Journal articles on the topic 'Welfare state – European Union countries – History'
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1
Sinitsyn, Fedor. "External Challenges to Soviet Ideology in the Second Half of the 1960s and in the 1970s." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017638-0.
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The Soviet Union's foreign policy challenges of the 1960s and 1970s had an ideological aspect to them. Contradictions between Soviet Communism and Eastern European socialist models of development became more pronounced. Eastern European socialist countries began to emphasize the variety of models for “building socialism” and offered their own theories, not sanctioned by Moscow, of the construction of socialism in other European countries. Certain “ideological dangers” for the USSR also came from the Communist parties of capitalist countries. Authority of the Soviet Union and the CPSU among Western communists had declined. The weakening of the influence of Soviet ideology in the world had become evident. As a result, Western communists began to distance themselves from the USSR and the “Socialist Bloc” countries. In the post-war years, the authorities and the elites of the “Capitalist Bloc” countries took additional measures to reduce the popularity of the Communist ideology by promoting the idea of “social compromise instead of social revolution”. One of the most significant challenges to Soviet ideology was also the “convergence theory”. The socio-economic models developed in capitalist countries — especially the concept of the “welfare state” — presented another serious challenge. As a result of these trends and an increase in the standard of living in capitalist countries, there was a “de-ideologization” as well as a decrease in mass revolutionism of the population. The external challenges to Soviet ideology were regarded in Moscow with dismay. New ideological and socio-political concepts in capitalist countries were perceived negatively by the Kremlin. The external challenges had a negative impact on the mass consciousness of Soviet citizens. The article concludes that during the period under review, the challenges posed to Soviet ideology from abroad began to be complex. This article also gives classification of these challenges and reveals main ways of their manifestation.
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De Rose, Alessandra, and Giuseppina Guagnano. "Having Children in Europe: The Role of Social Capital." Review of European Studies 15, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v15n1p24.
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We explore the role of social capital in explaining reproductive behaviour and its differences among the European countries. We adopt a comprehensive concept of social capital that combines several elementary indicators and estimate its impact on the probability of having a first or a further child among reproductive-age women currently in a partnership union. We cluster countries in four groups and discuss the results in terms of different welfare state regimes. Data come from the 2014 EU Statistics on Income and Living Conditions survey (N=15,735) which we analysed through a generalized ordered logit model. Our findings support the hypothesis that women who can count on higher level of social capital show higher chance to give birth to a baby and this holds both for each country group and for Europe as a whole. By showing the importance of operationalize a complex and multivariate definition of social capital we contributed to the debate about its relationship with individual reproductive behaviour.
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Vanthemsche, Guy. "Unemployment Insurance in Interwar Belgium." International Review of Social History 35, no. 3 (December 1990): 349–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900001004x.
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SUMMARYIn 1900, a special type of unemployment insurance was set up in Belgium: the so-called “Ghent system”, which had some influence on the development of unemployment insurance in many European countries. This particular system was characterized by the important role played by the trade-union unemployment societies. The public authorities (in Belgium, from 1920 onwards, the central government next to the towns and provinces) encouraged the affiliation of the labourers to these societies by granting different sorts of financial support to the unemployed society members and to the societies themselves. During the crisis of the 1930s, this led to an important growth of Belgian trade-union membership. On the other hand, the quantitative growth of the labour movement due to this particular organization of unemployment insurance, led to many negative sideeffects for the trade unions (administrative chaos, financial problems, loss of combativity). Moreover, the employers' organizations strongly opposed this system of unemployment insurance, because they thought it reinforced the labour movement's power in society (strengthening of union membership, influence on wage formation, obstruction of deflation policy). This article examines the heated debates waged in the labour movement itself and between this actor, the employers' organizations and the government, to solve the many important problems posed by this type of social insurance. The Belgian pre-Second World War debate concerning unemployment insurance was of great importance for the shaping of the Welfare State in Belgium, which took its present-day form in 1944.
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Львов, А. А., and К. В. Крюкова. "САМОИДЕНТИФИКАЦИЯ В КОНФЛИКТЕ ИЛИ ДИАЛОГ КУЛЬТУР? АНТРОПОЛОГИЧЕСКИЙ АНАЛИЗ СТРАТЕГИИ «ОСОБОГО ПУТИ»." Konfliktologia 15, no. 2 (July 14, 2020): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-6085-2020-15-2-38-53.
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n the circumstances of victorious liberalism, represented by the system of welfare state, we constantly see the attempts of self-identification of various groups, communities and even peoples through the situation of conflict. An illustrious example to that is the strategy of “special path” (Sonderweg), which was very typical for different states in different time, and now is still an important instrument of the inner self-identification. However, such a strategy should be realized within both historical and anthropological perspectives: it is its only way to acquire its concrete sense and quit being a mythologem. To achieve this the paper analyzes the self-identification of the parts in the conflict as in the case of such a phenomenon as “the spirit of 1914” — the history of realization such an identification by the German intellectuals in the beginning of 20 century provides us with an important comprehensive material. It is telling that the intellectuals were gravitating from the ideas of Deutscher Sonderweg to understanding of the inner potentials of German culture and society to Pan-European openness and prolific and fruitful dialogue of equal cultures thought the whole course of the previous century. Thus, today the dialogue of cultures appears to be much more efficient and productive way of mutual recognition of the peoples and states, than self-identification through the conflict. Herewith the idea of the inner, organic union of a nation does not disappear; on the contrary, it should be acknowledged as the main power in the process of substantiality of the parts of such a dialogue as the crucial term for its meaningfulness. In this regard, Russian state and Russian society have a considerable potential, as the Russian culture was initially oriented to universal openness and outgoingness, digestion of the highest achievements of various countries and nations while preserving its original self.
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OROSZ, Ágnes, and Norbert SZIJÁRTÓ. "A MACRO-COMPARATIVE ASSESSMENT OF WELFARE STATE CONVERGENCE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." Management of Sustainable Development 13, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.54989/msd-2021-0005.
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In this paper, we provide a macro-comparative assessment of welfare state convergence. Using the welfare state regime approach, the paper analyses the development of main welfare state indicators within in the enlarged European Union. In this study we capitalize on descriptive statistics and a single convergence analysis based on standard deviation in order to capture alterations in national welfare models of 26 European countries and among acknowledged welfare regimes. Our fundamental aim is to seize on long-term processes (convergence, divergence, or persistence), so we cover almost a two-decade period starting at 2000. Our results, in general, suggest that convergence among welfare states (different indicator of social spending) of European countries is particularly weak, however convergence inside welfare regimes is significantly stronger apart from the Anglo-Saxon group. The pre-crisis period was characterized by a stronger convergence among European countries as a consequence of economic prosperity and intense EU intervention.
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Warin, Thierry, and Pavel Svaton. "European Migration: Welfare Migration or Economic Migration?" Global Economy Journal 8, no. 3 (July 29, 2008): 1850140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1360.
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This paper presents an empirical assessment of bilateral migration flows into the EU-15 countries. Using an extended gravity model, it identifies economic, welfare state, geospatial and linguistic variables as the principal determinants of migration flows into the EU-15 countries. As long as its effect is not offset by a high unemployment rate in the host country, the level of social protection expenditure influences migrants' choice of destination. However, albeit acting as a joint force with other economic, cultural and geospatial variables, the welfare state characteristics of the host country need to be reckoned with when studying European migration flows. Our empirical findings lend some support for a more unified or at least better coordinated social policy across the European Union.
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Nykolaieva, Valentyna, Natalia Malyarchuk, and Lidiia Ovcharova. "MODELS OF SOCIAL POLICY AND SOCIAL WORK IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: FEATURES AND CHARACTERISTICS." Scientific journal of Khortytsia National Academy, no. 2021-4 (December 4, 2021): 184–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.51706/2707-3076-2021-4-17.
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The article analyzes the range of European models of social policy and highlights some features for further consideration concerning the implementation of the EU social standards in the social work system of Ukraine. The following research methods were used to clarify the current state of the problem: analysis, comparison and generalization of data from scientific and educational literature and periodicals, etc. It is proved that in the works of Ukrainian researchers the main emphasis is placed on the correlation between social policy and social work. Different classifications of social policy models, social protection and social services are given by features: the role of the state, the basics of distribution, the correspondence of economic and social policy in the implementation of an effective social work system. Basic models of social protection in the countries with industrialized economy are given according to E. Andersen: liberal, conservative and social-democratic. According to R. Titmuss’s classification, there are 3 models: residual, institutional-redistributive, industrial achievements / action. Various pension systems according to the classification of J. Paime are revealed: institutional, residual, for merits at work, civil. Quite an interesting distribution of models of social protection, among which the lion's share belongs to European countries, can be traced in the works of S. Leibfried and R. Mishra, where in addition to the residual and institutional models, there is also a "socialist" model. The research of the Slovak scholar M. Beblavy, who made an attempt to typologize the model of the welfare state of Central and Eastern Europe, deserves attention. A. Antonnen and J. Sipila are noted; they classify the models of social services in European countries according to the level of development of various social services and from the view of institutional subjects. Another effective model of the welfare state is described – it is a social investment welfare state. Thus, extensive experience in implementing social policy and social work in the European Union has shown that these countries have gone from charity in social support to the formation of a "welfare state" that guarantees its citizens an optimal system of social security and social protection.
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Sánchez, Angeles, and María Navarro. "Public Policies of Welfare State and Child Poverty in the European Union." Sustainability 13, no. 5 (March 3, 2021): 2725. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13052725.
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Combating child poverty is desirable to ensure equality of opportunities across children, as well as fostering the sustainability of the societal well-being for future generations. This paper focuses on the study of child poverty in the 28 Member States of the European Union over the period 2008–2018. We analyse the relationship between child poverty and government social expenditure by controlling it with tax structure (ratio direct taxes over indirect taxes), economic growth and socio-demographic characteristics. For that, we rely on panel data methodology. This paper has verified that the effectiveness of the government social spending programmes to reduce child poverty also depends on the progressiveness of the country’s tax structure. Government spending on health and education programmes could be more effective in reducing child poverty in Member States with less progressive tax structure, provided they reached the average level of public spending for the whole of the European Union. By contrast, a positive relationship between child poverty and government social protection spending regardless of the tax structure of countries was found. In this case, the underlying forces that lead to less effectiveness of social protection programmes are also stronger in the less progressive Member States.
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HEISIG, JAN PAUL, BRAM LANCEE, and JONAS RADL. "Ethnic inequality in retirement income: a comparative analysis of immigrant–native gaps in Western Europe." Ageing and Society 38, no. 10 (May 4, 2017): 1963–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x17000332.
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ABSTRACTPrevious research unequivocally shows that immigrants are less successful in the labour market than the native-born population. However, little is known about whether ethnic inequality persists after retirement. We use data on 16 Western European countries from the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC, 2004–2013) to provide the first comparative study of ethnic inequalities among the population aged 65 and older. We focus on the retirement income gap (RIG) between immigrants from non-European Union countries and relate its magnitude to country differences in welfare state arrangements. Ethnic inequality after retirement is substantial: after adjusting for key characteristics including age, education and occupational status, the average immigrant penalty across the 16 countries is 28 per cent for men and 29 per cent for women. Country-level regressions show that income gaps are smaller in countries where the pension system is more redistributive. We also find that easy access to long-term residence is associated with larger RIGs, at least for men. There is no clear evidence that immigrants’ access to social security programmes, welfare state transfers to working-age households or the strictness of employment protection legislation affect the size of the RIG.
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Hennessy, Peter, and Thierry Warin. "One Welfare State for Europe: A Costly Utopia?" Global Economy Journal 4, no. 2 (December 17, 2004): 1850020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1027.
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This paper addresses the question of the social policy harmonization in the European Union. In adopting a common monetary policy, Europe is faced with structural and fiscal concerns, as national growth levels differ. Another possible factor in output shocks are the levels of various social expenditures in the member countries. OECD data on the level of social program expenditures in four EU countries will be compared to fluctuations in GDP growth to identify existing relationships. Significant relationships between independent social expenditure policy and GDP growth shocks suggest structural harmonization as an improvement if Europe is to take full advantage of the common market. However, the effects of expenditure levels may be easier to identify and predict than the dynamic effects of policy change. As the effects of future policy changes are more difficult to ascertain, harmonization may not consistently appear to be a Pareto-optimum solution to asymmetric shocks.
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Kaklauskaitė, Ulijona, and Jekaterina Navickė. "Eco-social State in the European Union: the Relationship Between the Social and Climate Policy of the Member States." Socialinė teorija, empirija, politika ir praktika 22 (July 29, 2021): 101–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/stepp.2021.32.
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This article analyzes the relationship between the social and climate policies of the European Union member states and examines the concept of the eco–social state. In the climate crisis era, the need for a close link between social and climate policies is particularly acute. The European Green Deal and other EU strategies reflect a political agenda with a specific interest in social and ecological goals. We aim to answer whether more significant state efforts in the social field are related to a similarly more substantial commitment in climate policy or whether a greater focus on one means less attention on another.
On a theoretical level, we discuss the challenges of climate change for social policy and present the concept of climate justice. The similarities and differences between the ecological and the welfare state are also examined. We argue that the concept of climate justice highlights the phenomenon of a double and even triple injustice on a global level, which requires joint efforts in spheres of social and climate policy. Eco-social state combines social and environmental institutions intending to ensure welfare and sustainability and thus complements the traditional concept of the welfare state. The Koch-Fritz (2014) classification, which distinguishes between the established, deadlocked, emerging, and failing eco-social states, is presented in the paper and used for the empirical analysis.
The empirical part of the paper employs non-parametrical correlation and hierarchical cluster analysis. The former allows for exploring the links between the ecological and social indicators. The latter enables countries to be grouped according to social and climate indicators and compared to the traditional classification of welfare states and Koch-Fritz models of eco-social states. The analysis is based on social and climate indicators of the Europe 2020 strategy. The study found that countries that provide relatively more significant funding for traditional social problems also perform better in climate change adaptation and mitigation policies by reducing greenhouse gas emissions in an effort–sharing sectors and final energy consumption. We show that clusters of the EU member states in terms of social and climate indicators (eco–social state models) are very similar to their membership in the traditional welfare states’ classification.
Moreover, social democratic welfare states are better prepared to address climate change than countries representing other types of welfare states. Thus the analysis confirms the social democratic welfare states as established eco–social states, while the conservative-corporate and liberal welfare states can indeed be called deadlocked eco–social states with average results. We show, however, that Lithuania, together with other Eastern European and Southern European countries, fluctuates on both the best and the worst social and climate change mitigation outcomes. Hence those should be attributed to a group with the mixed results and can be named as failed-emerging eco-social states.
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Johnson, Paul. "Social Policy in Europe in the Twentieth Century." Contemporary European History 2, no. 2 (July 1993): 197–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000424.
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The 1980s proved to be a tough decade for European welfare states. The post-war ‘welfare consensus’, which perhaps had never been quite so strong or coherent as many contemporary historians and commentators had assumed, was finally laid to rest. The five great spectres identified by Beveridge want, disease, ignorance, squalor and idleness had not been humbled by public welfare provision despite its ever growing scale and cost. At the beginning of the 1980s the OECD published a report on The Welfare State in Crisis which pointed out that as welfare state expenditure had roughly doubled as a percentage of national income in most west European countries since the late 1950s, so economic growth rates had plummeted. The European welfare states appeared to produce few positive welfare benefits, and this minimal achievement was produced at enormous cost which was to the detriment of overall economic growth and societal well-being.
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Kurowska, Anna, Olga Eisele, and Johannes M. Kiess. "Welfare Attitudes and Expressions of (Trans)national Solidarity." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 4 (January 30, 2019): 492–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218823843.
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The article explores the extent to which Europeans’ welfare attitudes explain (trans)national solidarity behavior. We set our analyses against the backdrop of the broader debate of welfare state consequences: Does a strong welfare state that is considered to take care of those in need diminish or strengthen citizens’ motivations to become engaged in helping others? We distinguish individuals’ solidarity behavior toward others within the welfare state, that is, citizens within one’s country, and outside the welfare state community of the respondents’ particular country. We further distinguish different others outside the welfare state, that is, between refugees, taking the refugee crisis in the European Union (EU) as a prime example, and citizens living in other countries—in EU countries and non-EU countries. As far as the main explanatory variables are concerned, we derive from the concept of “multidimensional welfare attitudes” and focus on five crucial dimensions of these attitudes, that is, welfare goals, range, degree, redistribution, and outcome. We draw on data collected within the EU project TransSOL and calculate a set of multilevel logistic regression models controlling for a wide range of individual (sociodemographic, economic, and political) variables. Overall, we observe that a “crowding in” effect, that is, higher support of the welfare state, goes in line with solidarity activity toward others including both “outsiders” and “insiders” of the national community.
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Jochimsen, Beate. "Federalism in Germany, Italy, and the European Union: History, Characteristics, and Perspectives." Journal for Markets and Ethics 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jome-2018-0034.
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Abstract Federalism is always torn between the principles of subsidiarity and solidarity. Defining the federal structure of a country by finding the welfare-maximizing amount and design of government layers is challenging. Thereby, the financial endowment of different layers of government which they need to fulfill their respective tasks is an important aspect. European countries have chosen quite different federal designs to address the question of an optimal degree of fiscal decentralization. The aim of this paper is to analyze these different approaches for Germany, Italy, and the European Union. Parallels can be found in that all the three entities share a form of institutional asymmetry, a kind of fiscal bailout system, and a sort of fiscal equalization scheme.
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Attia, Nicole, and Valérie Bérenger. "European integration and social convergence: A qualitative appraisal." Panoeconomicus 56, no. 1 (2009): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan0901003a.
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Although with the Maastricht Treaty, European construction took a remarkable step forward, the robust pillar of the single currency started to shake the other one: the social welfare systems. The main goal of this contribution is to study the evolution of Social Protection in Europe by questioning the existence of a convergence between the different social welfare systems and the impact of the Treaty of Maastricht on this process. The evolution of the social protection concept in Europe, the reforms implemented in the most important domains of social protection: pensions, health and employment are analyzed. A common philosophy clearly appears. The welfare State is receding, calling more and more upon market mechanisms. Furthermore, the traditional binary typology is changing and countries are becoming more similar in their financing methods. We can thus say that a process of social convergence seems well and truly underway in the European Union.
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Williams, Colin C. "Explaining Cross-National Variations in the Prevalence and Character of Undeclared Employment in the European Union." European Spatial Research and Policy 21, no. 2 (January 27, 2015): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/esrp-2015-0008.
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The aim of this article is to evaluate the competing theories that variously explain the greater prevalence of undeclared employment in some countries either as: a legacy of under-development; a result of the voluntary exit from declared employment due to the high taxes, state corruption and burdensome regulations and controls, or a product of a lack of state intervention in work and welfare which leads to the exclusion of workers from the declared economy and state welfare provision. Analyzing the cross-national variations in the prevalence of, and reasons for, undeclared employment across the European Union using evidence from a 2007 Eurobarometer survey, the finding is that undeclared employment is less prevalent and more of the voluntary variety in wealthier, less corrupt and more equal societies possessing higher levels of social protection and redistribution via social transfers. The theoretical and policy implications are then discussed.
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Горобець, Ігор, and Андрій Мартинов. "BALKAN INTEGRATION PROCESSES: HISTORY AND MODERNITY." КОНСЕНСУС, no. 2 (2022): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2022-02/077-090.
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The aim of the article is to highlight the attempts of Balkan regional integration in the twentieth century and early XXI century. The Balkan region occupies a special place in European history. Various civilization influences intersect in the Balkans, and trade routes from Europe to the Middle East have traditionally passed. The uneven historical development of the Balkan peoples has led to the severity of the formation of nation-states and the dominance of conflicting internal regional and external interests in the Balkans. The conflict potential of Balkan history was due to the clash of ideas of "great" state formations in the form of "Greater Serbia", "Greater Albania", "Greater Serbia", "Greater Macedonia". An attempt to resolve these contradictions on an international basis was an attempt to implement the Yugoslav project. This project had two different implementation attempts. After the First World War, Yugoslavism was embodied in the format of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. After the Second World War, a more successful attempt at international integration was made in the form of Yugoslav federalism. However, exogenous processes have overturned the achievements of endogenous regional integration. The implementation of the European integration project of the Balkan countries depends on the readiness of the European Union to accept them and on the readiness of the Balkan countries to become part of the European Union. The European integration of the Balkan countries raises the question of the borders of the European Union. Turkey remains on the verge of civilization influences. Turkey's accession to the European Union is of strategic global importance. The qualitative characteristics of the European Union depend on the solution of this issue. The EU does not synchronize the accession process of the Balkan countries with the negotiation process with Turkey. It is impossible to do that, because Turkey is more than all the six Balkan countries that emerged after the breakup of Yugoslavia.
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Rollnik-Sadowska, Ewa. "YOUNG PEOPLE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION LABOUR MARKET." Latgale National Economy Research 1, no. 8 (October 24, 2016): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/lner2016vol1.8.1482.
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In an era of aging of the European Union population, it is crucial to take care of human resources in various spheres of their life. The potential of young people is particularly important, as their economic activity creates the basis of maintaining the European welfare state model. However, the labour market situation of young people is difficult. Moreover, the phenomena, which have recently attracted increasing attention, are remaining for young people without employment, education or training (NEET). The occurrence of NEET's resources is harmful at micro level - due to pauperization of European households as well as for the whole economy due to insufficient usage of human resources. The paper aim is to compare how the situation of young people differs in the European Union labour markets.The paper was based on both the desk-research of literature as well as the analysis of selected economic indicators of young people (aged 15-29 years). The indicator analysis was made through the usage of cluster analysis (Ward's method and k-means method). The data was gathered from the databases of Eurostat. The selected indicators determine the labour market situation of young people in the EU countries and they are derived from two years – 2006 and 2014.Ward's and k-means methods allowed for dividing the EU countries into three groups. It occurred that the groups in 2006 have a completely different composition of countries than in 2014, which was mainly determined by crisis influences on the labour markets as well as directions of conducted reforms. Additionally, the k-means method allowed for comparison of selected groups on the basis of chosen variables and determination of countries with the best and the worst situation of young people.
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Robbers, Gerhard. "Diversity of State-Religion Relations and European Union Unity." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 7, no. 34 (January 2004): 304–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00005391.
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There is no single system of state-religion relations within Europe which is equal to another. Each one is distinct. Many countries know a number of different systems within themselves, as does the United Kingdom, Germany or France. The presence of history is strongest perhaps in this field of life. Tradition and truth, emotion and identity flourish in this field. Future law on religion in Europe is best built on strong regional structures. This paper reports on three aspects of state-religion relations in Europe: What is the situation in Germany? What does the United Kingdom look like from the continent? And what about Europe?
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Losonc, Alpar. "Is it possible to install social capitalism in post socialist transition?" Sociologija 49, no. 2 (2007): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0702097l.
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Recently Claus Offe has raised the question concerning the fate of the European model of social capitalism. Can the model of social capitalism survive European integration amongst current tendencies? Offe assumes that this model has been challenged by the processes of globalisation and by the integration of postsocialist countries into the European Union. The working hypotheses of this article is that a relatively coherent answer to this question may be offered. The article is divided into three parts. The first part starts with Polanji?s socio-economic theory and emphasizes the importance of this approach for analyzing tendencies of capitalism in Western Europe and in post-socialist countries. The author argues that Polanyi?s theory enables us to explain the forms of embedded liberalism in Western Europe after 1945, as well as the orientation of non-embedded neoliberalism and the functioning of the workfare state after the crisis of the Keynesian welfare state. The central element of social capitalism, namely, the welfare-state, despite globalizing tendencies projected by neoliberalism, still has dimensions of continuity. In the second section it is argued that an asymmetrical structure has arisen between Western Europe and the non-Western part of Europe concerning the socialisation of capitalism. Neoliberalisation in accordance with the model of transferring ideal-type capitalism is much more strongly implemented in transition countries. In the third part the author pleads for a broadening of the meaning of welfare to take into account the ecological aspect of welfare in countries in transition. The author insists that embeddedness must also include socio-ecological aspects of transition processes in postsocialist countries. Moreover, this theoretical approach provides an opportunity to explain the failures in implementing neoliberalism in postsocialist countries. If we introduce socio-ecological aspects we are in a much better position to answer Offe?s question.
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Fathun, Laode Muhamad. "BREXIT REFERENDUM OF EUROPEAN UNION." Jurnal Dinamika Global 5, no. 01 (July 5, 2020): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v5i1.193.
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This paper describes the phenomenon Brexit or Britain Exit on the future of EU regionalism and its impact on Indonesia. This paper will explain in detail the reason for the emergence of a number of policies Brexit. Brexit event caused much speculation related to Brexit in the European Union. The policy is considered full controversial, some experts say that Brexit in the European Union (EU) showed the independence of Britain as an independent state. Other hand, that Britain is the "ancestor" of the Europeans was struck with the release of the policy, meaning European history can not be separated from the history of Britain. In fact the above reasons that Britain came out associated with independence as an independent state related to EU policies that are too large, as a result of the policy model is very holistic policy while Britain desire is wholistic policy, especially in the economic, political, social and cultural. In addition, the geopolitical location of the EU headquarters in Brussels who also became the dominant actor in a union policy that demands as EU countries have been involved in the formulation of development policy, including controversial is related to the ration immigrants. Other reason is the prestige associated with the currency. Although long since Britain does not fully adopt the EU rules but there is the possibility in the EU currency union can only occur with the assumption that the creation of functional perfect integration.
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Skrobacki, Waldemar. "The Community of Europe and Globalization." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 4, no. 3 (2005): 447–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156915005775093232.
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AbstractThe European Union is a creation of Europe's history and should be understood in that context. European integration is a multidimensional process, for it is an attempt to build a real community. It includes an ethical dimension that is based on the European welfare state and on the continent's long intellectual tradition of liberal democracy. It is successful precisely because it is not abstract.
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Bello, Valeria. "Prejudice and Cuts to Public Health and Education: A Migration Crisis or a Crisis of the European Welfare State and Its Socio-Political Values?" Societies 12, no. 2 (March 16, 2022): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc12020051.
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The past few years have witnessed the development of prejudiced attitudes in some places in Europe. Biases alike are often considered a consequence of increased migratory movements to the continent and have also been connected to a more general crisis of the European Union political project. However, societies have diversely responded to migration even in countries presenting similar economic performances and immigrant inflows. Akin different reactions have raised some important questions: is prejudice connected to a broader European crisis and what does the latter consist of? This article responds to these research questions through a multilevel analysis of 24 European countries, and shows that the percentages of migrant population alone are not associated to anti-migrant sentiments. Such a situation has instead been the case only in those countries that have concurrently experienced cuts to the two key public sectors of education and health care, which constituted the pillars of the European Welfare State and one of the cores of the European Union’s political project.
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Zaets, Svetlana V., and Filipp Yu Kushnarev. "Poland in the European Union: history and modernity." Socialʹnye i gumanitarnye znania 8, no. 3 (September 24, 2022): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/2412-6519-2022-3-274-287.
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The article shows the dynamics of the development of relations between Poland and the European Union from the early 1990s to the present day. The history of the entry of the Polish state into the European community, the political and socio-economic consequences of this event is analyzed. The facts testifying to the initial polarization of society in relation to EU membership between the conservative-nationalist party «PiS» and the liberal-democratic «Civic Platform» are presented. The topical issue related to the supremacy of European legislation over the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, the attitude of the ruling party and the population of the country to it is considered. The authors of the article conducted a study on the attitude of Poles to membership in the European Union and concluded that most of them highly appreciate the role of their state in the EU, enjoy the benefits of European citizenship and see themselves as Europeans. Attention is drawn to the fact that the developed countries of the West do not perceive Poland as an equal member of the European Community, and it does not feel like such, because in terms of most economic indicators, the country initially lagged behind generally accepted indicators and is forced to receive financial assistance. The authors briefly touched upon the current events in Ukraine and the reaction of the Polish government in the context of the European Union. As a result, at the moment a picture is being created that Poland is in the wake of the EU's anti-Russian policy and sees its role in «saving the world from Russian expansion». Perhaps, by such participation in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, it seeks to compensate for its secondary position in the European Union and increase its authority in the international arena.
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Demirkol, Atahan. "An Empirical Analysis of Securitization Discourse in the European Union." Migration Letters 19, no. 3 (May 4, 2022): 273–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v19i3.1832.
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This study aims to analyse the empirical background of securitisation in the European Union (EU). Using panel data, this research covers the period between 2006 and 2018 and analyses 24 EU countries. Copenhagen School claims that securitisation is a speech act of powerful actors. In the case of the EU, politicians and media are the main actors in the securitisation of immigration. In this respect, immigration has been labelled by these actors as a potential threat to the welfare state, European identity, and internal security. Various literature discusses that the securitisation of immigration in the EU has accelerated especially after 9/11. Contrary to the existing literature, this study focuses on the EU to analyse whether the securitisation of immigration has an empirical base. This study’s key finding is that there is no solid empirical result to support the securitisation discourse in the EU to the extent that immigration strongly threatens national security.
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Padilla Galviz, Erick S., JOEL CANTÓ ROCHE, and JAVIER ARREGUI. "Missing Link - Assessing state redistribution capacity to understand the relationship between economic inequality and support for European radical right and left parties." Quaderns IEE 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2023): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/quadernsiee.50.
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Income inequality is a major driver of the growth of radical parties on both the left and right, as it exacerbates citizens' economic insecurities. However, few studies have explored how welfare policies from Member states of the European Union (EU) can help reduce these economic grievances by reducing income inequalities thereby affecting the support towards radical alternatives. In this article, we aim to understand how redistribution affects radical support. We argue that redistribution policies reduce the economic insecurities caused by income inequalities, and thus, the electoral support for radical political platforms is also reduced. To test this hypothesis, we performed multinomial regression models using the European Social Survey data from 17 countries over a period of more than a decade. Our findings reveal that redistribution reduces radical voting, but only for the radical right. We contribute to the literature on welfare policies and radical support by looking at the main welfare policy outcome: redistribution. Our results highlight the importance of redistributive policies in reducing radical right support in the EU, providing valuable insights for policymaking at the European level.
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Parolin, Zachary, and Linus Siöland. "Support for a universal basic income: A demand–capacity paradox?" Journal of European Social Policy 30, no. 1 (November 26, 2019): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928719886525.
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Debate around a universal basic income (UBI) tends to focus on the economic and social implications of the policy proposal. Less clear, however, are the factors influencing support for a UBI. Using the 2016 European Social Survey, we investigate how trade union membership and left political ideology (central to power resources theory) and attitudes towards immigrants’ access to welfare benefits (central to welfare state chauvinism) affect individual support for a UBI. We also investigate how country-level differences in levels of social spending moderate individual-level UBI support. Results from multi-level models suggest that a broader coalition of UBI supporters can generally be found in countries where social spending is low. Specifically, we find that welfare state chauvinism is more likely to be associated with negative attitudes towards a UBI in countries with high levels of spending, but has only a weak association with UBI support in low-spending countries. Similarly, political ideology is more consequential in explaining UBI support in countries with higher levels of spending. These tensions form a demand–capacity paradox: the countries which are presumably least equipped to implement a UBI see the most broad-based support for the policy.
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Hasanova, Jamila. "EU’s Eastward Enlargement Policy in the 1990s and Turkey." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2022): 177–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202201statyi68.
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In Europe the share of international organizations in state-to-state relations sprang up at the close of the 1980s and outset of the 1990s. Early in the 1990s, the European Union, represented by the most powerful states of Europe stood out owing to its specific role and importance in worldwide policy. Bypassing Turkey’s continued efforts to join the European Union, creation of artificial obstacles in this count galvanized attention. Double standard policy against Muslim countries was also rebounded in the EU - Turkey relations.
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Koster, Ferry. "Welfare state attitudes and economic integration in the European Union, 1992–2002: a multilevel investigation across 24 countries." Policy & Politics 38, no. 2 (April 25, 2010): 179–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557309x477965.
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van der Wel, Kjetil A., Espen Dahl, and Karsten Thielen. "Social Inequalities in “Sickness”: Does Welfare State Regime Type Make a Difference? A Multilevel Analysis of Men and Women in 26 European Countries." International Journal of Health Services 42, no. 2 (April 2012): 235–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/hs.42.2.f.
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In comparative studies of health inequalities, public health researchers have usually studied only disease and illness. Recent studies have also examined the sickness dimension of health, that is, the extent to which ill health is accompanied by joblessness, and how this association varies by education within different welfare contexts. This research has used either a limited number of countries or quantitative welfare state measures in studies of many countries. In this study, the authors expand on this knowledge by investigating whether a regime approach to the welfare state produces consistent results. They analyze data from the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC); health was measured by limiting longstanding illness (LLSI). Results show that for both men and women reporting LLSI in combination with low educational level, the probabilities of non-employment were particularly high in the Anglo-Saxon and Eastern welfare regimes, and lowest in the Scandinavian regime. For men, absolute and relative social inequalities in sickness were lowest in the Southern regime; for women, inequalities were lowest in the Scandinavian regime. The authors conclude that the Scandinavian welfare regime is more able than other regimes to protect against non-employment in the face of illness, especially for individuals with low educational level.
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Gudaj, R. T., E. Brydl, J. Lehoczky, and I. Komlósi. "Dairy welfare in Hungary and in the United Kingdom vs. National and European Union legislation." Biotehnologija u stocarstvu 28, no. 1 (2012): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/bah1201011g.
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Dairy industries in Eastern and Western Europe have different history, heritage, but the same aim to produce cheap, high quantity of good quality milk with the care of dairy welfare. Member countries of European Union had choice to either implement minimum standards provided by the European Commission, like in Hungary, or to create their own legislation also covering minimum standards, like in the Great Britain. British, Hungarian and European Union legislation was compared with dairy welfare measures taken on 53 farms in the UK and on 27 farms in Hungary. Among 13 welfare measures observed 8 were found to be statistically different (p<0.05. p<0.01 or p<0.001) between countries. Fewer cows were reported with dirty hind limbs, hock hair losses, non hock injuries, being dull or with greater flight distance on Hungarian farms than in the UK. There were fewer cows with dirty udders, being fat or lame in the UK in comparison to Hungarian farms. Cheaper bedding materials in Hungary are thought to be the major factors cows are found cleaner. More farm workers per one animal make more attention is paid for providing cattle with suitable conditions for resting what also might impact shorter flight distance. In the Great Britain cleaner udders might be related to modern husbandry systems providing cleaner conditions. Education is also thought to be playing a great role in lower proportion of cows being lame, with digestion problems and mastitis in the UK in comparison to Hungary.
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Habibov, Nazim, Alena Auchynnikava, Rong Luo, and Lida Fan. "Influence of interpersonal and institutional trusts on welfare state support revisited." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 39, no. 7/8 (August 22, 2019): 644–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-04-2019-0083.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to focus on the effects of interpersonal and institutional trust on welfare state support in the countries of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union (FSU). Design/methodology/approach The authors use micro-data from two rounds of a multinational survey conducted in these countries in 2010 and 2016. The outcome variable of interest is the willingness to pay more taxes to support the welfare state. The authors define the welfare state broadly, and focus on support for three main domains of the welfare state, namely, support for the needy, public healthcare and public education. Binomial regression is used to establish influence of interpersonal and institutional trust on welfare state support. Findings The authors find that both interpersonal and institutional trust have positive influences on strengthening support for the welfare state against a number of alternative explanations for public support for the welfare state. These positive effects remain the same for all three domains under investigation, namely, helping the needy, public healthcare and public education. Furthermore, these positive effects were observed both in the relatively less developed countries of the FSU and in the more developed Eastern European countries. Moreover, the positive effects of interpersonal and institutional trust on support for the needy, public healthcare and public education were found to grow over time. Research limitations/implications The findings indicate that the benefits of nurturing social capital will likely be substantial. Decision-makers, politicians, welfare state administrators and multinational founders (e.g. the UN and World Bank) should acknowledge the role played by trust in influencing the citizenry’s support for the allocation of financial resources toward the development and maintenance of the welfare state. The findings imply that welfare state reforms could prove be more effective within a social context where levels of trust are high. Thus, special attention should be paid to initiatives aimed at developing strategies to build trust. Practical implications Social welfare reforms in post-communist transitional countries may fail without active strategies aimed at nurturing institutional trust. One way to nurture institutional trust is through making additional efforts at enhancing the levels of accountability and transparency within a society as well as through increasing citizen engagement. Another way to build increased levels of trust is to take part in a variety of initiatives in good governance put forth by multinational initiatives. Originality/value As far as the authors know, this is the first paper which studies effect of interpersonal and institutional trust on support of the welfare state using a large and diverse sample of 27 countries over the period of five years. This is the first study which focuses on post-communist countries where trust is inherently low.
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Holomb, Viktoriia Volodymyrivna. "AN ANALYSIS OF APPROACHES TO GDP DISTRIBUTION THROUGH PUBLIC SECTOR IN UKRAINE AND THE EU COUNTRIES." SCIENTIFIC BULLETIN OF POLISSIA 1, no. 2(10) (2017): 136–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.25140/2410-9576-2017-1-2(10)-136-142.
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Urgency of the research. The true is that government has to become an arbiter of economic and financial relations and to achieve a balance between social welfare and economic advance. In order to succeed it should establish the most transparent, clear and fair rules of GDP distribution and follow them. The size of public sector must be enough to satisfy basic social needs of citizens. Target setting. There is no agreement among politicians and scholars about the sum of gross domestic product that should be redistributed by government. Therefore, every country determines the optimal size of the public sector independently. Actual scientific researches and issues analysis. Many foreign economists investigated problems of public finance. Among them are: T. Lindh, G. Olson, E. Atkinson, J. Slemrod, W. Corpi, A. Lindbek, A. Afonso, L. Shukneht. Among local scientists who study similar questions we can notice: T. Koliada, I. Lunina, T. Chernychko, D. Serebrianskii. Uninvestigated parts of general matters defining. For the lack of a common approach to GDP redistribution through the public sector, it is important to systematize and generalize of world experience in solving such problem. The research objective. The aim of this paper is to carry out a comparative analysis of approaches to GDP distribution through public sector in Ukraine and the European Union. The statement of basic materials. Welfare state models are described in the article. It appears that the level of GDP redistribution in Ukraine is close to European average. Structure of budget expenditures in Ukraine and in the EU is analyzed. It is proved the level of economic growth doesn’t depend on the size of public sector; it depends on operational efficiency of state authorities. Conclusions. This article provides a comparative analysis of approaches to GDP distribution through public sector in Ukraine and the European Union.
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Veselinov, Jelena. "Endowments in European law: Current state and perspectives." Glasnik Advokatske komore Vojvodine 93, no. 3 (2021): 700–733. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/gakv93-28640.
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Throughout history, endowment, although with the same content, has developed differently in European countries in terms of law. The national legal regulations of the countries in this area define the basic elements, legal status and functioning of legal entities established in the spirit of endowment differently. The idea of the European Union as a market characterized by the free flow of people and capital inevitably led to the emergence of a very complex set of rules that apply to the member states of this union. The inclusion of endowments in the single market and the growing number of those characterized by internationally useful goals often lead to insurmountable problems in the operations of endowments outside national borders due to national legislations of EU countries not being synchronized, regardless of the general aim to create a single space without any barriers to the flow of people, services and capital. This is the starting point used to examine the subject of this paper - the need to regulate and resolve situations in the functioning of endowments and foundations in Europe: by creating special rules at the EU level and equalizing or harmonizing rules relating to these non-profit organizations. The subject of the research was chosen because of the importance of the topic in the process of developing private EU law in the non-profit sector. The aim of this paper is to analyze the legal regulations related to endowments and foundations in the national legislations of the EU member states comparatively in terms of law, but also to analyze the proposals for creating uniform legal rules.
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Baranowska-Rataj, Anna, and Mattias Strandh. "When things go wrong with you, it hurts me too: The effects of partner’s employment status on health in comparative perspective." Journal of European Social Policy 31, no. 2 (January 18, 2021): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928720963330.
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The effects of changes in employment status on health within couples have attracted increasing attention. This paper contributes to this emerging research by investigating whether the impact of a partner’s employment status on individual self-rated health varies systematically across countries with varying decommodification levels. We use longitudinal data from the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) and hybrid models. We find that a change in an individual’s employment status may affect the health not just of the person who experiences this transition, but that of his or her partner. The likelihood that such a spillover will occur varies across countries with different decommodification levels. The negative effects of a partner’s employment status on self-rated health are observed when the generosity of welfare state support is limited. The moderating effects of financial support from the state are not very strong, though. They are not robust across all our models and do not extend to all the dimensions of the generosity of welfare state support.
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Haggard, Stephan. "Welfare Capitalism in Southeast Asia: Social Security, Health and Education Policies. By M. Ramesh with Mukul G. Asher. New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000. 217p. $65.00. Social Welfare Development in East Asia. By Kwong-leung Tang. New York: Palgrave, 2001. 214p. $65.00 cloth." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 862–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402850468.
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The debate about the history and future of the welfare state is gradually expanding beyond the advanced industrial countries to encompass the middle-income developing countries and the formerly socialist economies of Central Europe and the former Soviet Union. This debate is particularly interesting in Asia. The newly industrializing countries in that region have had great success in increasing incomes, reducing poverty, and maintaining an equitable distribution of income. At the same time, the countries in the region are highly “globalized”—a factor often associated with increased economic insecurity—and until the 1980s were for the most part ruled by labor-repressive authoritarian regimes. By traditional measures of effort, they also appear to have surprisingly shallow public commitment to social welfare.
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Porte, Caroline De La, Trine P. Larsen, and Dorota Szelewa. "A Gender Equalizing Regulatory Welfare State? Enacting the EU’s Work-Life Balance Directive in Denmark and Poland." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 691, no. 1 (September 2020): 84–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716220956910.
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This article examines the implementation of the European Union’s (EU) work-life balance directive in Denmark and Poland through examining the earmarking of paid parental leave. This enables us to assess whether the EU could be emerging as a gender equalizing regulatory welfare state (RWS). Our analysis points to tensions arising when regulatory decisions are made at a higher level of governance but require implementation and funding at lower levels of governance. In both countries, there are similar parental leave schemes ex-ante, and major actors had similar initial stances on parental leave, favoring stagnation. Yet the plans to implement show how the actors’ positions changed, and the likely result is extended parental leave, with payment (known as double expansion) and more gender-equal participation (degenderization) in parental leave. Although in two different institutional settings, the similar outcome suggests that these changes are due to the European Union acting as an emerging RWS, which influences Member States’ regulatory instruments with fiscal elements.
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Allardt, Erik. "A political sociology of the Nordic countries." European Review 8, no. 1 (February 2000): 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004634.
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The Nordic countries of Europe have many common traits. They are small countries in Northern Europe, they have been Lutheran since the Reformation, and they had, for centuries, a strong landholding peasantry but a weak aristocracy. They developed a comprehensive welfare state after the Second World War, and they are more sceptical about European integration than people from other countries in Western Europe. Despite attempts to create a Nordic union and the existence of a Nordic Council, their joint Nordic orientation has been subordinated to the national interests of the individual Nordic countries. They are clear-cut nation states with a nationalism that is not fierce, but represents a kind of official, controlled and uniform national spirit. With respect to parliamentary politics and social policy the main features of the countries have been called the Nordic Model. The model still exists, but rests on shakier ground than before.
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Keil, Soeren. "Europeanization, State-building and democratization in the Western Balkans." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 3 (May 2013): 343–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.768977.
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The Western Balkans have seen rapid changes since the end of the violent conflicts in the 1990s. The European Union (EU) has been one of the main drivers for change, focusing on the political, economic and social transformation of the region to prepare the countries for membership in the Union. This introduction to the special issue will clarify the key terms and their interaction in the Western Balkans. EU enlargement has never before been this complex and inter-connected with processes of state-building and democratization. The focus on conditionality as the main tool of the EU in the region has had positive and negative effects. It can be argued that the EU is actively involved in state-building processes and therefore the termEU Member State Buildingwill be used to explain the engagement of the Union with the countries in the region. This paper will discuss the concept of EU Member State Building, its potential and its pitfalls. It will be demonstrated that the stabilization of the region is unlikely to take place without an active role for the EU; however, the current approach has reached its limits and it is time to think about alternative options to integrate the Western Balkans into European structures.
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Kola, Jukka, and Sanna Sihvola. "Leisure and farmers’ welfare in changing conditions." Agricultural and Food Science 3, no. 1 (January 1, 1994): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.23986/afsci.72683.
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This paper examines the background for leisure-labour decisions in agriculture and evaluates welfare effects of a shift in farmers’ relief services from a state-led subsidised system to a market mechanism. Leisure provided by relief services in agriculture contributes to well-being, but the leisure-labour choice also influences the revenue. Besides conventional economic and demographic factors, we emphasize the importance of special biological bindings and continuity, as well as risk and uncertainty affecting farmers’ time allocation in agricultural production. We consider structural development as an aggregate factor to explain the demand for farmers’ relief services. In Finland the organisation of the services is more centralized than in the other Nordic countries or the European Union. If government subsidies for relief services were removed and a market mechanism with free price formation adopted, direct government savings would be more than enough to compensate for substantial losses to farmers. Moreover, market forces could produce economic efficiency and local flexibility of a higher degree. State subsidization may still be needed to some extent in changing conditions in order to enable the relief services to develop and serve as a support system of a social, de-coupled, and less distorting nature.
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Losonc, Alpar. "Is there an opportunity to establish the social-capitalism in the post socialist transition?" Panoeconomicus 53, no. 4 (2006): 407–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan0604407l.
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Recently Claus Offe has put the question that concerns the fate of the European model of social capitalism: Can the model of social capitalism survive the European integration in the context of certain contemporary tendencies? Offe has presupposed that the mentioned model is challenged by the processes of globalization and the integration of the post socialist countries into the European Union. The working hypothesis of the article is that there is an opportunity to provide a coherent answer to this question. The article consists of two parts. In the first part the author starts with the Polanyi's socio-economic theory and emphasizes the importance of this approach for the analyzing of the tendencies of capitalism in Western Europe and in the post socialist countries. The author argues that with the Polanyi's theory we are able to explicate the forms of the embedded liberalism in Western Europe after 1945 and the orientation of non-embedded neo-liberalism and the functioning of the workfare state after the crisis of the Keynesian welfare state. Despite the tendencies of the globalization projected by neo-liberalism, the central element of the social capitalism namely, the welfare state, remains with the dimensions of the continuity. In the next part the author points out that there is an asymmetrical structure between the Western-Europe and non-Western part of Europe concerning the socialization of capitalism. The neoliberalisation in accordance with the model of the transfer of ideal-type of capitalism is more strongly implemented in the countries of transition. In addition, the mentioned theoretical approach provides opportunities to explain the failures of implementing of neo-liberalism in the post socialist countries. On the basis of the endorsing of the socio-economic aspects we can address the issue pointed out by Offe.
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Maniatis, Thanasis, and Costas Passas. "The net social wage in different welfare regimes." Capital & Class 43, no. 2 (February 20, 2018): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816818759232.
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This article investigates empirically the net fiscal position of the working class in nine European countries for the 1995–2015 period. This is done through the estimation of the net social wage for wage and salary earners in those countries, characterized by different types of welfare states. The negative net social wage ratio in eight out of nine countries indicates that in advanced capitalism, the state budget redistributes income in such a way that the post-fiscal or true rate of exploitation is higher than the pre-fiscal or apparent one. Adverse economic conditions and ageing of the population have made the net social wage ratio less negative recently, while the accumulation of public debt and the increased obligations for interest payments on this public debt have acted in the opposite direction.
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Grdešić, Marko. "Neoliberalism and Welfare Chauvinism in Germany." German Politics and Society 37, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370201.
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Anti-immigration sentiments can take on a variety of forms, but a particularly prevalent version across Europe is welfare chauvinism. According to welfare chauvinism, the services of the welfare state should be provided only to natives and not to immigrants. Like many other European countries, German politics also features welfare chauvinism, and not only on the far right segment of the political spectrum. What drives welfare chauvinism? Most studies of welfare chauvinism try to assess whether economic or cultural factors matter most. In an attempt to bridge these perspectives, this article brings in neoliberalism. An examination of survey results from EBRD’s Life in Transition project suggests that neoliberal economic attitudes are a key determinant of welfare chauvinism. German respondents who have neoliberal economic views tend to see immigrants as a drain on the welfare state, while those who have economically leftist views tend to see immigrants as providing a positive contribution.
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ECKERT, ANDREAS. "REGULATING THE SOCIAL: SOCIAL SECURITY, SOCIAL WELFARE AND THE STATE IN LATE COLONIAL TANZANIA." Journal of African History 45, no. 3 (November 2004): 467–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853704009880.
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This essay discusses British discourses and efforts to regulate social policy in both urban and rural areas in late colonial Tanzania. It focuses mainly on questions of social security and especially on the vague concept of social welfare and development, which after the Second World War became a favoured means of expressing a new imperial commitment to colonial people. The British were very reluctant about implementing international standards of social security in Tanganyika, mainly due to the insight that the cost of providing European-scale benefits could not be borne by the colonial regime in such a poor territory. They were far more enthusiastic in pursuing a policy of social development, embodied in social welfare centres and various other schemes. It is argued that in Tanzania, this policy remained focused on peasantization rather than on proletarianization and was characterized by a disconnection between Colonial Office mandarins in London, attempting to create bourgeois, respectable African middle classes, and colonial officials in Tanganyika, seeking to maintain the political legitimacy of the chiefs and headmen. Most Africans ignored rather than challenged many of these state efforts. However, the nationalist party, the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) under Julius Nyerere believed in these programmes and continued such dirigiste and poorly financed improvement schemes after independence.
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Zelentsov, Aleksandr B., and Viktor E. Gatsolati. "The Public Law Service of the State Registration of Civil Society Organizations." Administrative law and procedure 3 (March 10, 2022): 36–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/2071-1166-2022-3-36-47.
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The article is devoted to the consideration of the theoretical and regulatory framework for the provision of public legal services for the state registration of civil society organizations during their establishment in Russia and in the member states of the European Union. A theoretical understanding of the concept of «civil society organization» is carried out and the types of these associations in our country are determined. The article reveals the relationship between the category of public law services and the concepts of public and state services. Analysis of individual provisions of the relevant legislative and other normative acts made it possible to identify shortcomings in the legal regulation of the provision of public legal services for state registration of civil society organizations in Russia and to formulate proposals for its improvement based on the experience of legal regulation of the legal relations in question in the countries of the European Union.
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Samoilova, Olha. "The process of British integration with European Union." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 2 (May 29, 2017): 161–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2017-02-161-170.
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The relations with the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland are of the great importance for the European Union as well as for the United Kingdom, since the latter is dependent on the EU policies to some extent. As British nation has formally started the process of leaving the organization, it is important to investigate the process that led to the current state of affairs. To understand the current problem between sides, the history and process of establishing the relations should be studied. The problems appearing throughout the time still remain unresolved and prove the mutual interdependence and importance of their addressing for both the United Kingdom and the European Union. The article researches the main stages of British integration with the EU and their influence on the international relations within the European community. Since the first failed application to join the EEC in 1961 and later accession in 1973, the UK managed to occupy the leading position in the European Community with a number of beneficial rights. However, within the state the European integration provoked conflicts, i.e. between those who believe that Britain's future lies with Europe and those who believe it does not. In 1980-s the UK politicians stressed that the state paid a lot more into the EC budget than other members due to its relative lack of farms. The situation was worsened by J. Delors’ policy towards a more federal Europe and a single currency. T. Blair’s government was more European in its outlook than its predecessor, as he actively advocated the expansion of the European Union. However, Blair’s desire to get closer with the US dissatisfied Europeans. In 2011 D. Cameron became the first UK prime minister to veto a EU treaty. After winning reelection in May 2015, D. Cameron started the process of renegotiating the UK-EU relationship, putting on the list such issues as changes in migrant welfare payments, financial safeguards and easier ways for Britain to block EU regulations. On 23 June 2016 UK voters, inspired by Cameron, elected to withdraw from the European Union. The consequences of Brexit caused serious challenges the UK has to overcome in the nearest future.
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Chatchenko, Tatiana V., Yurii O. Miriasov, Irina A. Davidova, and Vistoriia V. Mykytas. "The labour market in the context of the growth of globalization processes: evidence from Ukraine and countries of the European Union." SHS Web of Conferences 67 (2019): 06009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196706009.
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The labour market is a special market of means of production, which requires special attention, since the subject of exchange is the ability of people to work, skills and knowledge of a person. The welfare of the population, its purchasing power, level of income and, in the end, the standard of living depends on the efficiency of the exchange at the market. The issue of unemployment is one of the key issues in the state regulation of the labor market, which causes a decrease in household incomes and the general population, a decrease in the welfare of the nation and in general the gross domestic product. Scientists distinguish several types of unemployment on various grounds: reasons, structure and period, etc. But one of the topical problems of the present, with a tendency towards rising retirement age, observed in both developed and developing countries, is youth unemployment. That entails a set of problems: the inadequacy of education with the current requirements of the labour market, the lack of vacancies, and the increase of retirement age employees delays the term of retirement, thus not freeing jobs, etc.
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Yaroshenko, I. V., and I. B. Semigulina. "Global Experience of State Support in the System of Public Management of Territorial Communities’ Development." PROBLEMS OF ECONOMY 4, no. 46 (2020): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-0712-2020-4-19-28.
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Achieving sustainable development of the countries against the background of overcoming the problems and backwardness of some territories, reducing the disproportion of socio-economic indicators, creating conditions for the development of competitive economic environment, and achieving a high standard of living form the main directions of regional policy in many countries, including the European Union. Detailed study of the experience in the formation and implementation of regional policy, the positive examples and trends of some countries and, in particular, EU member states, that have achieved economic growth and improved the welfare of their residents, are relevant for the development of modern Ukraine and its regions during the ongoing European integration processes, socio-economic changes and the formation of Ukraine’s own national regional policy. Analysis of the uneven development of territories and the identification of the main characteristics of this asymmetry allow not only to determine the current state of disproportion in regional development potentials, but also to assess the regional policy directions aimed at eliminating the disproportion. European integration direction in Ukraine’s policy confirms the relevance of a comprehensive study of the regional policy experience in the world and the EU, in particular, especially that of the best practices of Central and Eastern Europe, the latter demonstrating stable positive changes in socio-economic development. This experience could be useful for Ukraine to form and implement its own regional policy principles of organizing regional and local development management and building up local self-government.
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Guillen, Ana M., and Manos Matsaganis. "Testing the 'social dumping' hypothesis in Southern Europe: welfare policies in Greece and Spain during the last 20 years." Journal of European Social Policy 10, no. 2 (May 1, 2000): 120–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/a012486.
Full textAbstract:
Recent research has shown that the traditional view of social welfare in Southern Europe as 'rudimentary' is a misreading of its distinct nature: welfare arrangements in the region do not 'lag behind' as a whole, rather they suffer from serious imbalances that cause inequities and inefficiencies. The article focuses on Greece and Spain, two countries that differ in terms of economic performance and size, but share a recent history of successful transition to democracy and common membership of the Southern European 'model' of welfare. The article shows that the welfare policies pursued in these two countries over the last 20 years were marked by strong expansionary trends that clearly outbalanced occasional cut-backs. This evidence lends no support to the 'social dumping' hypothesis. If anything, 'catching up with Europe' in terms of social as well as economic standards seems to have been elevated to something of a national ideal, shared by both government and opposition. As the expansionary thrust of 'welfare state building' is being exhausted, the biggest challenge facing Southern European welfare states is the construction of welfare institutions in tune with a changing society.
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Lafuente-Lechuga, Matilde, Úrsula Faura-Martínez, and Olga García-Luque. "European social models in times of crisis: Sapir’s contribution reviewed." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 38, no. 3/4 (April 9, 2018): 295–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-08-2017-0095.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to show evidence of the divergence of welfare outcomes in the European Union (EU) during the economic crisis, which made the European social model fail, and the convergence among European countries halt. This study reviews Sapir’s model for classifying European welfare state systems and adapts it to the new reality, taking into account Europe 2020 targets on poverty reduction and employment growth. Design/methodology/approach Two variables are used in the application of Sapir’s graphical analysis to European social models: the employment rate as efficiency indicator, and the people At Risk Of Poverty and/or Exclusion rate as equity indicator. Both efficiency and equity are present in Europe 2020 targets. In addition, a cluster analysis is applied. Findings The division of EU member states into four geopolitical social models has proved to be dynamic, changing in the period under analysis. As a consequence of the economic crisis and the fiscal consolidation, efficiency and equity levels across the EU are polarised between the Mediterranean and the Nordic models. Originality/value This paper shows the effects of the economic crisis in the EU, analysing the evolution between 2008 and 2014, and incorporating Eastern Europe new member states into the analysis.