Academic literature on the topic 'Welfare state – European Union countries – History'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Welfare state – European Union countries – History.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Welfare state – European Union countries – History"
1
Sinitsyn, Fedor. "External Challenges to Soviet Ideology in the Second Half of the 1960s and in the 1970s." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017638-0.
Full textAbstract:
The Soviet Union's foreign policy challenges of the 1960s and 1970s had an ideological aspect to them. Contradictions between Soviet Communism and Eastern European socialist models of development became more pronounced. Eastern European socialist countries began to emphasize the variety of models for “building socialism” and offered their own theories, not sanctioned by Moscow, of the construction of socialism in other European countries. Certain “ideological dangers” for the USSR also came from the Communist parties of capitalist countries. Authority of the Soviet Union and the CPSU among Western communists had declined. The weakening of the influence of Soviet ideology in the world had become evident. As a result, Western communists began to distance themselves from the USSR and the “Socialist Bloc” countries. In the post-war years, the authorities and the elites of the “Capitalist Bloc” countries took additional measures to reduce the popularity of the Communist ideology by promoting the idea of “social compromise instead of social revolution”. One of the most significant challenges to Soviet ideology was also the “convergence theory”. The socio-economic models developed in capitalist countries — especially the concept of the “welfare state” — presented another serious challenge. As a result of these trends and an increase in the standard of living in capitalist countries, there was a “de-ideologization” as well as a decrease in mass revolutionism of the population. The external challenges to Soviet ideology were regarded in Moscow with dismay. New ideological and socio-political concepts in capitalist countries were perceived negatively by the Kremlin. The external challenges had a negative impact on the mass consciousness of Soviet citizens. The article concludes that during the period under review, the challenges posed to Soviet ideology from abroad began to be complex. This article also gives classification of these challenges and reveals main ways of their manifestation.
2
De Rose, Alessandra, and Giuseppina Guagnano. "Having Children in Europe: The Role of Social Capital." Review of European Studies 15, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v15n1p24.
Full textAbstract:
We explore the role of social capital in explaining reproductive behaviour and its differences among the European countries. We adopt a comprehensive concept of social capital that combines several elementary indicators and estimate its impact on the probability of having a first or a further child among reproductive-age women currently in a partnership union. We cluster countries in four groups and discuss the results in terms of different welfare state regimes. Data come from the 2014 EU Statistics on Income and Living Conditions survey (N=15,735) which we analysed through a generalized ordered logit model. Our findings support the hypothesis that women who can count on higher level of social capital show higher chance to give birth to a baby and this holds both for each country group and for Europe as a whole. By showing the importance of operationalize a complex and multivariate definition of social capital we contributed to the debate about its relationship with individual reproductive behaviour.
3
Vanthemsche, Guy. "Unemployment Insurance in Interwar Belgium." International Review of Social History 35, no. 3 (December 1990): 349–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900001004x.
Full textAbstract:
SUMMARYIn 1900, a special type of unemployment insurance was set up in Belgium: the so-called “Ghent system”, which had some influence on the development of unemployment insurance in many European countries. This particular system was characterized by the important role played by the trade-union unemployment societies. The public authorities (in Belgium, from 1920 onwards, the central government next to the towns and provinces) encouraged the affiliation of the labourers to these societies by granting different sorts of financial support to the unemployed society members and to the societies themselves. During the crisis of the 1930s, this led to an important growth of Belgian trade-union membership. On the other hand, the quantitative growth of the labour movement due to this particular organization of unemployment insurance, led to many negative sideeffects for the trade unions (administrative chaos, financial problems, loss of combativity). Moreover, the employers' organizations strongly opposed this system of unemployment insurance, because they thought it reinforced the labour movement's power in society (strengthening of union membership, influence on wage formation, obstruction of deflation policy). This article examines the heated debates waged in the labour movement itself and between this actor, the employers' organizations and the government, to solve the many important problems posed by this type of social insurance. The Belgian pre-Second World War debate concerning unemployment insurance was of great importance for the shaping of the Welfare State in Belgium, which took its present-day form in 1944.
4
Львов, А. А., and К. В. Крюкова. "САМОИДЕНТИФИКАЦИЯ В КОНФЛИКТЕ ИЛИ ДИАЛОГ КУЛЬТУР? АНТРОПОЛОГИЧЕСКИЙ АНАЛИЗ СТРАТЕГИИ «ОСОБОГО ПУТИ»." Konfliktologia 15, no. 2 (July 14, 2020): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-6085-2020-15-2-38-53.
Full textAbstract:
n the circumstances of victorious liberalism, represented by the system of welfare state, we constantly see the attempts of self-identification of various groups, communities and even peoples through the situation of conflict. An illustrious example to that is the strategy of “special path” (Sonderweg), which was very typical for different states in different time, and now is still an important instrument of the inner self-identification. However, such a strategy should be realized within both historical and anthropological perspectives: it is its only way to acquire its concrete sense and quit being a mythologem. To achieve this the paper analyzes the self-identification of the parts in the conflict as in the case of such a phenomenon as “the spirit of 1914” — the history of realization such an identification by the German intellectuals in the beginning of 20 century provides us with an important comprehensive material. It is telling that the intellectuals were gravitating from the ideas of Deutscher Sonderweg to understanding of the inner potentials of German culture and society to Pan-European openness and prolific and fruitful dialogue of equal cultures thought the whole course of the previous century. Thus, today the dialogue of cultures appears to be much more efficient and productive way of mutual recognition of the peoples and states, than self-identification through the conflict. Herewith the idea of the inner, organic union of a nation does not disappear; on the contrary, it should be acknowledged as the main power in the process of substantiality of the parts of such a dialogue as the crucial term for its meaningfulness. In this regard, Russian state and Russian society have a considerable potential, as the Russian culture was initially oriented to universal openness and outgoingness, digestion of the highest achievements of various countries and nations while preserving its original self.
5
OROSZ, Ágnes, and Norbert SZIJÁRTÓ. "A MACRO-COMPARATIVE ASSESSMENT OF WELFARE STATE CONVERGENCE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." Management of Sustainable Development 13, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 26–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.54989/msd-2021-0005.
Full textAbstract:
In this paper, we provide a macro-comparative assessment of welfare state convergence. Using the welfare state regime approach, the paper analyses the development of main welfare state indicators within in the enlarged European Union. In this study we capitalize on descriptive statistics and a single convergence analysis based on standard deviation in order to capture alterations in national welfare models of 26 European countries and among acknowledged welfare regimes. Our fundamental aim is to seize on long-term processes (convergence, divergence, or persistence), so we cover almost a two-decade period starting at 2000. Our results, in general, suggest that convergence among welfare states (different indicator of social spending) of European countries is particularly weak, however convergence inside welfare regimes is significantly stronger apart from the Anglo-Saxon group. The pre-crisis period was characterized by a stronger convergence among European countries as a consequence of economic prosperity and intense EU intervention.
6
Warin, Thierry, and Pavel Svaton. "European Migration: Welfare Migration or Economic Migration?" Global Economy Journal 8, no. 3 (July 29, 2008): 1850140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1360.
Full textAbstract:
This paper presents an empirical assessment of bilateral migration flows into the EU-15 countries. Using an extended gravity model, it identifies economic, welfare state, geospatial and linguistic variables as the principal determinants of migration flows into the EU-15 countries. As long as its effect is not offset by a high unemployment rate in the host country, the level of social protection expenditure influences migrants' choice of destination. However, albeit acting as a joint force with other economic, cultural and geospatial variables, the welfare state characteristics of the host country need to be reckoned with when studying European migration flows. Our empirical findings lend some support for a more unified or at least better coordinated social policy across the European Union.
7
Nykolaieva, Valentyna, Natalia Malyarchuk, and Lidiia Ovcharova. "MODELS OF SOCIAL POLICY AND SOCIAL WORK IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: FEATURES AND CHARACTERISTICS." Scientific journal of Khortytsia National Academy, no. 2021-4 (December 4, 2021): 184–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.51706/2707-3076-2021-4-17.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the range of European models of social policy and highlights some features for further consideration concerning the implementation of the EU social standards in the social work system of Ukraine. The following research methods were used to clarify the current state of the problem: analysis, comparison and generalization of data from scientific and educational literature and periodicals, etc. It is proved that in the works of Ukrainian researchers the main emphasis is placed on the correlation between social policy and social work. Different classifications of social policy models, social protection and social services are given by features: the role of the state, the basics of distribution, the correspondence of economic and social policy in the implementation of an effective social work system. Basic models of social protection in the countries with industrialized economy are given according to E. Andersen: liberal, conservative and social-democratic. According to R. Titmuss’s classification, there are 3 models: residual, institutional-redistributive, industrial achievements / action. Various pension systems according to the classification of J. Paime are revealed: institutional, residual, for merits at work, civil. Quite an interesting distribution of models of social protection, among which the lion's share belongs to European countries, can be traced in the works of S. Leibfried and R. Mishra, where in addition to the residual and institutional models, there is also a "socialist" model. The research of the Slovak scholar M. Beblavy, who made an attempt to typologize the model of the welfare state of Central and Eastern Europe, deserves attention. A. Antonnen and J. Sipila are noted; they classify the models of social services in European countries according to the level of development of various social services and from the view of institutional subjects. Another effective model of the welfare state is described – it is a social investment welfare state. Thus, extensive experience in implementing social policy and social work in the European Union has shown that these countries have gone from charity in social support to the formation of a "welfare state" that guarantees its citizens an optimal system of social security and social protection.
8
Sánchez, Angeles, and María Navarro. "Public Policies of Welfare State and Child Poverty in the European Union." Sustainability 13, no. 5 (March 3, 2021): 2725. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13052725.
Full textAbstract:
Combating child poverty is desirable to ensure equality of opportunities across children, as well as fostering the sustainability of the societal well-being for future generations. This paper focuses on the study of child poverty in the 28 Member States of the European Union over the period 2008–2018. We analyse the relationship between child poverty and government social expenditure by controlling it with tax structure (ratio direct taxes over indirect taxes), economic growth and socio-demographic characteristics. For that, we rely on panel data methodology. This paper has verified that the effectiveness of the government social spending programmes to reduce child poverty also depends on the progressiveness of the country’s tax structure. Government spending on health and education programmes could be more effective in reducing child poverty in Member States with less progressive tax structure, provided they reached the average level of public spending for the whole of the European Union. By contrast, a positive relationship between child poverty and government social protection spending regardless of the tax structure of countries was found. In this case, the underlying forces that lead to less effectiveness of social protection programmes are also stronger in the less progressive Member States.
9
HEISIG, JAN PAUL, BRAM LANCEE, and JONAS RADL. "Ethnic inequality in retirement income: a comparative analysis of immigrant–native gaps in Western Europe." Ageing and Society 38, no. 10 (May 4, 2017): 1963–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x17000332.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTPrevious research unequivocally shows that immigrants are less successful in the labour market than the native-born population. However, little is known about whether ethnic inequality persists after retirement. We use data on 16 Western European countries from the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC, 2004–2013) to provide the first comparative study of ethnic inequalities among the population aged 65 and older. We focus on the retirement income gap (RIG) between immigrants from non-European Union countries and relate its magnitude to country differences in welfare state arrangements. Ethnic inequality after retirement is substantial: after adjusting for key characteristics including age, education and occupational status, the average immigrant penalty across the 16 countries is 28 per cent for men and 29 per cent for women. Country-level regressions show that income gaps are smaller in countries where the pension system is more redistributive. We also find that easy access to long-term residence is associated with larger RIGs, at least for men. There is no clear evidence that immigrants’ access to social security programmes, welfare state transfers to working-age households or the strictness of employment protection legislation affect the size of the RIG.
10
Hennessy, Peter, and Thierry Warin. "One Welfare State for Europe: A Costly Utopia?" Global Economy Journal 4, no. 2 (December 17, 2004): 1850020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1027.
Full textAbstract:
This paper addresses the question of the social policy harmonization in the European Union. In adopting a common monetary policy, Europe is faced with structural and fiscal concerns, as national growth levels differ. Another possible factor in output shocks are the levels of various social expenditures in the member countries. OECD data on the level of social program expenditures in four EU countries will be compared to fluctuations in GDP growth to identify existing relationships. Significant relationships between independent social expenditure policy and GDP growth shocks suggest structural harmonization as an improvement if Europe is to take full advantage of the common market. However, the effects of expenditure levels may be easier to identify and predict than the dynamic effects of policy change. As the effects of future policy changes are more difficult to ascertain, harmonization may not consistently appear to be a Pareto-optimum solution to asymmetric shocks.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Welfare state – European Union countries – History"
1
FERNANDES, Daniel. "Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 21 November 2022Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
2
O'Dorchai, Sile Padraigin. "Family, work and welfare states in Europe: women's juggling with multiple roles :a series of empirical essays." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210592.
Full textAbstract:
The general focus of this thesis is on how the family, work and the welfare system are intertwined. A major determinant is the way responsibilities are shared by the state, the market and civil society in different welfare state regimes. An introductory chapter will therefore be dedicated to the development of the social dimension in the process of European integration. A first chapter will then go deeper into the comparative analysis of welfare state regimes, to comment on the provision of welfare in societies with a different mix of state, market and societal welfare roles and to assess the adequacy of existing typologies as reflections of today’s changed socio-economic, political and gender reality. Although they stand strong on their own, these first two chapters also contribute to contextualising the research subject of the remainder of the thesis: the study and comparison of the differential situation of women and men and of mothers and non-mothers on the labour markets of the EU-15 countries as well as of the role of public policies with respect to the employment penalties faced by women, particularly in the presence of young children. In our analysis, employment penalties are understood in three ways: (i) the difference in full-time equivalent employment rates between mothers and non-mothers, (ii) the wage penalty associated with motherhood, and (iii) the wage gap between part-time and full-time workers, considering men and women separately. Besides from a gender point of view, employment outcomes and public policies are thus assessed comparatively for mothers and non-mothers. Because women choose to take part in paid employment, fertility rates will depend on their possibilities to combine employment and motherhood. As a result, motherhood-induced employment penalties and the role of public policies to tackle them should be given priority attention, not just by scholars, but also by politicians and policy-makers.Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
3
Beclard, Julien. "Politique spatiale européenne: vers une deuxième européanisation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209507.
Full textAbstract:
Thèse qui propose d'analyser le processus de construction de la politique spatiale européenne. La question au coeur de la recherche est de comprendre pourquoi, alors qu’il fut initialement décidé de ne pas s’en remettre au cadre offert pas la Communauté pour européaniser les efforts naissants de coopération spatiale, put-on assister, à la fin des années 1980, à une implication grandissante de la Communauté européenne, qui se traduisit progressivement par une nouvelle européanisation du spatial ?La thèse défendue est que, loin de résulter uniquement de la confrontation et du choc des intérêts portés par les différents Etats, la politique spatiale européenne a été progressivement construite au travers d’un parcours historique dans lequel ont été impliqués différents espaces sociaux régis par des référentiels et des normes qui leur sont propres.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
4
KNUDSEN, Ann-Christina Lauring. "Defining the policies of the Common Agricultural policy : a historical study." Doctoral thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5858.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 10 December 2001Examining board: Prof. Richard T. Griffiths, Universiteit Leiden ; Prof. Jan van der Harst, Rijksuniversiteit Groningen ; Prof. Johnny N. Laursen, Aarhus Universitet ; Prof. Alan S. Milward, European University Institute (Supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
5
ZORN, Annika. "The Welfare State we're in: Organisations of the unemployed in action in Paris and Berlin." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14515.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 5 February 2010Examining Board: Donatella Della Porta (EUI) (Supervisor), Colin Crouch (University of Warwick, Business School), Klaus Eder (Humboldt-Universität Berlin), Marco Giugni (Université de Genève)
First made available online on 26 March 2013.
The following thesis looks at the contentious action of the unemployed in Paris and Berlin. The thesis investigates the role of local organisations of the unemployed in contentious activities. More specifically, it looks at the forms of collective action these local organisations are engaged in, and asks about which conditions lead to the disruptive activities considered crucial for poor people’s actors. This is done by analysing different empirical sources: semi-structured interviews, participant observation, surveys, and expert interviews. In order to describe the forms of contentious engagement seen and the role of local organisations, the second part employs an analytical descriptive approach. In an attempt to explain the tactical choices of organisations of the unemployed I link four different conditions (access to resources, access to the field of institutionalised actors, belonging to a counter-cultural network and movement experience) to the use of disruptive activities. Combining all four conditions I then carry out a Comparative Qualitative Analysis (QCA). One important insight of the thesis is that contentious action by the poor can be stabilised over time. Further, the thesis also shows that the two fields of local organisations are characterised by different features. Some features, for example the existence of certain types of organisations - as defined by their preferred activities - can be explained by the political system and, more particularly, by the institutions of contention present in each country. However, there are also many similarities between the fields, showing that national opportunity structures explain only some aspects of contentious action. In looking at the conditions leading to the use of disruptive action, the thesis shows that political opportunities are just one of several other factors that explain types of contentious engagement. The thesis disconfirms the assumption of the central role of exclusion from centres of political and discursive power and the lack of resources in accounting for disruptive action. It is more important that organisations of the unemployed belong to a counter-cultural network, defined as a necessary, albeit not a sufficient condition for disruptive action.
6
Munyai, Phumudzo S. "A critical review of the treatment of dominant firms in competition law : a comparative study." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/21908.
Full textAbstract:
In South Africa compliance with competition law has become a major concern for firms that achieve and maintain certain levels of success and growth in the market, as their actions are often a source of complaints and litigation by rivals and competition authorities. With substantial financial penalties often levied against them for a variety of conduct deemed to constitute an abuse of their market position, dominant firms must constantly be aware of the likely impact of their business strategies and actions on both rivals and consumers. What were once thought to be normal and economically sound business practices and decisions, such as cutting prices to attract customers, have now acquired new meanings, with devastating consequences for dominant firms. So, are dominant firms under attack from competition law? In this study I aim to determine this.
I track the historical development of competition law in three jurisdictions: South Africa, America, and the EU, with the aim of identifying traces, if any, of hostility towards dominant firms in the origins of competition law. I further investigate whether the formulation and enforcement of certain aspects of existing abuse of dominance provisions manifest as hostility towards dominant firms. While acknowledging the important role that competition law enforcement plays in promoting competition and enhancing consumer welfare, I conclude that significant unjustified economic and legal prejudice is suffered by dominant firms as a result of the way in which certain abuse of dominance provisions have been formulated and applied. I also offer appropriate recommendations.Mercantile Law
LL. D.
7
SORENSEN, Anders Thornvig. "Denmark, the Netherlands and European agricultural integration, 1945-1960." Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/9468.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 29 September 2008Examining Board: Prof. Giovanni Federico (European University Institute, Supervisor); Prof. Kiran K. Patel (European University Institute); Prof. Richard Griffiths (Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden); Prof. Johnny Laursen (Aarhus Universitet)
No abstract available
8
VONK, Olivier. "Dual nationality in the European Union : a study on changing norms in public and private international law and in the municipal laws of four EU member state." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15386.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 19 November 2010Examining Board: Rainer Baubock (EUI); Gerard-René De Groot (Universiteit Maastricht); Marie-Ange Moreau (Supervisor, EUI); Bruno Nascimbene (Università degli Studi di Milano)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The main objective of this study is to examine the phenomenon of dual nationality in the European Union (EU), particularly against the background of the status of European citizenship - a status that is linked to the nationality of each EU Member State (Article 20(1) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union provides that ‘citizenship of the Union shall be additional to and not replace national citizenship’). The study consists of two parts. The first part (Chapters 1 and 2) sets out the approach towards (dual) nationality in Private International Law and EU Law, in particular by analyzing the case law of the European Court of Justice (ECJ). The second part (Chapters 3- 6) consists of an overview of the dual nationality regimes in four EU Member States - France, Italy, the Netherlands and Spain -, and their possible effects on the EU as a whole. Chapter 2 of the thesis is entitled the ‘intra-EU context’, since it primarily deals with the ECJ’s approach towards a dual nationality consisting of two Member State nationalities. The country reports, on the other hand, deal with the ‘extra-EU context’ because the dual nationality policies of the countries under consideration predominantly affect non-Member State nationals. Thus, France and the Netherlands have for some time already faced the question how to integrate the (Muslim) immigrant population; Italy and Spain have long since adopted a system of preferential treatment for (Latin American) former emigrants and their descendants. The country reports demonstrate how dual nationality is used (or rejected) in these four countries. Finally, the question whether the EU should in time acquire (limited) competence in the field of European nationality law is one of the major themes of this study. Regardless of one’s stance on this question, it must be readily admitted that the subject of Member State autonomy in nationality law is becoming ever more salient with the enlargement of the Union and the growing relevance of European citizenship in the case law of the ECJ. In the opinion of this author, the study shows that the almost absolute autonomy of Member States in the field of nationality law is becoming increasingly problematic for the EU as a whole. Based inter alia on the findings from the country reports, this thesis takes the position that there is arguably a need for the (minimum) harmonization of European nationality laws.
9
OLESEN, Jeppe Dørup. "Adapting the welfare state : privatisation in health care in Denmark, England and Sweden." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14504.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 12 June 2010Examining Board: Jens Blom-Hansen (Aarhus Univ), Pepper Culpepper (EUI), Bo Rothstein (Univ. Gothenborg), Sven Steinmo (EUI) (Supervisor)
First made available online on 8 April 2019
This dissertation deals with the following question: In the past decades some of the countries most dedicated to the universal public welfare state have privatised many of their welfare service provisions. Why is this so? The dissertation takes a close look at privatisation policies in health care in Denmark, Sweden and England in order to figure out how and why the private health care sector has expanded rapidly in recent years. Health care services in Denmark, Sweden and England provide good examples of welfare state service privatisation because these three countries have spent decades building up universal public health care systems that offer free and equal access to all citizens - and these programmes are very popular. In this dissertation I find that the most common explanations for welfare state reform fail to explain these changes: Privatisation policies are not the result of partisan politics, instead they are supported by Social Democratic / Labour parties and in some cases the unions as well. Privatisation is not the result of pressures for fiscal retrenchment; in fact, public health care funding has increased in all three countries over the past decade. Neither is privatisation the straight forward result of new right wing ideas. Certainly, new ideas play a role in this change, but it is difficult to sustain the argument that ideas alone have been the cause of privatisation in these three health care systems. Finally, it has been debated whether privatisation is the result of pressure from EU legislation. This explanation does not hold either for the basic reason of timing. The policies leading to privatisation in Denmark, England and Sweden were all implemented before the European debate over health care services started. Instead, I suggest that privatisation in health care in Denmark, Sweden and England can best be understood as the product of policy makers puzzling over important policy problems (Heclo, 1972). I call this an adaptive process. In this analysis I show that privatisation is the result of several interconnected attempts to adapt health care systems to a changing context. By taking a long historical view of the changes in health care systems, it becomes evident that the changes towards privatisation do not occur overnight or as a result of a ‘punctuated equilibrium’. Rather, the increasing privatisation in health care is the accumulated effect of several small step policy changes, which, over time, result in rising levels of privatisation. Some scholars have suggested that neo-liberal policies, such as privatisation of service provision, will ultimately lead to the end of the welfare state. In this study, I come to a different conclusion. Rather than undermine the welfare state, privatisation in health care may help the welfare state survive. Privatisation can be seen as a way of adapting welfare state services to a changing political context.
Books on the topic "Welfare state – European Union countries – History"
1
A European welfare state?: European Union social policy in context. Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002.
Find full text
2
Cousins, M. European Welfare States Comparative Perspectives: Comparative Perspectives. London: Sage Publications, 2005.
Find full text
3
The welfare state in the European Union: Economic and social perspectives. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006.
Find full text
4
Peter, Taylor-Gooby, ed. Making a European welfare state?: Convergences and conflicts over European social policy. Malden, Mass: Blackwell, 2004.
Find full text
5
1949-, Ascoli Ugo, and Ranci Costanzo, eds. Dilemmas of the welfare mix: The new structure of welfare in an era of privatization. New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum, 2002.
Find full text
6
European welfare states and supranational governance of social policy. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.
Find full text
7
The EU and the domestic politics of welfare state reforms: Europa, Europae. Houndmills, Basingstoke Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.
Find full text
8
G, De Búrca, ed. EU law and the welfare state: In search of solidarity. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005.
Find full text
9
Technocracy in the European Union. New York: Longman, 1999.
Find full text
10
Wolfgang, Keck, and Alber Jens 1947-, eds. Generationenbeziehungen im Wohlfahrtsstaat: Lebensbedingungen und Einstellungen von Altersgruppen im internationalen Vergleich. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2008.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Welfare state – European Union countries – History"
1
Vintila, Daniela, and Jean-Michel Lafleur. "Migration and Access to Welfare Benefits in the EU: The Interplay between Residence and Nationality." In IMISCOE Research Series, 1–32. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51241-5_1.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Increasing mobility to and from European Union (EU) countries has started to challenge the principles of territoriality and national citizenship through which European democracies traditionally conditioned access to social benefits. Existing typologies of immigrant social protection regimes do not seem to adequately capture (nor explain) the diverse repertoire of policy configurations through which European welfare regimes adapt to migration-driven societal dynamics. This introductory chapter provides a critical reflection on the link between migration and access to welfare in the EU. In doing so, it aims to propose a comprehensive analytical framework that allows for a systematic comparison of the inclusiveness of social protection systems towards mobile individuals. We argue that states’ responsiveness towards the social protection needs of their immigrant and emigrant populations has to be examined through a combination of factors, including the characteristics of these populations, the migration history of these countries, as well as the main features of their welfare state.
2
Santos-Eggimann, Brigitte, Sarah Cornaz, and Jacques Spagnoli. "Lifetime History of Prevention in European Countries: The Case of Dental Check-Ups." In The Individual and the Welfare State, 233–40. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-17472-8_21.
Full text
3
Fanning, Bryan. "European Christian democracy." In Three Roads to the Welfare State, 183–202. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447360322.003.0009.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines the convergence of religious, political, and economic responses to pre-1945 totalitarianism that came to constitute a distinct world of welfare capitalism. The influence of religious ideas is examined through a focus on the intellectual journey of Jacques Maritain, the most prominent Catholic theologian, and political philosopher prior to the Second World War and during its aftermath. The chapter also explores how political champions of Christian democracy and of what would become the European Union, like Konrad Adenauer, combined Catholic ideas with liberal economics to create a distinct Christian democratic antidote to what were perceived as the causes of totalitarianism. Christian democracy very quickly became a prominent political force in several European countries with large Catholic populations, other than Spain and Portugal where totalitarian regimes remained in control. By 1948, Christian democrat political parties had become dominant or politically prominent in Austria, Belgium, France, Italy, the Netherlands, and in the Federal Republic of Germany following its establishment in 1949.
4
Wódz, Kazimiera, and Krystyna Faliszek. "State regulation of the social work profession: an example from Poland." In Social and Caring Professions in European Welfare States. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447327196.003.0007.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines how regulation from the state can shape conditions and practices for welfare professions. New members of the European Union, such as Poland, often lack a tradition of social work as an integral part of the welfare state. Challenges for these countries are both to educate social workers and to create legislative solutions stipulating the responsibilities and professional jurisdiction of the social work profession. In the chapter, it is argued that strong regulation and control from the Polish government has resulted in the standardisation of social work. This has curtailed professional autonomy in a manner that is unfavourable to social workers as well as to clients.
5
Kozerska, Ewa, and Tomasz Scheffler. "State and Criminal Law of the East Central European Dictatorships." In Lectures on East Central European Legal History, 207–39. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.ps.loecelh_9.
Full textAbstract:
The chapter is devoted to discussing constitutional and criminal law as it existed in selected countries of Central and Eastern Europe between 1944 and 1989 (Czechoslovakia, the German Democratic Republic, Romania, Hungary, and Poland). As a result of the great powers’ decisions, these countries came under the direct supervision of the Soviet Union and adopted totalitarian political solutions from it. This meant rejecting the idea of the tripartite division of power and affirming the primacy of the community (propaganda-wise: the state pursuing the interests of the working class) over the individual. As a result, regardless of whether the state was formally unitary or federal, power was shaped hierarchically, with full power belonging to the legislative body and the body appointing other organs of the state. However, the text constantly draws attention to the radical discrepancy between the content of the normative acts and the systemic practice in the states mentioned. In reality, real power was in the hands of the communist party leaders controlling society through an extensive administrative apparatus linked to the communist party structure, an apparatus of violence (police, army, prosecution, courts, prisons, and concentration and labor camps), a media monopoly, and direct management of the centrally controlled economy. From a doctrinal point of view, the abovementioned states were totalitarian regardless of the degree of use of violence during the period in question. Criminal law was an important tool for communist regimes’ implementation of the power monopoly. In the Stalinist period, there was a tendency in criminal law to move away from the classical school’s achievements. This was expressed, among other means, by emphasizing the importance of the concept of social danger and the marginalization of the idea of guilt for the construction of the concept of crime. After 1956, the classical achievements of the criminal law doctrine were gradually restored in individual countries, however – especially in special sections of the criminal codes – much emphasis was placed on penalizing acts that the communist regime a priori considered to be a threat to its existence. Thus, also in the field of criminal law, a difference was evident between the guarantees formally existing in the legislation and the criminal reality of the functioning of the state.
6
Dewhurst, Elaine. "The Financial Crisis as a Turning Point for Constitutional Rights Jurisprudence." In European Welfare State Constitutions after the Financial Crisis, 181–207. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198851776.003.0007.
Full textAbstract:
In 2008, Ireland faced an economic crisis without parallel in its recent history. To address this crisis, a large programme of financial assistance was obtained from the European Union and the IMF, and the Irish government set about the process of reforming the structure and financing of social security benefits and the healthcare system to ameliorate the effects of the crisis. While much can be said about the legislative reforms, their rationale, necessity, and impact, this chapter addresses the legacy of the crisis on the Irish constitutional system and, particularly, on the Irish constitutional protection of social rights (or lack thereof). Following an analysis of the limited case law surrounding the reforms imposed during the economic crisis, it is contended that the economic crisis had the effect of highlighting the lack of explicit constitutional protection of social rights, a deficiency which in turn created an opportunity for the utilisation of other existing and emerging constitutional rights. While the future of social rights in the Irish Constitution is still unclear, it is evident that the economic crisis has left an indelible mark on the Irish constitutional landscape.
7
Daly, Mary. "Theorizing the Relationship between Family, Gender, and the Welfare State." In The Oxford Handbook of Family Policy, 143–59. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197518151.013.7.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This chapter, written by Mary Daly, focuses on how the relationship between family, gender, and the welfare state can be and has been theorized and how different modes of this set of relationships are embedded in and realized by social policy. The author’s main purpose is to identify the most useful concepts and lines of analysis that provide a basis for a theoretical and conceptual approach. Considerable attention is therefore devoted to defining key concepts and to reviewing the literature on how the relationships have been conceived. The chapter also examines outcomes, moving beyond the theoretical and conceptual approach to identify the key elements and emphases of policy that make a difference. In terms of policy, the chapter focuses especially on family policy, which is set within the broader parameters of the welfare state, The chapter also focuses on high-income countries, especially the member countries of the European Union (EU).
8
Hsia, Ke-Chin. "Introduction." In Victims' State, 1–15. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197582374.003.0001.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The Introduction argues for the importance to examine how late Imperial Austria and the First Austrian Republic provided care and welfare for citizen-soldiers disabled in military service and dead soldier’s surviving dependents. The era of the First World War stands at the center of this study, but the wartime arrangements and early postwar programs represented both the continuation of longer-term trends and revolutionary changes in and after 1918. Placing this history of Austrian welfare for war victims in the historiographical context of war victim welfare in other First World War belligerent countries, of late Imperial Austrian state-citizen relations, and of the European welfare state and social citizenship more generally, the introduction lays out the intellectual agenda and the structure of the book. The Introduction also discusses the terminology, methodology, and the main line of argument that seeks to de-exoticize Habsburg Central Europe.
9
Hussain, M. Azhar, Olli Kangas, and Jon Kvist. "Welfare state institutions, unemployment and poverty: comparative analysis of unemployment benefits and labour market participation in 15 European Union countries." In Changing Social Equality, 119–42. Policy Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781847426604.003.0006.
Full text
10
"Welfare state institutions, unemployment and poverty: comparative analysis of unemployment benefits and labour market participation in 15 European Union countries." In Changing social equality, 119–42. Policy Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.51952/9781847426611.ch006.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Welfare state – European Union countries – History"
1
Gencer, Ayşen Hiç, and Özlen Hiç. "A.Smith and the Classical School, K.Marx and the Marxist Socialism, J.M.Keynes and the Keynesian Revolution and the Subsequent Developments." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01166.
Full textAbstract:
Adam Smith is known as the founder of economics as a social science and also of economic liberalism (or termed as capitalism after Karl Marx) based on principles of non-intervention and non-protection by the governments to perfectly competitive markets. Over time, economic theory and resulting economic regime evolved: Interventions to improve the welfare of workers; infant-industry argument for limited trade protection; and most importantly, following the 1929 Great Depression, John Maynard Keynes and his macroeconomic system giving rise to less-than-full- employment equilibrium, hence the need for macro-economic level state interventions by means of monetary and fiscal policies. Evidently, liberal economic regime was modified but remained in essence; hence, it proved to be flexible and resilient. On the other hand, Marxist socialism, the doctrinaire challenge to capitalism, had virtually collapsed in the 1990's. The move of even the developing countries towards outward orientation and market economy at the national level is in line with Adam Smith's views; so is the establishment of the European Union and the like at the regional level, as well as the more recent move towards globalisation.
2
Tucak, Ivana, and Anita Blagojević. "COVID- 19 PANDEMIC AND THE PROTECTION OF THE RIGHT TO ABORTION." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18355.
Full textAbstract:
The COVID - 19 pandemic that swept the world in 2020 and the reactions of state authorities to it are unparalleled events in modern history. In order to protect public health, states have limited a number of fundamental human rights that individuals have in accordance with national constitutions and international conventions. The focus of this paper is the right of access to abortion in the Member States of the European Union. In Europe, the situation with regard to the recognition of women's right to abortion is quite clear. All member states of the European Union, with the exception of Poland and Malta, recognize the rather liberal right of a woman to have an abortion in a certain period of time after conception. However, Malta and Poland, as members of the European Union, since abortion is seen as a service, must not hinder the travel of women abroad to have an abortion, nor restrict information on the provision of abortion services in other countries. In 2020, a pandemic highlighted all the weaknesses of this regime by preventing women from traveling to more liberal countries to perform abortions, thus calling into question their right to choose and protect their sexual and reproductive rights. This is not only the case in Poland and Malta, but also in countries that recognize the right to abortion but make it conditional on certain non-medical conditions, such as compulsory counselling; and the mandatory time period between applying for and performing an abortion; in situations present in certain countries where the problem of a woman exercising the right to abortion is a large number of doctors who do not provide this service based on their right to conscience. The paper is divided into three parts. The aim of the first part of the paper is to consider all the legal difficulties that women face in accessing abortion during the COVID -19 pandemic, restrictions that affect the protection of their dignity, right to life, privacy and right to equality. In the second part of the paper particular attention will be paid to the illiberal tendencies present in this period in some countries of Central and Eastern Europe, especially Poland. In the third part of the paper, emphasis will be put on the situation in Malta where there is a complete ban on abortion even in the case when the life of a pregnant woman is in danger.
Reports on the topic "Welfare state – European Union countries – History"
1
Becker, Sascha O., Stephen Broadberry, Nicholas Crafts, Sayatan Ghosal, Sharun W. Mukand, and Vera E. Troeger. Reversals of Fortune? A Long-term Perspective on Global Economic Prospects. Edited by Sascha O. Becker. CAGE Research Centre, March 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/978-0-9576027-00.
Full textAbstract:
It is conventional wisdom that: Continued fast growth in the BRICS will result in a rapid catch-up to match and even surpass Western income levels in the next few decades The crisis in Europe will soon be over and normal growth will then resume as if nothing had happened The tax competition resulting from globalization means a race to the bottom in which corporate tax rates fall dramatically everywhere The best way to escape the poverty trap is to give the poor more money Losers from globalization can be ignored by politicians in western democracies because they do not matter for electoral outcomes The adjustment problems for developing countries arising from the crisis are quite minor and easy to deal with Actually, as Reversals of Fortune shows, all of these beliefs are highly questionable. The research findings reported here provide economic analysis and evidence that challenge these claims. In the report, Nicholas Crafts asks: "What Difference does the Crisis make to Long-term West European Growth?" Vera Troeger considers "The Impact of Globalisation and Global Economic Crises on Social Cohesion and Attitudes towards Welfare State Policies in Developed Western Democracies." Stephen Broadberry looks at "The BRICs: What does Economic History say about their Growth Prospects?" Sharun Mukand takes "The View from the Developing World: Institutions, Global Shocks and Economic Adjustment." Finally, Sayantan Ghosal has a new perspective on "The Design of Pro-poor Policies."