenchment; it applies them in Britain, France and Spain in order to show the possibilities of the new data. The preliminary results indicate that ideologies are linked to parties´ preferences regarding the distribution of social spending between programs, the emphasis on different age groups as beneficiaries of welfare expenditure, and the rationale for social cuts.
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39

Debono, Bertrand, Carole Gerson, Thierry Houselstein, Lynda Lettat-Ouatah, Renaud Bougeard, and Nicolas Lonjon. "Litigations following spinal neurosurgery in France: “out-of-court system,” therapeutic hazard, and welfare state." Neurosurgical Focus 49, no. 5 (November 2020): E11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2020.8.focus20582.

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OBJECTIVESpinal surgeries carry risks of malpractice litigation due to the random nature of their functional results, which may not meet patient expectations, and the hazards associated with these complex procedures. Claims are frequent and costly. In France, since 2002, a new law, the Patients’ Rights Law of March 4, 2002, has created an alternative, out-of-court scheme, which established a simplified, rapid, free-of-charge procedure (Commission for Conciliation and Compensation [CCI]). Moreover, this law has optimized the compensation provided to patients for therapeutic hazards by use of a national solidarity fund. The authors analyzed the consequences of this alternative route in the case of claims against private neurosurgeons in France.METHODSFrom the data bank of the insurer Mutuelle d’Assurances du Corps de Santé Français (MACSF), the main insurance company for private neurosurgeons in France, the authors retrospectively analyzed 193 files covering the period 2015–2019. These computerized files comprised the anonymized medical records of the patients, the reports of the independent experts, and the final judgments of the CCI and the entities supporting the compensation, if any.RESULTSDuring the 5-year study period (2015–2019), the insurance company recorded 494 complaints involving private neurosurgeons for spinal surgery procedures, of which 126 (25.5%) were in civil court, 123 (24.9%) were under amicable procedure, and 245 (49.6%) were in the out-of-court scheme administered by the CCI. Out of these 245 cases, only 193 were closed due to delays. The conclusions of the commission were rejection/incompetence decisions in 47.2% of the cases, therapeutic hazards in 21.2%, nosocomial infections in 17.6%, and practitioner fault in 13.5%. National solidarity compensated for 48 complaints (24.8%). The final decision of the CCI is not always consistent with the conclusions of the experts mandated by it, illustrating the difficulty in defining the concept of hazards. The authors found that the therapeutic hazards retained and compensated by the national solidarity included decompensated spondylotic myelopathies (15% of the 40 cases) and cauda equina syndromes (30%). As allowed by law, 11.5% of the patients who were not satisfied triggered a classical procedure in a court.CONCLUSIONSIn the French out-of-court system, trial decisions resulting in rulings of proven medical malpractice are rare, but patients can start a new procedure in the classical courts. The therapeutic hazard remains a subtle definition, which may be problematic and require further discussion between experts and magistrates. In spite of the imperfections, this out-of-court system proposes a major evolution to move patients and medical providers from legal battles to reconciliations.
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40

Byongkyun Na. "A Comparative Study on the origin and development of Welfare State in Korea and France." Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies 44, no. 3 (September 2013): 371–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.16999/kasws.2013.44.3.371.

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41

Sanders, Claire A. "Origins of the French Welfare State: The Struggle for Social Reform in France, 1914–1947." History: Reviews of New Books 31, no. 4 (January 2003): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2003.10527506.

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42

Montague, Dena. "Beyond Ethnic Relations: Racial Politics and the Origins of the Welfare State in Republican France." Sociological Focus 51, no. 1 (August 7, 2017): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00380237.2017.1341234.

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43

Chojnicki, Xavier, and Lionel Ragot. "Impacts of Immigration on an Ageing Welfare State: An Applied General Equilibrium Model for France." Fiscal Studies 37, no. 2 (October 8, 2015): 258–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-5890.2015.12059.

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44

Vail, Mark I. "The better part of valour: The politics of French welfare reform." Journal of European Social Policy 9, no. 4 (November 1, 1999): 311–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/a010294.

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This article uses the French statist model as a test case for Paul Pierson's notion of 'blame avoidance' in retrenchment politics. In a comparative analysis of Prime Minister Edouard Balladur's health and pension reforms with those of his successor Alain Juppé, the article concludes that state strength creates both institutional 'assets' and 'liabilities' for elites undertaking retrenchment. In particular, it argues that, due to the political liabilities created by state autonomy in France, successful reform has depended upon judicious choice of policy substance and policy-making style on the part of elites. State autonomy thus may not yield, and indeed may be antithetical to, a capacious state in the context of welfare retrenchment. Accordingly, both political style and the substantive provisions of particular policy efforts can play a crucial role in compensating for the political liabilities that are inherent to welfare retrenchment and particularly acute in insular policy-making contexts. Résumé Cet article teste la notion de Paul Pierson 'd'éviter d'être blâmé' dans les politiques de réduction 'retrenchment' des systèmes de protection sociale dans le cas du modèle français caractérisé par l'importance de l'Etat. Dans une analyse comparative des réformes de la Santé et des pensions menées par Edouard Balladur et par Alain Juppé, cet article conclut que la force de l'Etat crée à la fois des atouts et des désavantages pour entreprendre des politiques de 'retrenchment'. en particulier, il avance que du fait des engagements politiques créés par l'autonomie de l'état en France, la mise en oeuvre de réformes a dépendu de choix judicieux tant en matière de contenu que de style de la part des élites. L'autonomie de l'Etat peut réduire, et même être opposée, à la capacité de l'Etat de mener des politiques de 'retrenchement'. De ce fait, tant le style poli-tique que les disposions substantielles d'efforts politiques particuliers peuvent jouer un rôle crucial pour compenser les engagements politiques qui sont inhérents au processus de réduction de la protection sociale et partic-ulièrement sensibles dans des contextes avec nombre réduit de décideurs politiques.
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45

Papanastasiou, Stefanos, and Christos Papatheodorou. "Causal pathways of intergenerational poverty transmission in selected EU countries." Social Cohesion and Development 12, no. 1 (February 13, 2018): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/scad.15941.

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The paper investigates whether, in what way and to what extent the family of origin affects offspring’s poverty risk in selected EU countriesrepresenting different social protection systems. Employing logit models and utilizing EU-SILC data, the analysis brings to the forefront the importance of social protection for intercepting the intergenerational transmission of poverty. Denmark with the socialdemocratic welfare state is the most successful in mitigating the effect of the family of origin on offspring’s poverty risk, followed by France representing the conservative-corporatist welfare regime. Less effective οn this matter appear to be Greece and Great Britain representing the south-European and the liberal social protection system respectively.
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Bonoli, Giuliano, and Bruno Palier. "How do welfare states change? Institutions and their impact on the politics of welfare state reform in Western Europe." European Review 8, no. 3 (July 2000): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004944.

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In the 1980s and 1990s West European welfare states were exposed to strong pressures to ‘renovate’, to retrench. However, the European social policy landscape today looks as varied as it did at any time during the 20th century. ‘New institutionalism’ seems particularly helpful to account for the divergent outcomes observed, and it explains the resistance of different structures to change through past commitments, the political weight of welfare constituencies and the inertia of institutional arrangements – in short, through ‘path dependency’. Welfare state institutions play a special role in framing the politics of social reform and can explain trajectories and forms of policy change. The institutional shape of the existing social policy landscape poses a significant constraint on the degree and the direction of change. This approach is applied to welfare state developments in the UK and France, comparing reforms of unemployment compensation, old-age pensions and health care. Both countries have developed welfare states, although with extremely different institutional features. Two institutional effects in particular emerge: schemes that mainly redistribute horizontally and protect the middle classes well are likely to be more resistant against cuts. Their support base is larger and more influential compared with schemes that are targeted on the poor or are so parsimonious as to be insignificant for most of the electorate. The contrast between the overall resistance of French social insurance against cuts and the withering away of its British counterpart is telling. In addition, the involvement of the social partners, and particularly of the labour movement in managing the schemes, seems to provide an obstacle for government sponsored retrenchment exercises.
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47

Chapman, Herrick. "Paul V. Dutton,Origins of the French Welfare State: The Struggle for Social Reform in France, 1914–1947. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. xiii + 251 pp. $65.00 cloth; $27.00 paper." International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (October 2004): 194–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904210249.

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Comparative studies of social policy usually portray the French welfare state as lagging behind most of its counterparts in Western Europe during the first decades of the twentieth century. The sheer complexity of the French system, moreover, with its baroque mixture of separate private, government and quasi-public funds, made it exceptional as well. Yet tardiness and complexity by no means prevented the French from expanding social insurance at an especially rapid clip in the decades following the Second World War. By 1980 France spent more on social security as a percentage of Gross Domestic Product than any country in Europe except Denmark, Sweden and the Netherlands. Today the French are among Europe's most stalwart defenders of publicly funded pensions and health insurance. Given its unimpressive beginnings, how did the French welfare state become such a heavyweight?
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48

Perroud, Thomas, and Susan Rose-Ackerman. "Impact Assessment in France: U.S. Models and French Legal Traditions." European Public Law 20, Issue 4 (December 1, 2014): 649–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2014042.

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Impact assessment (IA)in France highlights the tensions between traditional administrative law and modern trends. The expertise of the bureaucracy and its insulation from politics sought to further republican views of the public interest. In principle, IA could be a modern route to that goal. However, faith in the civil service has eroded, and the state now also faces demands for more openness and public participation. These demands for rulemaking accountability support French traditions if one acknowledges that officials need input from outsiders to further the public welfare-not only technical experts, but also ordinary citizens, businesses, and civil society.
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Schniedewind, Karen. "Life-Long Work or Well-Deserved Leisure in Old Age? Conceptions of Old Age Within the French and German Labour Movements in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries." International Review of Social History 42, no. 3 (December 1997): 397–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000114361.

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SummaryThe close connection between old age and retirement and to what extent society accepts work-free retirement in old age emerged as the topical themes we know in France and Germany as late as the 1950s and 1960s. By analysing the relevant discussions in the labour circles of both countries the author examines whether this modern concept of retirement originated in the early phase of the welfare state. The concepts and points of criticism which each of the labour movements developed for old age provision show, by virtue of the different national mental attitudes, that their considerations about old age as a life phase diverged from one another to a great degree. The German labour movement believed that old age pensions were primarily a compensation for the reduction in income on reaching an advanced age, and it thus gave preference to the invalidity pension. In contrast, French society supported the idea of welfare security for the old. Along with criticisms of state social policies, the purpose of providing for the old is at the centre of the essay's analysis, more specifically the contrary forms this discussion took in Germany and France: obliged to work in old age or well-earned retirement.
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50

Fazeli, Rafat, and Reza Fazeli. "The Welfare State and The Market Economy: The Austrian experience as a Social Market Economy (SME)." International Journal for Innovation Education and Research 7, no. 10 (October 31, 2019): 733–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31686/ijier.vol7.iss10.1820.

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This paper concentrates on the recent development of the welfare state and social wage in Austria. Our empirical review is concerned with the net benefits or net social wage received by the Austrian working population. Net social wage is defined as the difference between the social benefits received and taxes paid by the working class. This measurement will enable us to find out whether the working population has received a net gain (or net social wage) and whether this net gain has expanded over time. The paper offers a study of the trends of the “social wage” in France in the last decades before the Great Recession. It addresses two major questions. The first question is whether the expansion of social expenditures has posed any drag on capital accumulation and economic growth in this country. The second question is whether the increasing ideological challenges from the right and the competitive pressures of globalization have led to the retrenchment of the French welfare states in recent decades.
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