Journal articles on the topic 'Welfare state – europe, western'
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1
Mau, Steffen, and Christoph Burkhardt. "Migration and welfare state solidarity in Western Europe." Journal of European Social Policy 19, no. 3 (July 2009): 213–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928709104737.
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Grdešić, Marko. "The Strange Case of Welfare Chauvinism in Eastern Europe." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 107–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.3.107.
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According to welfare chauvinism, access to the welfare state should be reserved for the native population, whereas immigrants are seen as a drain on resources. The curious aspect of welfare chauvinism in Europe is that it is more prevalent in the East. Why is this the case? This article uses the European Social Survey (ESS) and the Life in Transition Survey (LITS) in order to locate the most robust individual-level determinants of welfare chauvinism for countries of both Eastern and Western Europe. The results suggest that there is no support for the socioeconomic explanation of welfare chauvinism. There is support for the cultural capital explanation of welfare chauvinism, but only for Western Europe. Finally, there is support for the theory that higher levels of trust lessen the likelihood that a person adopts welfare chauvinism. This finding holds for both Eastern and Western Europe.
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Kalm, Sara, and Johannes Lindvall. "Immigration policy and the modern welfare state, 1880–1920." Journal of European Social Policy 29, no. 4 (April 12, 2019): 463–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928719831169.
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This article puts contemporary debates about the relationship between immigration policy and the welfare state in historical perspective. Relying on new historical data, the article examines the relationship between immigration policy and social policy in Western Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when the modern welfare state emerged. Germany already had comparably strict immigration policies when the German Empire introduced the world’s first national social insurances in the 1880s. Denmark, another early social-policy adopter, also pursued restrictive immigration policies early on. Almost all other countries in Western Europe started out with more liberal immigration policies than Germany’s and Denmark’s, but then adopted more restrictive immigration policies and more generous social policies concurrently. There are two exceptions, Belgium and Italy, which are discussed in the article.
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Attewell, David. "Deservingness perceptions, welfare state support and vote choice in Western Europe." West European Politics 44, no. 3 (February 11, 2020): 611–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2020.1715704.
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Korpi, Walter. "Welfare-State Regress in Western Europe: Politics, Institutions, Globalization, and Europeanization." Annual Review of Sociology 29, no. 1 (August 2003): 589–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.29.010202.095943.
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Swank, D. "Globalization, the welfare state and right-wing populism in Western Europe." Socio-Economic Review 1, no. 2 (May 1, 2003): 215–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/soceco/1.2.215.
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Nikolova, Kristina, and Raluca Bejan. "Welfare States and Covid-19 Responses: Eastern versus Western Democracies." Comparative Southeast European Studies 70, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 686–721. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2021-0066.
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Abstract This study uses a welfare state lens to examine disparities in Covid-19 infections and mortality rates between countries in Eastern Europe compared to West European democracies. Expanding on Esping-Andersen’s typology of welfare regimes, the authors compare six country groups to conduct a multivariate statistical analysis that, when controlling for economic and health differences, shows the number of cases and deaths per 100,000 to be significantly higher for Eastern Europe. In comparing First, Second, and Third Wave data, the difference in Covid-19 infections and mortality rates can be explained through stricter lockdown measures implemented in the East at the start of the First Wave. Overall higher numbers in the East reflect comparatively looser state measures in response to the Second and Third Waves as well as the lack of trust in government and the weak implementation of public health measures.
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Brütt, Christian. "Peter Taylor-Gooby (ed.): Ideas and Welfare state reform in western europe." Politische Vierteljahresschrift 48, no. 1 (March 2007): 167–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11615-007-0019-4.
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Roistacher, Elizabeth A. "Housing and the welfare state in the United States and Western Europe." Netherlands Journal of Housing and Environmental Research 2, no. 2 (June 1987): 143–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02497938.
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O’Connor, Julia S. "Ideas and Welfare State Reform in Western Europe By Peter Taylor-Gooby." International Journal of Social Welfare 16, no. 3 (June 25, 2007): 291–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2397.2007.00505.x.
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Losonc, Alpar. "Is it possible to install social capitalism in post socialist transition?" Sociologija 49, no. 2 (2007): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0702097l.
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Recently Claus Offe has raised the question concerning the fate of the European model of social capitalism. Can the model of social capitalism survive European integration amongst current tendencies? Offe assumes that this model has been challenged by the processes of globalisation and by the integration of postsocialist countries into the European Union. The working hypotheses of this article is that a relatively coherent answer to this question may be offered. The article is divided into three parts. The first part starts with Polanji?s socio-economic theory and emphasizes the importance of this approach for analyzing tendencies of capitalism in Western Europe and in post-socialist countries. The author argues that Polanyi?s theory enables us to explain the forms of embedded liberalism in Western Europe after 1945, as well as the orientation of non-embedded neoliberalism and the functioning of the workfare state after the crisis of the Keynesian welfare state. The central element of social capitalism, namely, the welfare-state, despite globalizing tendencies projected by neoliberalism, still has dimensions of continuity. In the second section it is argued that an asymmetrical structure has arisen between Western Europe and the non-Western part of Europe concerning the socialisation of capitalism. Neoliberalisation in accordance with the model of transferring ideal-type capitalism is much more strongly implemented in transition countries. In the third part the author pleads for a broadening of the meaning of welfare to take into account the ecological aspect of welfare in countries in transition. The author insists that embeddedness must also include socio-ecological aspects of transition processes in postsocialist countries. Moreover, this theoretical approach provides an opportunity to explain the failures in implementing neoliberalism in postsocialist countries. If we introduce socio-ecological aspects we are in a much better position to answer Offe?s question.
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Waddell, Brian. "Corporate Influence and World War II: Resolving the New Deal Political Stalemate." Journal of Policy History 11, no. 3 (July 1999): 223–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.1999.0007.
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Since many scholars focus on the New Deal as the foundation for modern U.S. governance, it is widely assumed that the United States is characterized by a weak state as compared to the welfare states of Western Europe. Yet, in the wake of World War II, the United States established a national security “warfare state” that rivaled the welfare states of Western Europe in scope of authority and operations and in its isolation from popular forces. The wartime redirection of U.S. state power also resolved the political stalemate stemming from the executive-congressional and business-government tensions roused during the New Deal. In fact, the course of wartime statebuilding was in many ways a response to the political tensions of the New Deal and to the expectation that the organization of wartime mobilization would indelibly define the postwar organization of U.S. state power. As this article argues, wartime mobilization resolved the New Deal political stalemate in large part by granting various segments of the corporate community the opportunity to influence the shape of U.S. national state power.
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KEVINS, ANTHONY, ALEXANDER HORN, CARSTEN JENSEN, and KEES VAN KERSBERGEN. "The Illusion of Class in Welfare State Politics?" Journal of Social Policy 48, no. 1 (April 26, 2018): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279418000247.
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AbstractSocial class, with its potentially pivotal influence on both policy-making and electoral outcomes tied to the welfare state, is a frequent fixture in academic and political discussions about social policy. Yet these discussions presuppose that class identity is in fact tied up with distinct attitudes toward the welfare state. Using original data from ten surveys fielded in the United States and Western Europe, we investigate the relationship between class and general stances toward the welfare state as a whole, with the goal of determining whether class affects how individuals understand and relate to the welfare state. Our findings suggest that, although class markers are tied to objective and subjective positional considerations about one's place in the society, they nevertheless do not seem to shape stances toward the welfare state. What is more, this is equally true across the various welfare state types, as we find no evidence that so-called ‘middle-class welfare states’ engender more positive middle-class attitudes than other regimes. Based on our analysis, we propose that researchers would do better to focus on household income rather than class; while income may not be a perfect predictor of attitudes toward the welfare state, it is a markedly better one than class.
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Ceuppens, Bambi. "Allochthons, Colonizers, and Scroungers: Exclusionary Populism in Belgium." African Studies Review 49, no. 2 (September 2006): 147–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2006.0102.
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Abstract:This article analyzes the growth of autochthony in Belgium as an example of the increasing popularity of autochthony discourses in Western Europe. Autochthony discourses, which try to reserve the benefits of the welfare state to those who are said to really belong, tend to thrive in prosperous Western European welfare states with a strong Social-Democratic tradition that refuse to accept that they have become immigrant countries. In federalized Belgium, however, autochthony has a much stronger appeal in Flanders, which historically was dominated by Christian-Democratic parties, than in Wallonia, which remains a Social-Democratic bulwark. Analyzing Western European autochthony in terms of welfare chauvinism helps explain the ways in which prosperous Flemings, unlike impoverished Walloons, can afford to buy into the neoliberal rhetoric of choice and thus create themselves as autochthons.
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Morgan, Kimberly J. "The Politics of Mothers' Employment: France in Comparative Perspective." World Politics 55, no. 2 (January 2003): 259–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2003.0013.
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Contemporary theories and typologies of welfare states in Western Europe assume that social democratic parties are the engine behind progressive policies on gender roles and on the participation of women in the labor force. The French case challenges these assumptions—this conservative welfare state, surprisingly, provides an extensive system of public day care along with other forms of support that facilitate mothers' employment. This article explains the existence of the French system through a comparative historical analysis of child care policy in France and other European welfare states. The mainfindingsconcern the role of organized religion in shaping contemporary public day care policies. In contrast to most conservative welfare regimes, the French welfare state has been shaped not by clericalism and Christian democracy but by secularism and republican nationalism—forces that influenced some of the earliest public policies for the education of young children in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and that later affected the founding of the contemporary day care system in the 1970s. In that latter period of propitious economic circumstances, pragmatic policy elites eschewed moralizing critiques of mothers' employment and established a system of financing that has enabled the long-term expansion of public day care. These findings have implications for our understanding of gender politics and welfare regimes in Western Europe. The secularization of political life—not social democratic power—best explains why public policies in France and in many Scandinavian countries have promoted the demise of the traditional family model.
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Cox, Kevin R. "Development policy, Western Europe and the question of specificity." European Urban and Regional Studies 27, no. 1 (October 2, 2018): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776418798689.
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In the Anglophone literature on local and regional development policy there are tendencies to overextension of claims from one side of the Atlantic to the other, or there is no comparative framing at all. As a result the specificity of the West European case tends to be lost. In contrast with the USA, the West European instance is very different indeed. Although there have been changes since the postwar golden years of urban and regional planning, central government remains crucial in the structuring of local and regional development and has given expression to counter-posed class forces: regional policy was historically an aspect of the welfare state as promoted by the labor movement, while urbanization policy has been much more about the forces of the political right. In the USA, by contrast, local governments and to a lesser degree, the states, have been and continue to be supreme; in contrast to Western Europe, location tends to be much more market-determined, with local and governments acting as market agents. Class forces have seemingly been much weaker, territorial coalitions occupying the center ground. As a first cut, these differences have to do with state structure: the Western European state is far more centralized, facilitating the implementation of policies that are relatively indifferent to local specificity, while in the USA the converse applies. State structures, however, are parts of broader social formations and reflect the different socio-historical conditions in which West European societies, on the one hand, and their American counterpoint, on the other, have emerged.
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Bonoli, Giuliano, and Bruno Palier. "How do welfare states change? Institutions and their impact on the politics of welfare state reform in Western Europe." European Review 8, no. 3 (July 2000): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004944.
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In the 1980s and 1990s West European welfare states were exposed to strong pressures to ‘renovate’, to retrench. However, the European social policy landscape today looks as varied as it did at any time during the 20th century. ‘New institutionalism’ seems particularly helpful to account for the divergent outcomes observed, and it explains the resistance of different structures to change through past commitments, the political weight of welfare constituencies and the inertia of institutional arrangements – in short, through ‘path dependency’. Welfare state institutions play a special role in framing the politics of social reform and can explain trajectories and forms of policy change. The institutional shape of the existing social policy landscape poses a significant constraint on the degree and the direction of change. This approach is applied to welfare state developments in the UK and France, comparing reforms of unemployment compensation, old-age pensions and health care. Both countries have developed welfare states, although with extremely different institutional features. Two institutional effects in particular emerge: schemes that mainly redistribute horizontally and protect the middle classes well are likely to be more resistant against cuts. Their support base is larger and more influential compared with schemes that are targeted on the poor or are so parsimonious as to be insignificant for most of the electorate. The contrast between the overall resistance of French social insurance against cuts and the withering away of its British counterpart is telling. In addition, the involvement of the social partners, and particularly of the labour movement in managing the schemes, seems to provide an obstacle for government sponsored retrenchment exercises.
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Losonc, Alpar. "Is there an opportunity to establish the social-capitalism in the post socialist transition?" Panoeconomicus 53, no. 4 (2006): 407–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan0604407l.
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Recently Claus Offe has put the question that concerns the fate of the European model of social capitalism: Can the model of social capitalism survive the European integration in the context of certain contemporary tendencies? Offe has presupposed that the mentioned model is challenged by the processes of globalization and the integration of the post socialist countries into the European Union. The working hypothesis of the article is that there is an opportunity to provide a coherent answer to this question. The article consists of two parts. In the first part the author starts with the Polanyi's socio-economic theory and emphasizes the importance of this approach for the analyzing of the tendencies of capitalism in Western Europe and in the post socialist countries. The author argues that with the Polanyi's theory we are able to explicate the forms of the embedded liberalism in Western Europe after 1945 and the orientation of non-embedded neo-liberalism and the functioning of the workfare state after the crisis of the Keynesian welfare state. Despite the tendencies of the globalization projected by neo-liberalism, the central element of the social capitalism namely, the welfare state, remains with the dimensions of the continuity. In the next part the author points out that there is an asymmetrical structure between the Western-Europe and non-Western part of Europe concerning the socialization of capitalism. The neoliberalisation in accordance with the model of the transfer of ideal-type of capitalism is more strongly implemented in the countries of transition. In addition, the mentioned theoretical approach provides opportunities to explain the failures of implementing of neo-liberalism in the post socialist countries. On the basis of the endorsing of the socio-economic aspects we can address the issue pointed out by Offe.
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Suatmiati, Sri. "IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM THAT JUST AS THE PRO-POOR GOVERNMENT POLICIES." UNTAG Law Review 1, no. 1 (May 31, 2017): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.36356/ulrev.v1i1.519.
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<p>In Several states, social security for citizens is place to protect marginalized groups in order to maintain access to public services are rudimentary, such as services to meet the needs from the perspective of political economy known as basic need. Public welfare provision in the state system includes services in the areas of basic education, health and housing are cheap and good quality, if Necessary, free as in Western Europe is a cluster of countries are quite intense in terms of the welfare state principles. Free education and health is a major concern in Western Europe to get subsidies. The Data agency (BPS) said that the Indonesian population in 2010 income Rp.27,0 million a year. There are poor people Whose population is 80 percent of the population only contributes about 20 percent of GDP. There are the wealthy once or people who enter the category earn more than 30,000 dollars a year, but there are Also people with disabilities living income or $ 2 dollars per day (730 dollars a year), the which are still 100 million people. It means there is a huge gap. The words fair, equitable, wellbeing and prosperity was growing dimmer and the faint sound. This condition shows how there is no equity in income Because there is no strong will to realize the vision for the welfare of society. Impossible Anti-poverty program run properly if the governance of the state and society is not yet fully base on the welfare state system. Anti-poverty programs intertwine with the application of individual taxation that is progressive. If taxation without concept, poverty reduction strategy with the government has not gone According to the terms of the welfare state that is pro-poor.</p>
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Néma, Judit-Eszter. "A szegénység csökkentésére irányuló szakpolitikák konceptuális megközelítései." Pro Scientia Ruralis 8, no. 1 (2024): 145–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.59357/proscirural.2023.1.08.
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The Outlook paper presents Panica's 2023 study on the changing relationship between conceptual approaches to development and poverty reduction policies. In contemporary social policy discourses, the legitimacy of the institution of the 'state' is increasingly subject to critique. Although the state, including welfare systems, played a significant role in the modern civilisation process in Western Europe, the cultural-civilisational 'development' of society in Central and Eastern Europe was different from that in the West. Daniela Panica's study, presented below, was conceived with the intention of understanding the ideologies that aspired to welfare statehood in Romania. She argues that to model these processes, it is necessary to have a comprehensive understanding of the eras of social policy, which can be best captured through chronological changes in the poverty reduction methods used.
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Lugosi, Nicole VT. "Radical right framing of social policy in Hungary: between nationalism and populism." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 34, no. 3 (October 2018): 210–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2018.1483256.
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AbstractThe populist radical right (PRR) is increasingly associated with welfare chauvinism, but the literature mainly focuses on Western and Northern European cases. Turning attention to Central Eastern Europe, this article investigates how PRR parties in Hungary frame welfare issues in five social policy areas from 2010 to 2016. This is done through a critical frame analysis applied to party manifestos and State of the Nation speeches by the Fidesz and Jobbik parties. Special care is taken to delineate the interlocking but not interchangeable concepts of nationalism and populism, as recent research asserts this distinction is often overlooked. The main findings are threefold: First, these parties articulate their positions chiefly through nationalist rather than populist framing; Second, while Hungary's PRR exhibits welfare chauvinist framing similar to Western and Northern Europe, a main difference detected was the role of the communist legacy; Third, beyond the article's original goals, the findings revealed a strong connection between nationalist framing and the role of gender, suggesting that the two are not mutually exclusive.
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Garritzmann, Julian L., Marius R. Busemeyer, and Erik Neimanns. "Public demand for social investment: new supporting coalitions for welfare state reform in Western Europe?" Journal of European Public Policy 25, no. 6 (March 22, 2018): 844–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2017.1401107.
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Chapman, Herrick. "Paul V. Dutton,Origins of the French Welfare State: The Struggle for Social Reform in France, 1914–1947. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. xiii + 251 pp. $65.00 cloth; $27.00 paper." International Labor and Working-Class History 66 (October 2004): 194–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904210249.
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Comparative studies of social policy usually portray the French welfare state as lagging behind most of its counterparts in Western Europe during the first decades of the twentieth century. The sheer complexity of the French system, moreover, with its baroque mixture of separate private, government and quasi-public funds, made it exceptional as well. Yet tardiness and complexity by no means prevented the French from expanding social insurance at an especially rapid clip in the decades following the Second World War. By 1980 France spent more on social security as a percentage of Gross Domestic Product than any country in Europe except Denmark, Sweden and the Netherlands. Today the French are among Europe's most stalwart defenders of publicly funded pensions and health insurance. Given its unimpressive beginnings, how did the French welfare state become such a heavyweight?
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Popic, Tamara, and Simone M. Schneider. "An East–West comparison of healthcare evaluations in Europe: Do institutions matter?" Journal of European Social Policy 28, no. 5 (February 13, 2018): 517–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928717754294.
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Differences in welfare attitudes of Eastern and Western Europeans have often been explained in terms of legacies of communism. In this article, we explore evaluations of healthcare systems across European countries and argue that East–West differences in these evaluations are explained by differences in the current institutional design of healthcare systems in the two regions. The empirical analysis is based on the fourth round of the European Social Survey, applying multilevel and multilevel mediation analysis. Our results support the institutional explanation. Regional differences in healthcare evaluations are explained by institutional characteristics of the healthcare system, that is, lower financial resources, higher out-of-pocket payments, and lower supply of primary healthcare services in Eastern compared to Western European countries. We conclude that specific aspects of the current institutional design of healthcare systems are crucial for understanding East–West differences in healthcare evaluations and encourage research to further explore the relevance of institutions for differences in welfare state attitudes across socio-political contexts.
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O'Connor, James. "20. Jahrhundert mit beschränkter Haftung: Kapital, Arbeit und Bürokratie im Zeitalter des Nationalismus." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 25, no. 100 (September 1, 1995): 381–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v25i100.951.
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With the aid of three categories - which are not only meant geographically -"West" (Western Europe and North America), "East" (Eastern Europe) and "South" (the Third World), the main features of the transformation processes ofthe 20th century are analysed: the interrelations between capital, labor and community, the development and integration of the different oppositional movements, the rise of bureaucracy and the welfare state and their following decline, the importance of nationalism and national states and the transition to a global capitalism.
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VIAZZO, PIER PAOLO. "Family, kinship and welfare provision in Europe, past and present: commonalities and divergences." Continuity and Change 25, no. 1 (May 2010): 137–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416010000020.
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ABSTRACTThe realization that European family forms are failing to converge as predicted by modernization theory has led many scholars to suspect that the broad regional differences detected by historians persist in the present and are likely to influence future developments. This article outlines some relevant hypotheses prompted by historical studies about the role of family and kinship as sources of social security and analyses the results of comparative work on contemporary Europe, paying special attention to the relative weight of cultural and structural factors. Although differences still appear to predominate over commonalities, it is not inconceivable that in certain important respects European countries might paradoxically converge, owing to the generalized decline of the welfare state, towards forms of welfare provision that are closer to the ‘familialistic’ models of southern and eastern Europe than to the ‘modern’ models of Scandinavia and north-western Europe.
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HEISIG, JAN PAUL, BRAM LANCEE, and JONAS RADL. "Ethnic inequality in retirement income: a comparative analysis of immigrant–native gaps in Western Europe." Ageing and Society 38, no. 10 (May 4, 2017): 1963–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x17000332.
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ABSTRACTPrevious research unequivocally shows that immigrants are less successful in the labour market than the native-born population. However, little is known about whether ethnic inequality persists after retirement. We use data on 16 Western European countries from the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC, 2004–2013) to provide the first comparative study of ethnic inequalities among the population aged 65 and older. We focus on the retirement income gap (RIG) between immigrants from non-European Union countries and relate its magnitude to country differences in welfare state arrangements. Ethnic inequality after retirement is substantial: after adjusting for key characteristics including age, education and occupational status, the average immigrant penalty across the 16 countries is 28 per cent for men and 29 per cent for women. Country-level regressions show that income gaps are smaller in countries where the pension system is more redistributive. We also find that easy access to long-term residence is associated with larger RIGs, at least for men. There is no clear evidence that immigrants’ access to social security programmes, welfare state transfers to working-age households or the strictness of employment protection legislation affect the size of the RIG.
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Godinho Delgado, Mauricio, and Lorena Vasconcelos Porto. "THE WELFARE STATE: GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS, OBSTACLES AND CHALLENGES IN LATIN AMERICA." E-REVISTA INTERNACIONAL DE LA PROTECCION SOCIAL 1, no. 6 (2021): 141–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/e-rips.2021.i01.07.
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This paper provides an analysis of the organizational model of the political and the civil societies which became prevalent in Western Europe after the Second World War: the Welfare State. It also provides a discussion on the reasons why this model of organization has never been effectively implemented in any Latin American country. To this end, firstly, the text highlights the many and most important characteristics of the Welfare State, with attention to the peculiarities it assumes in specific European countries. Secondly, based on these comparative elements, a typological synthesis of the Welfare States is drawn, considering the range from the most sophisticated examples to those which only meet the minimum relevant criteria of this model of State and social organization. Finally, the reality of Latin American countries is analyzed and it is indicated to what extent they have (or have not) structured something that could be effectively considered a Welfare State. In this framework, it is concluded that, although there are a few Latin American countries showing progress in terms of achieving these characteristics in comparison with the great majority of countries in the region, the obstacles and challenges for the full structuring of a real Welfare State in this region of the globe are still persistent.
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Heyets, Valeriy. "Social Quality in a Transitive Society." International Journal of Social Quality 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 32–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ijsq.2019.090103.
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Nearly 30 years of transformation of the sociopolitical and legal, socioeconomical and financial, sociocultural and welfare, and socioenvironmental dimensions in both Central and Eastern Europe, including Ukraine, has led to a change of the social quality of daily circumstances. On the one hand, the interconnection and reciprocity of these four relevant dimensions of societal life is the underlying cause of such changes, and on the other, the state as main actor of the sociopolitical and legal dimension is the initiator of those changes. Applying the social quality approach, I will reflect in this article on the consequences of these changes, especially in Ukraine. In comparison, the dominant Western interpretation of the “welfare state” will also be discussed.
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Sykes, Robert. "European Welfare States: Comparative Perspectives by M. Cousins and Ideas and Welfare State Reform in Western Europe by P. Taylor-Gooby." Social Policy and Administration 40, no. 3 (June 2006): 324–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9515.2006.492_2.x.
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Reyneri, Emilio, and Giovanna Fullin. "New immigration and labour markets in western Europe: a trade-off between unemployment and job quality?" Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 14, no. 4 (January 1, 2008): 573–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890801400405.
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New immigrants have been integrated into the labour markets of receiving countries in very different ways. In the ‘old’ receiving countries of central and northern Europe their unemployment rate has proved much higher than that of natives, while those in jobs have found reasonably skilled work in line with their educational credentials. In the ‘new’ receiving countries of southern Europe, by contrast, the unemployment rate of immigrants is only slightly higher than that of natives, but even the best-educated among them occupy very poor-quality jobs. This article sets out to explain the reasons for this discrepancy, which lie not only in the different methods of entry and variations in welfare state generosity, but also in the diverse composition of the demand for labour. We conclude by highlighting some short- and medium-term problems posed by this state of affairs.
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Morgan, Kimberly J. "Path Shifting of the Welfare State: Electoral Competition and the Expansion of Work-Family Policies in Western Europe." World Politics 65, no. 1 (January 2013): 73–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887112000251.
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What explains the surprising growth of work-family policies in several West European countries? Much research on the welfare state emphasizes its institutional stickiness and immunity to major change. Yet, over the past two decades, governments in Germany, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom have introduced important reforms to their welfare regimes, enacting paid leave schemes, expanded rights to part-time work, and greater investments in child care. A comparison of these countries reveals a similar sequence of political and policy change. Faced with growing electoral instability and the decline of core constituencies, party leaders sought to attract dealigning voter groups, such as women. This led them to introduce feminizing reforms of their party structures and adopt policies to support mothers' employment. In all three cases, women working within the parties played an important role in hatching or lobbying for these reforms. After comparing three countries that moved in a path-shifting direction, this article engages in a brief traveling exercise, examining whether a similar set of dynamics are lacking in two countries—Austria and Italy—that have moved more slowly in reforming these policies. Against the prevailing scholarly literature that emphasizes path dependence and slow-moving change, this article reveals the continued power of electoral politics in shaping redistributive policies.
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Polterovich, V. M. "Towards a general theory of socio-economic development. Part 2. Evolution of coordination mechanisms." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 12 (December 7, 2018): 77–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2018-12-77-102.
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The second part of the article is devoted to the theory of leading socioeconomic development. It is shown how in Western Europe, as a result of the interaction of culture, institutions, technological progress and the level of welfare, specific forms and combinations of the three main mechanisms of coordination — competition, power and cooperation — emerged at each stage of evolution. I emphasize the importance of ideology and the phenomenon of technical progress in the formation of institutions of economic and political competition that contributed to the emergence of the welfare state. These changes and economic growth created the conditions for further transformation of civil culture: increasing levels of trust, tolerance, altruism and cosmopolitanism, expanding the planned horizon. The decrease in the level of coercion built into the mechanisms of power and competition is demonstrated as well as the expansion of the role of collaboration. A hypothesis is advanced that the speed of this process depends on geographical factors. The idea of welfare world is discussed.
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Martikainen, Tuomas. "Muslim Immigrants, Public Religion and Developments towards a Post-Secular Finnish Welfare State." Tidsskrift for Islamforskning 8, no. 1 (February 23, 2014): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/tifo.v8i1.25324.
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The article addresses the question whether, with Finland as the case, the Nordic welfare state is undergoing profound change under the influence of neo-liberal global economics and new forms of governance. The article starts with a critique of Nancy Foner and Richard Alba’s (2008) comparison of the position of Muslims in the USA and Western Europe and claims that their comparison does not take into account more recent changes in the ways how West European states deal with religion. Instead the article argues that state-religion relations have been influenced by the neo-liberal restructuring of society and it presents an alternative way to look at state-religion relations. It is claimed the societal location of religion is now better understood within the context of civil society rather than an institutional sphere of its own.
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Song, Ho Keun. "The Birth of a Welfare State in Korea: The Unfinished Symphony of Democratization and Globalization." Journal of East Asian Studies 3, no. 3 (December 2003): 405–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800001582.
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Globalization pressured a rebirth of the state in Korea, but in an unexpected direction. Whereas the welfare state retrenched in Western Europe under pressures of the borderless global economy, the Korean state reinvented itself into the guardian of public welfare. That regime shift occurred when the “Asian crisis” struck in 1997 to end the developmental state's way of growth. Previously, the state channeled subsidized bank loans to the chaebol firms (monopolistic conglomerates in strategic industries) and the chaebol company welfare to its workforce in order to secure industrial peace in strategic growth sectors. This de facto class bargain, partly forced by the developmental state and chaebol firms and partly prodded by organized labor, crumbled with the Asian crisis. No longer too big to fail, the chaebol firms plunged into downsizing and restructuring in order to raise profitability, thus precipitating a profound social crisis. The rules and norms of lifetime employment and promotion by seniority gestated during Park Chung Hee's authoritarian rule (1961–1979), and labor's acquiescence—if not consent—to the chaebol-led hypergrowth strategy collapsed as the crisis damaged a third of Korea's top thirty business conglomerates in 1997 and 1998.
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Green-Pedersen, Christoffer. "The Growing Importance of Issue Competition: The Changing Nature of Party Competition in Western Europe." Political Studies 55, no. 3 (October 2007): 607–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007.00686.x.
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Changes in Western European political parties in general have attracted considerable scholarly interest, whereas changes in party competition have been almost overlooked in an otherwise extensive literature. Using the party manifesto data set, this article documents that party competition in Western Europe is increasingly characterised by issue competition, i.e. competition for the content of the party political agenda. What should be the most salient issues for voters: unemployment, the environment, refugees and immigrants, law and order, the welfare state or foreign policy? This change is crucial because it raises a question about the factors determining the outcome of issue competition. Is it the structure of party competition itself or more unpredictable factors, such as media attention, focusing events or skilful political communication? The two answers to this question have very different implications for the understanding of the role of political parties in today's Western European democracies.
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Cavaillé, Charlotte, and Karine Van der Straeten. "Immigration and Support for Redistribution: Lessons from Europe." Journal of Economic Literature 61, no. 3 (September 1, 2023): 958–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.20221708.
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Research shows that opposition to policies that redistribute across racial divides has affected the development of the American welfare state. Are similar dynamics at play in Western Europe? For many scholars, the answer is yes. In contrast, we argue that researchers’ understanding of the political economy of redistribution in diversifying European countries is too incomplete to reach a conclusion on this issue. First, existing evidence is inconsistent with the assumption—ubiquitous in this line of research—of a universal distaste for sharing resources with people who are culturally, ethnically, and racially different. Second, important historical and institutional differences between the United States and Europe preclude any straightforward transposition of the American experience to the European case. We discuss what we see as the most promising lines of inquiry going forward. (JEL D64, H23, J15, J68, K37, Z13)
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Allardt, Erik. "A political sociology of the Nordic countries." European Review 8, no. 1 (February 2000): 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004634.
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The Nordic countries of Europe have many common traits. They are small countries in Northern Europe, they have been Lutheran since the Reformation, and they had, for centuries, a strong landholding peasantry but a weak aristocracy. They developed a comprehensive welfare state after the Second World War, and they are more sceptical about European integration than people from other countries in Western Europe. Despite attempts to create a Nordic union and the existence of a Nordic Council, their joint Nordic orientation has been subordinated to the national interests of the individual Nordic countries. They are clear-cut nation states with a nationalism that is not fierce, but represents a kind of official, controlled and uniform national spirit. With respect to parliamentary politics and social policy the main features of the countries have been called the Nordic Model. The model still exists, but rests on shakier ground than before.
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ARZA, CAMILA. "Peter Taylor-Gooby (ed.) (2005) Ideas and Welfare State Reform in Western Europe. Basingstoke: Palgrave/Macmillan. £45.00, 179pp, hbk." Journal of Social Policy 36, no. 2 (March 5, 2007): 346–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004727940724084x.
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Шовель, Луи. "The Western Middle Classes under Stress: Welfare State Retrenchments, Globalization, and Declining Returns to Education." Мир России 29, no. 4 (September 19, 2020): 85–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1811-038x-2020-29-4-85-111.
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Citation: Chauvel L. (2020) The Western Middle Classes under Stress: Welfare State Retrenchments, Globalization, and Declining Returns to Education. Mir Rossii, vol. 29, no 4,pp. 85–111. DOI: 10.17323/1811-038X-2020-29-4-85-111
Following the work of Pierre Bourdieu and Gustav Schmoller before him, the multipolarity of the middle classes between higher and lower, and between cultural and economic capitalsis well acknowledged. This old vision is useful to understand the “middle classes adrift” of the last 20 years in France and Continental Europe. The expansion of the “new wage earner middle class” of the 1960s to 1990s is now an old dream of the welfare state expansion of Western societies, and the European social structure now faces a trend of repatrimonialization”, meaning a U-turn towards a decline in the value of mid-qualified work and an expansion of the return to the inheritance of family assets. This paper addresses three main points. First, a new description of repatrimonialization is useful in the specific European context of middle-class societies. We need a redefinition of the system of middle classes (plural) in the context of the construction and decline of strong welfare states. Second, there are three ruptures in the social trends of the ‘wage earner society’ of the 1960s to 1990s. In this period, economic growth, social homogenization and social protection were major contextual elements of the expansion of ‘the new middle class,’ based on educationalmeritocracy, the valorization of credentialed skills, and the expansion of the average wage compared to housing and capital assets (‘depatrimonialization’). After the 1990s, the rupture and reversal of these trends, with ‘stagnation’, ‘new inequalities’ and ‘social uncertainty’ as new trends, generated a backlash in the “middle class society”. Third, I analyze the demographic and social consequences of these new trends in terms of the shrinking of the middle classes in a context where the inheritance of assets and resources changed the previous equilibrium. Finally, I highlight the importance of addressing the problem of social stability when large strata of the middle class have less interest in the maintenance of the social order.
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Bassi, Andrea. "Etiche religiose. E lo spirito dei modelli di welfare state in Europa." SOCIOLOGIA E POLITICHE SOCIALI, no. 3 (January 2013): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sp2012-003002.
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The paper is organized in four sections. Section one presents a brief overview of how the classical sociological theories deal with the religious phenomenon in Western societies. The following section discusses the secularization theory as offered by Norris and Inglehart in Sacred and Secular (2005), where the classic functionalist theory of secularization - that religion would gradually fade in importance and cease to be significant with the emergence of industrial society - is criticized and, a new theory of secularization as a social process linked to the level of existential (un)security occurring in a country is developed. Within this framework, the role of the welfare safety net, and other effective delivery of government services, is analyzed as a means for many people to reduce their vulnerability to sudden, unpredictable risks. Section three investigates the relationship between religion and social policies. Starting from the recognition that the role of religious denominations has been neglected by the comparative studies on welfare state models, we suggest a new classification of welfare systems based on the mainstream religions existing in a country. The different welfare regimes are analyzed along the line Catholic vs. Protestant (Southern vs. Northern welfare models), and along the line Lutherans vs. Calvinist reformed churches (East/West welfare systems). The fourth section illustrates five analytic dimensions of the relationship between religion and welfare state systems. The five dimensions are the following: the principles and the moral norms (precepts) of religious doctrines; the agencies and services directly managed by religious institutions; the political parties with a religious orientation; the cultural orientation and values of the public opinion; the relations between the Church and the public institutions.
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Afonso, Alexandre. "Choosing whom to betray: populist right-wing parties, welfare state reforms and the trade-off between office and votes." European Political Science Review 7, no. 2 (April 17, 2014): 271–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773914000125.
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This article analyses the impact of populist right-wing parties (PRWPs) on welfare state reforms in Western Europe in the light of the trade-off that they face between office and votes. On the one hand, PRWPs appeal to traditionally left-leaning blue-collar ‘insiders’ supportive of social insurance schemes. On the other hand, they have only been able to take part in government as junior coalition partners with liberal or conservative parties who are more likely to retrench these very same welfare programmes. In this context, the article argues that these parties have to choose between betraying their electorate (and losing votes), and betraying their coalition partners (and losing office). When they choose office, it enables welfare state retrenchment by allowing their coalition partners to curtail left-wing opposition, but entails high electoral costs for PRWPs. When they choose votes, it generates deadlock and potentially jeopardizes their participation in government. The paper draws on a comparative analysis of pension reforms during three periods of government participation of PRWPs: the Schüssel I and II cabinets in Austria (2000–06), the Rutte I cabinet in the Netherlands (2010–12) and three pension reforms in Switzerland between 1995 and 2010. The analysis draws on original primary material and interviews.
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Lengwiler, Martin. "Cultural Meanings of Social Security in Postwar Europe." Social Science History 39, no. 1 (2015): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.43.
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The emergence of postwar welfare states in Europe is usually understood as a social and political phenomenon, as a social policy to prevent against forms of mass poverty and to grant general social rights and entitlements to populations during a period of rising prosperity. Beyond these sociopolitical aspects, the foundation of systems of social security after 1945 also had important cultural and epistemic implications. The promise of the state to provide a generalized form of security represented an important cultural factor in securing the social and political stability of postwar societies in Europe. This article examines some exemplary aspects of the meaning of social security by tracing their historical roots and their effects on postwar welfare states in Western Europe. In order to chart the various, interconnected cultural meanings of social security, it juxtaposes two institutional contexts in which social security and prevention were discussed: an international organization of social security experts and a Swiss life insurance company with an innovative health promotion service. The article shows how security was seen ultimately as an utopian response to the multiplication of risks and damages through the processes of industrialization and modernization and thus reveals how security served as both a technical concept for managing integrated systems of insurance and an instrument of control and calculation to help administer the economic and social policies of modern societies. By focusing on the example of life insurance, it demonstrates how security acted as an umbrella term for a generalized model of prevention that targeted the specific risks of a modern, middle-class consumer society.
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Jensen, H. T., and V. Plum. "From Centralised State to Local Government the Case of Poland in the Light of Western European Experience." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 11, no. 5 (October 1993): 565–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d110565.
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Several countries in Western Europe have experienced a restructuring of local and regional government. In Scandinavia local government has been a cornerstone in the building of the welfare society. In the last couple of years Poland (and other Eastern European countries) has been restructured to reduce the central state and to give more power to the private sector and the local government. It is argued that coordination at the local-government level is important for a relevant economic and political response to local problems. A framework is provided for an understanding of the development of the central and local states at the cost of activities performed earlier by the family and the local community, but also as a support (in service and regulation) to activities of the private sector. Second, it is argued that the new EC slogan, ‘a Europe of regions’, has the purpose of strengthening the regional level economically and politically and thereby of dismantling and weakening the national state in order to strengthen the EC. Third, the problems and scope of the Polish local-government reform are illustrated, from vertical control to horizontal coordination. There are difficulties in building powerful local governments at a time when they have nearly no money and are unable to provide the social services which used to be provided through the state firms. There is now a political vacuum for which the upcoming new private sector and the new local governments fight.
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Cruz-Martinez, Gibran, and Pamela Bernales-Baksai. "Guest editorial." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 42, no. 1/2 (March 8, 2022): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-03-2022-545.
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PurposeThis paper aims to present an introduction to the special issue titled “Old and New Challenges for Welfare Regimes: A Global Perspective.”Design/methodology/approachThe authors of the special issue combine case studies and comparative analysis across America, Asia, Africa and Europe. The authors were invited to develop the authors'ir studies with a focus on one or more of three axes: (1) institutional and governance challenges surrounding the implementation and expansion of social welfare programs,; (2) state of the art and diversity across emerging welfare states and; (3) challenges associated with migration and demographic pressures.FindingsArticles in this special issue contribute to the authors' understanding of recent challenges and transformations of welfare regimes, with special attention to the following policy areas: youth emancipation, the reduction of poverty and income inequality, social protection and taxation, the role of historical institutionalism to better understand social policy implementation and expansion, the lack of transformative social protection in “’New Right’” governments, determinants of social equality and the transformative effect of migration into welfare states.OriginalityTo the authors' knowledge, the existing publications on transformations and challenges of welfare regimes are still very much centered on a Western European context. The global perspective and diversity of policy areas covered aims to shed light on the important lessons and policy implications from less traditional welfare states.
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Jones, Charles. "Carr, Mannheim, and a Post-positivist Science of International Relations." Political Studies 45, no. 2 (June 1997): 232–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00078.
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Recent work on Carr has looked beyond The Twenty Years' Crisis to the seeming anomaly of a political realist advocating regional integration in Western Europe, a welfare state at home, and a free hand for the USSR in Eastern Europe. Some have seen this anomaly, and Carr's successive appeasements of Germany and the USSR, as mere opportunism, but this paper finds a coherence in Carr's work deriving substantially from Mannheim. It was from Mannheim that Carr took not only the structure of The Twenty Years' Crisis, but also his characteristic post-positivist and interdisciplinary methodology, his belief in the policy role of the intellectual, his strong sense of the connectedness of foreign and domestic policy, his insistence on forms of international society that heavily discounted the sovereignty of small nations, and the besetting weaknesses of inadequately acknowledged historicism and elitism.
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Fehl, Gerhard. "Versailles as an urban model: new court-towns in Germany circa 1700." Urban Morphology 3, no. 1 (December 22, 1998): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.51347/jum.v3i1.3882.
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At the beginning of the eighteenth century in western Europe a new urbanism emerged. Modern warfare and welfare, modern centralized state administration and modern liberties demanded new urban forms: unfortified towns, safe and healthy, expressing the structure of absolutist reign, and accommodating a growing `army' of civil servants. Neither existing fortified towns nor `ideal towns' of the past could fulfill the new demands. New towns had to be constructed and a new model found for them that broke the ties of tradition. Versailles offered such a model - a Palladian model, transposed from country to town. The case of its first application in Germany, the newly-founded town of Rastatt, is discussed.
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Gandhi, Sanyam, Omvir Sigh, Akhilesh Tiwari, Prafulla Apshingekar, Sachin Jain, Vikas Jain, Pradeep Pal, and Amber Vyas. "Regulatory Frameworks for Integrated Medicine Management in USA, Europe, Japan, and China." International Journal of Drug Regulatory Affairs 12, no. 2 (June 15, 2024): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.22270/ijdra.v12i2.672.
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Integrated Medicine Management (IMM) is an all-encompassing healthcare approach that merges conventional Western medicine with complementary and alternative therapies. The primary objective of IMM is to address the underlying causes of illnesses and promote overall health and wellness of patients. As the utilization of complementary and alternative therapies becomes increasingly prevalent, the need for regulatory frameworks to ensure the safe and effective integration of these therapies into conventional healthcare systems is growing rapidly. Regulatory framework of IMM varies between countries, considering the facts that each country has its own unique approach to manage the integration of complementary and alternative therapies. In this article, we aim to explore the regulatory frameworks for IMM in four major markets, i.e. the United States (US), European Union (EU), Japan, and China. In the US, IMM regulation is centralized among different Federal agencies, however states have varying degrees of oversight. The US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) is responsible for regulating dietary supplements and herbal products, while state medical boards oversee the practice of alternative medicine. Additionally, the National Center for Complementary and Integrative Health (NCCIH) provides research and education on complementary and alternative therapies. Conversely, the regulation of IMM is more centralized in EU, where the European Medicines Agency (EMA) oversees the approval of herbal and homeopathic medicines, and the European Commission provides guidelines for the use of complementary and alternative therapies in healthcare. In Japan, the regulation of IMM is tightly controlled by the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare (MHLW), which approves traditional herbal medicines and acupuncture needles, and mandates practitioners to be licensed. China recognizes traditional medicine alongside with Western medicine. The State Administration of Traditional Chinese Medicine (SATCM) oversees the regulation of traditional medicine and promotes its integration with Western medicine.
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Smith, Mark B. "The Withering Away of the Danger Society: The Pensions Reforms of 1956 and 1964 in the Soviet Union." Social Science History 39, no. 1 (2015): 129–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2015.45.
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While a framework of statist welfare practices was constructed in the 1930s, the principles that underwrote it—and that defined the interaction of individual citizens and state agencies—were changed as a consequence of World War II and transformed as a result of Stalin's death and the onset of de-Stalinization. Following a major sequence of welfare reforms in the Khrushchev period, most people's encounters with social risk were substantially minimized. By the Brezhnev era, problems associated with moral hazard were creating new challenges for policy makers: not only did people enjoy the right to a job, as they had done for decades, but perverse incentives discouraged innovation and, for some, hard work. A welfare system had been established that went far beyond the universalism of Western Europe. Cash transfers diffused social risks. Furthermore, welfare touched almost all areas of life, from jobs to leisure, creating a new kind of industrial society, in which many social risks had been artificially eliminated. The effectiveness of this system was highly uneven, and many miserable examples of welfare provision persisted, but this revised relationship between risk and welfare guided the mentalities of policy makers and ordinary people alike. This article offers a commentary on the long-term nature of this process but focuses particularly on the reforms associated with Khrushchev, especially the pension laws of 1956 and 1964.
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Ibsen, Malte Frøslee. "The Populist Conjuncture: Legitimation Crisis in the Age of Globalized Capitalism." Political Studies 67, no. 3 (November 7, 2018): 795–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321718810311.
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This article argues that the theory of legitimation crisis developed by Offe and Habermas offers an instructive theoretical framework for explaining the current surge of populism across the West. The article argues that this populist resurgence is indicative of a profound legitimation crisis of the Western welfare state, which ultimately derives from its inability to control a globalized economic system. The article argues that two prominent rival accounts of the populist resurgence both suffer from their inattention to the specific ideational content of populism, as a reaction to a form of elite political rule experienced as illegitimate. By contrast, the advantage of the theory of legitimation crisis is that it is able to directly account for the structural conditions of the present legitimation crisis. Finally, the article offers an integrative account of why populism tends to focus on immigration in Northern Europe and on economic issues in Southern Europe.