Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Welfare state – europe, western'
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AAGAARD, Anders Juhl. "Family formation and stability in western welfare states since 1960 : the influence of family and housing policy." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/68455.
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Defence Date: 29 September 2020 (Online)Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Hans-Peter Blossfeld, (EUI); Prof. Dr. Anton Hemerijck, (EUI); Prof. Dr. Melinda Mills, (University of Oxford); Prof. Dr. Jon Kvist, (Roskilde University)
This thesis explains differences in changes to family formation and stability in France, Norway, the FRG and the GDR based changes to family- and housing policy. Focus is on developments from the 1960s to the early 2000s. Previous research has focused on more recent developments from the 1980s onwards. A new conceptualization of family policy is introduced that enables a distinction between policy that alleviate the care giving role of mothers (de-familialization) and policies that intervene more directly in the caring responsibility within the family, aiming for a more equal share of childcare between women and men (de-genderization). Findings show that higher educated women are more likely of entry into marriage, when family policy provides more de-familalization (France, GDR) or de-genderization (Norway). But higher educated women are less likely of entry into marriage in the FRG where family policy remained conservative, forcing these women to choose between family and career. In the FRG where family policy remained conservative, with low support for female employment, married women with low levels of education became more likely of entry into divorce. A difference between women with different educational levels is not observed where family policy has included more de-familialziaiton and de-genderization. Findings for changes to housing policy are less convincing. Soft deregulation of rent control and tenure security has a positive effect on entry into consensual union in all countries, making a two person income household better equipped to cover the cost of rent increases that this change introduced. But results for the influence of support for home-ownership show little effect on entry into a marriage and divorce in all four countries. This may be because the full effect has not manifested itself yet. Extending the time period of analysis may provide more insights on the influence of these changes.
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Beckfield, Jason. "The consequences of regional political and economic integration for inequality and the welfare state in Western Europe." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3183488.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Sociology, 2005.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-08, Section: A, page: 3111. Adviser: Arthur S. Alderson. Title from dissertation home page (viewed Oct. 5, 2006).
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FERNANDES, Daniel. "Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.
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Defence date: 21 November 2022Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
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Lindberg, Gitte. "Welfare state regimes in East-Central Europe : Western vanity or Eastern reality : a comparative study of the Czech Republic and Hungary." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271768.
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Bolukbasi, H. Tolga. "From budgetary pressures to welfare state retrenchment? : economic and monetary union and the politics of welfare state reform." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102789.
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This study examines the relationship between economic and monetary integration culminating in Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and welfare state trajectories focusing on the cases of Belgium, Italy, and Greece in the 1990s. The conventional wisdom on this relationship expected that EMU would lead to across-the-board downsizing of the European welfare states through imposing macroeconomic austerity in general and budgetary restraint in particular. The study questions the validity of this prediction which is represented by the austerity hypothesis. Based on an analysis of social expenditure data in the run-up to EMU the study reveals that spending levels remained largely stable and therefore that the welfare states of the EMU-candidates largely escaped radical retrenchment. Avoiding significant and systematic expenditure retreat was possible not only in the face of powerful fiscal pressures but also during a period when policymakers had the opportunity to justify even the most draconian measures in the name of achieving EMU membership. Hence the study addresses the following puzzle: How could Europe's welfare states largely avert across-the-board downsizing during the 1990s despite fiscal pressures they faced on the road to EMU? Through an examination of episodes of welfare reform in three critical cases (Belgium, Italy, and Greece) which needed to go through drastic budgetary cutbacks for EMU membership, the study shows that the Maastricht criteria did compel successive governments in these member states to propose radical welfare reforms, vindicating the conventional wisdom's expectations. In episodes of welfare reform, however, governments discovered that their reform capacities were largely limited due to domestic opposition from an alliance of entrenched interests. The convergence period was marred with recurrent mass mobilization of unions against welfare reforms which forced governments to scale back their original ambitions or scrap them altogether. This shows that the expectations of the conventional wisdom that EMU would actually lead to massive retrenchment of Europe's welfare states, however, are not borne out by the evidence on welfare state trajectories in the 1990s.
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Boesenecker, Aaron P. "Defining work and welfare the politics of social policy reform in Europe /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/461265191/viewonline.
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Irene, Landini. "Welfare chauvinism and social policy: how politicians justify migrants’ exclusion from social programs in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/11385/223878.
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KISER, EDGAR VANCE. "KINGS AND CLASSES: CROWN AUTONOMY, STATE POLICIES, AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN WESTERN EUROPEAN ABSOLUTISMS (ENGLAND, FRANCE, SWEDEN, SPAIN)." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184073.
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This dissertation explores the role of Absolutist states in the transition from feudalism to capitalism in Western Europe. Three general questions are addressed: (1) what are the determinants of variations in the autonomy of rulers? (2) what are the consequences of variations in autonomy for states policies? and (3) what are the effects of various state policies on economic development? A new theoretical framework, based on a synthesis of the neoclassical economic literature on principal-agent relations and current organizational theory in sociology, is developed to answer these three questions. Case studies of Absolutism in England, France, Sweden, and Spain are used to illustrate the explanatory power of the theory.
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D'Elia, Alberto. "That noir passage between Europe and America : the representation of criminals, law and social order in western cinema." Thesis, Keele University, 2014. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/1320/.
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A group of American and European films in the forties and fifties are characterised by a dark atmosphere and morbid fascination with crime and violent death. Normally populated by rootless characters who live as though suspended in an existential limbo, their narratives are pervaded by a sense of loss and displacement. Though these films were made mostly during the world war and its aftermath, they have left a permanent visual and cultural legacy, both in western and global cinema, related as they were to the transitory nature of metropolitan experience. Moreover, by breaking with previous national traditions of public representation of crime and sexual desire, they established cinema as a privileged locus for cultural criticism and debate about some of the moral and psychological consequences of modernity. Taking this as my point of departure, I analyse the relationship between Europe and America through the films’ construction of an intercultural visual dialogue, making the case that this gathers and condenses contradictions and ambivalences in the modern human development project. In particular I focus on two aspects of this dialogue: on the one hand - since almost every country struggles with America’s economic and cultural supremacy - the ambivalent image that America has in twentieth-century European debate about popular culture. On the other hand, I consider the importance of (visual) language in the relationship between enquiry, in films, into historical transformation, and the wider processes of social and cultural change. Finally, I claim that the lesson learned from this analysis should be used in contemporary sociological debate about the renewal of conceptual tools used to investigate the role of crime in our society.
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Legg, Meredith. "WOMEN, WORK AND WELFARE: A CASE STUDY OF GERMANY, THE UK, AND SWEDEN." Master's thesis, Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2010. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002974.
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Yorke, Jon. "The Council of Europe and the death penalty : the relationship of state sovereignty and human rights." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2008. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4106/.
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This study investigates the processes of the removal of the death penalty within the Council of Europe and its Member States. An evaluation is conducted of the relationship of sovereignty and the death penalty in this region, and the significance of the Council's attempts to penetrate this relationship is analysed. The foremost motivation of this study is to understand how solid the removal of the death penalty is, and to reveal what can be learned from the legislative activity of the Member States and the various Parliamentary Assembly and Committee of Ministers' enactments, and the case-law of the European Commission of Human Rights and the European Court of Human Rights. It is my hope that this study will help ensure that the death penalty remains removed from this European region.
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Recuenco, Luis. "Couples’ Decisions and Retirement Age in Europe. A comparative study of three traditions of the Welfare State." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/119610.
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This research analyses from a theoretical, empirical and comparative perspective
couples’ decision-making and retirement ages within seven European Union-15
countries belonging to three Welfare State traditions: Social Democratic (Sweden and
Denmark), Christian Democratic (Germany and Belgium) and Southern Europe (Spain,
Italy and Greece). The fundamental theories and empirical evidence of literature on
individual and couples’ retirement is explored in the second and third chapters. A
theoretical and empirical analysis is conducted, from a macro institutional approach, on
the influence of the four regimes (labour, Welfare State, retirement and gender) on
retirement in the three traditions analysed in the fourth chapter. The outcomes indicate
that there are three institutional contexts regarding couples’ retirement in Europe where
each countries’ tradition shares some characteristics internally, while having, at the
same time, differences amongst them. In the last chapter and from this typology,
countries are grouped into the three traditions and an econometric micro analysis
performed. The outcomes indicate that couples’ retirement ages are conditioned by the
spouses’ variables albeit with different intensity, depending on the Welfare State
tradition and the institutional context of the analysed countries.Esta investigación analiza desde una perspectiva teórica, empírica y comparada las decisiones y la edad de jubilación de las parejas en siete países de la Unión Europea-15, pertenecientes a tres tradiciones del Estado de Bienestar: Socialdemócrata (Suecia y Dinamarca) Cristianodemócrata (Alemania y Bélgica) y Sur de Europa (España, Italia, Gracia). En el segundo y tercer capítulo se explora los fundamentos teóricos y la evidencia empírica de la literatura sobre la jubilación individual y jubilación de las parejas. En el cuarto capítulo, a partir de un enfoque macro institucional, se lleva a cabo un análisis teórico y empírico, de la influencia de cuatro regímenes (laboral, Estado del Bienestar, jubilación, género) en la jubilación de las tres tradiciones analizadas. Los resultados indican que existen tres contextos institucionales de jubilación de las parejas en Europa, compartiendo cada tradición de países características similares en su interior y a la vez diferenciándose entre ellas. A partir de esta tipología, en el último capítulo, los países se agrupan en tres tradiciones y se lleva a cabo un análisis micro econométrico. Los resultados indican que la edad de jubilación de las parejas está condicionada por las variables de los cónyuges, aunque con diferente intensidad dependiendo de la tradición del Estado de Bienestar y por el contexto institucional de los países analizados.
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Kulin, Joakim. "Values and welfare state attitudes : The interplay between human values, attitudes and redistributive institutions across national contexts." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-49975.
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While there is much research aiming to assess the determinants of welfare state attitudes, there are not many studies focussing on how human values influence attitude formation. This thesis explores the relationship between values and welfare state attitudes across national contexts. In doing so, it focuses on the moderating influence of contextual factors on the values-attitudes link. In order to measure values properly, and to study their effects on welfare state attitudes, confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) and multi-group structural equation modelling (MGSEM) is used. These methods enable testing for measurement equivalence across groups, a prerequisite for comparing the effects of human values across countries. The individual-level data used in this thesis comes from the European Social Survey (ESS) between 2002-08. The findings show that values can play an important role in welfare state attitude formation, but that the impact of values on attitudes differs considerably across national contexts. Several country-specific contextual factors such as the generosity of redistributive institutions, their framing and their distributive outcomes moderates the values-attitudes link. In more generous welfare states and where redistributive issues are more articulated in the political debate, the impact of, for instance, egalitarian values on redistributive attitudes is comparably strong. Moreover, in countries where lower social classes are more exposed to risks and lack resources to meet these risks, class differences in the values-attitudes link are greater. Finally, the results show that the particular values that underlie welfare state attitudes in Eastern Europe are fundamentally different to those in Western Europe. The results imply that the impact of values on welfare state attitudes mainly depends on (i) whether people perceive welfare state institutions to have important consequences for the extent to which their values are attained, and (ii) the presence of competing motives. Hence, it is not necessarily the case that people who support the welfare state do so, for example, due to holding egalitarian values. In contrast to previous research, which has been quite unsuccessful in confirming direct relationships between institutions and attitudes, the results in this thesis suggest that there are indeed clear and consistent macro-micro relationships, but that these are more complex. Rather, it is in the interplay between values, attitudes and institutions that this relationship can be found.Forskningen kring välfärdsstatsattityder och dess determinanter är omfattande, men väldigt få studier intresserar sig för hur grundläggande mänskliga värderingar påverkar dessa attityder. Den här avhandlingen syftar till att fylla denna lucka genom att fokusera på relationen mellan värderingar och attityder till välfärdsstaten. Särskilt fokus har lagts på att utforska den modererande inverkan som kontextuella faktorer har på länken mellan värderingar och attityder i olika nationella kontexter. I den bemärkelsen syftar avhandlingen även att bidra till forskningen om hur institutioner och andra kontextuella faktorer är kopplade till formeringen av attityder, där man ännu inte lyckats hitta en tydligt framträdande relation mellan den nationella kontexten formeringen av attityder på individnivån. För att kunna mäta värderingar på ett adekvat sätt, och för att kunna estimera och jämföra effekterna av värderingar på välfärdsstatsattityder i olika nationella kontexter, har konfirmatorisk faktoranalys (CFA) och strukturella ekvationsmodeller (MGSEM) använts. Dessa metoder tillåter testandet av ekvivalens med avseende på de mätinstrument som används, dvs. om måtten för värderingar har samma betydelse i olika grupper, vilket är en förutsättning för att kunna jämföra effekterna av värderingar i olika länder. Data på individnivå beträffande värderingar och attityder har hämtats från European Social Survey (ESS) från åren 2002-08. Dessutom har kontextdata hämtats från en rad olika källor. Resultaten visar att värderingar kan spela en betydande roll i att forma attityder till välfärdsstaten, men samtidigt att värderingarnas inverkan varierar kraftigt mellan olika länder. Flera faktorer i den nationella kontexten, såsom graden av generositet i välfärdsstatssystemen, samt de välfärdsstatliga institutionernas diskursiva inramning och deras socioekonomiska utfall, modererar länken mellan värderingar och attityder. Exempelvis, jämlikhetsorienterade värderingar har större betydelse för attityder till välfärdsstaten i mer generösa välfärdsstater och där omfördelningspolitiska frågor i högre grad präglar den politiska debatten. Vidare finns det klasskillnader i kopplingen mellan värderingar och attityder, i bemärkelsen att de med lägre utbildning och mindre intellektuellt krävande arbeten i mindre utsträckning formar sina attityder baserat deras värderingar. Dessa klasskillnader är särskillt stora i länder där de lägre klasserna är särskilt riskutsatta samt i högre grad saknar resurser att möta dessa risker. Medan värderingar har en betydande påverkan på generella attityder till välfärdsstaten i många länder så är länken mellan värderingar och stödet för specifika omfördelningsstategier svag eller icke existerande i de flesta länder som studerats. Slutligen så visar resultaten att de värderingar som ligger till grund för välfärdsstatsattityder i Östeuropeiska länder är fundamentalt annorlunda än de i Västeuropa. Jämlikhetsorienterade värderingar spelar en betydande roll i Västeuropeiska länder medan konservativa värderingar spelar en mer framträdande roll i Östeuropa. Resultaten föreslår att relationen mellan värderingar och attityder till välfärdsstaten beror på (i) om människor upplever att välfärdsstatens institutioner har betydande konsekvenser för deras möjligheter att få sina värderingar realiserade, och (i) frånvaron eller närvaron av konkurrerande motiv. Därmed är det inte nödvändigtvis så att människor som är mer jämliksorienterade i sina värderingar även är mer positivt inställda till välfärdsstaten och omfördelning. Detta beror istället på kontextuella faktorer, såsom institutioner och deras utfall, och deras inverkan på länken mellan värderingar och attityder. I motsats till tidigare forskning, som haft svårt att hitta tydliga kopplingar mellan exempelvis institutioner och attityder, så visar resultaten i denna avhandling att finns tydliga kopplingar mellan makro- och mikronivån men att dessa inte är så okomplicerade och direkta som man tidigare trott. Istället verkar det vara i samspelet mellan värderingar, attityder och institutioner som denna relations kan hittas.
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Lookofsky, Sarah Elsie. "No such thing as society : art and the crisis of the European welfare state /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3386699.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed January 19, 2010). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 243-258).
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Onaran, Özlem, and Valerie Bösch. "The effect of globalization on the distribution of taxes and social expenditures in Europe: Do welfare state regimes matter?" WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2010. http://epub.wu.ac.at/2795/1/workingpaper40_oezlem_boesch_online.pdf.
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This paper estimates the effect of globalization on the implicit tax rates (ITR) on capital income, labor income and consumption, and the share of social protection expenditures in total public expenditures in Western and Eastern Europe. It tests the coexistence of efficiency and compensation effects of globalization on the expenditure as well as the revenue sides of government budgets. In Western Europe, globalization leads to an increase in social
expenditures; however these expenditures are to an increasing extent financed by taxes on labor income. There is no effect of the ITR on capital income, whereas the ITR on consumption decreases. There are important differences
between the welfare states. In the conservative regimes, social expenditures increase due to globalization, but they are financed to an increasing extent by taxes on labor. In the social democratic regimes, not only social expenditures,
but also the ITRs on capital income and consumption decrease as a result of globalization, whereas the ITR on labor income increases. In the liberal regimes, the ITR on labor income is rising, while social expenditures and the
ITR on consumption is declining. In the southern regimes, the ITRs on both capital income and consumption are decreasing. In the CEE NMS, on average, there seems to be no statistically significant effect of globalization on social expenditures nor on the ITR on capital and labor income. Globalization affects only the ITR on consumption, leading to a decline. However, different welfare regimes react differently: there is a negative effect of globalization on social spending in the Baltic countries, and a negative effect on the ITR on capital income in the post-communist European regimes. (author's abstract)Series: Discussion Papers SFB International Tax Coordination
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Aidukaite, Jolanta. "The Emergence of the Post-Socialist Welfare State - The Case of the Baltic States : Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania." Doctoral thesis, Huddinge : Södertörns högskola, 2004. http://www.diva-portal.org/su/theses/abstract.xsql?dbid=270.
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Crespo, Cuaresma Jesus, Peter Huber, Doris Anita Oberdabernig, and Anna Raggl. "Migration in an ageing Europe: What are the challenges?" European Commission, bmwfw, 2015. http://epub.wu.ac.at/4719/1/WWWforEurope_WPS_no079_MS17.pdf.
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We use new migration modelling and projection techniques in order to quantify the effect of migration in the context of ageing societies in Europe over the forthcoming decades. Using new empirical results, data and projections of migration flows developed in the framework of the
WWWforEUROPE project, we inform the policy discussion concerning the role of demographic change, inequality dynamics, labour market integration of migrants and the sustainability of public finances in the continent.Series: WWWforEurope
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Jeannet, Anne-Marie. "Immigration and public opinion in Europe : the case of the 2004 enlargement." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:acb77b39-d90d-427b-afa6-bfe6a406a8e3.
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After the enlargement of the European Union in 2004, large numbers of Central and Eastern Europeans moved to work in Western Europe. The aim of this thesis is to use the case of migration after the enlargement to further our understanding of the relationship between immigrant group size and natives’ attitudes. Recent scholarly debates raise questions about how immigration affects European societies and the political durability of European welfare states. This research puts forward two questions: Does an increase in Eastern European immigration after the enlargement explain differences in civic attitudes in Western Europe? And second, does this relationship (if any) depend on national contextual factors? The relationship between immigration and three categories of public attitudes are examined: attitudes towards immigration, attitudes towards welfare and attitudes of trust. This thesis draws on ethnic competition theory, which postulates that group competition over resources provokes the natives to perceive immigration as a threat to their own or their group’s interests. To test this theory, this study uses data from the European Social Survey from 2002 to 2010 to build multi-level pooled time series models. The results find only partial support for ethnic competition theory. When a greater proportion of E-8 migrants live in the country, individuals tend to have more positive views about immigration. The results also show that this positive relationship is weakened when national economic conditions are more precarious. Additionally, the results do not find that E8 migration is negatively related to Western European attitudes regarding trust or welfare. This implies that as more immigrants arrive, Europeans can potentially acknowledge immigration’s economic and cultural benefits. Moreover, these results challenge pessimistic scholarly predictions that immigration erodes trust and support for welfare in Europe. This thesis offers two academic contributions. First, it considers the case of E8 migration, which has been ignored by existing comparative attitudinal studies about immigration. Second, focusing on post-enlargement migration helps this thesis to overcome common empirical obstacles such as cross-country differences in immigrant composition and admission criteria.
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Naczyk, Marek P. "The financial industry and pension privatization in Europe : shareholder capitalism triumphant?" Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c867023b-1b9a-41c9-8e46-6d4ac835cc61.
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The thesis examines the political dynamics behind the contemporary trend towards pension privatization in Europe. Its aim is to develop a theoretical model that can explain not only why governments have increasingly replaced their public pay-as-you-go systems with private fully-funded schemes, but also why there is considerable diversity both in the extent and in the content of pension privatization. Private pension funds can indeed be governed by a variety of institutional arrangements and can have very different types of links with the financial system. They do not necessarily contribute to a financialization of the economy. The thesis takes issue with the idea that pension privatization would be primarily the result of a new pensions orthodoxy promoted by international organizations such as the World Bank or of an electoral strategy that consists in attracting the votes of the middle class. I argue that the driving force behind the more or less dramatic rise of funded pensions in Europe is a series of lobbying campaigns launched by the financial industry, and their varying influence. Financial firms have a vested interest in the development of a market in private pensions, which should profit them as an industry. However, pension reform is an issue that matters to voters and can therefore prove dangerous for party politicians. Moreover, it involves complex changes that directly affect key material interests of employers and workers. In this context, the success of financial firms’ campaign for pension privatization depends on their capacity to forge alliances with a variety of actors. This in turn contributes to limit the influence financiers can exert. The argument is tested using a comparative historical analysis of pension debates in the United Kingdom, France and Poland since the beginning of the 1980s.
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Hollow, Matthew. "Housing needs : power, subjectivity and public housing in England, 1920-1970." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9e2e2766-9360-4fb6-bf9e-39386b18e7fd.
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This thesis addresses two key questions: First, how did those involved in the provision of public housing in twentieth-century England conceptualise the people who they were providing houses for? Second, how did their ideas change over time? These questions are important and need answering because, although there has been a great deal written about the history of public housing in England, there has up until now been very little thought given to the manner in which the council estate tenants themselves were actually identified and conceptualised as subjects in need of state-funded housing. My thesis begins to redress this imbalance by providing an overview of the changing forms and practices through which prospective tenants were conceptualised and acted upon by those in positions of power in England between 1920 and 1970. Using records from local authority archives, sociological surveys, architectural and town planning journals, central government publications, Mass Observation reports and tenant handbooks, and focusing primarily on council estates in London, Manchester and Sheffield, it shows how ideas about what prospective tenants needed from their homes changed dramatically over the course of this period, with the narrowly sanitary and biopolitical approaches of the 1920s and 1930s increasingly being challenged and complemented by a host of new ideas and discourses which placed far more emphasis upon the prospective tenant’s emotional, social and personal needs. As such, this thesis not only adds substantially to our understanding of the changes that took place in the English public housing sector between 1920 and 1970, but also adds to the burgeoning literature on questions of governmentality; contributing in the process to our understandings of modern modes of power.
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O'Dorchai, Sile Padraigin. "Family, work and welfare states in Europe: women's juggling with multiple roles :a series of empirical essays." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210592.
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The general focus of this thesis is on how the family, work and the welfare system are intertwined. A major determinant is the way responsibilities are shared by the state, the market and civil society in different welfare state regimes. An introductory chapter will therefore be dedicated to the development of the social dimension in the process of European integration. A first chapter will then go deeper into the comparative analysis of welfare state regimes, to comment on the provision of welfare in societies with a different mix of state, market and societal welfare roles and to assess the adequacy of existing typologies as reflections of today’s changed socio-economic, political and gender reality. Although they stand strong on their own, these first two chapters also contribute to contextualising the research subject of the remainder of the thesis: the study and comparison of the differential situation of women and men and of mothers and non-mothers on the labour markets of the EU-15 countries as well as of the role of public policies with respect to the employment penalties faced by women, particularly in the presence of young children. In our analysis, employment penalties are understood in three ways: (i) the difference in full-time equivalent employment rates between mothers and non-mothers, (ii) the wage penalty associated with motherhood, and (iii) the wage gap between part-time and full-time workers, considering men and women separately. Besides from a gender point of view, employment outcomes and public policies are thus assessed comparatively for mothers and non-mothers. Because women choose to take part in paid employment, fertility rates will depend on their possibilities to combine employment and motherhood. As a result, motherhood-induced employment penalties and the role of public policies to tackle them should be given priority attention, not just by scholars, but also by politicians and policy-makers.Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Garland, Dennis. "The Salvation Army and the state of welfare an analysis of text and narrative : an analysis of the discourses influencing the development of Salvation Army policy /." View thesis, 2004. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20040723.130012/index.html.
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Chevalier, Tom. "L'Etat social et les jeunes en Europe : analyse comparée des politiques de citoyenneté socioéconomique des jeunes." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0040.
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Cette thèse propose une typologie rendant compte de la diversité des politiques publiques visant à promouvoir l'indépendance des jeunes, ou leur citoyenneté socioéconomique, en Europe. Elle repose sur deux dimensions. La première concerne l’action publique lorsqu’elle vise à promouvoir l’emploi des jeunes grâce à la politique d’éducation et la politique de l’emploi : c’est l’enjeu de la citoyenneté économique des jeunes. Elle peut être inclusive, lorsqu’un pays est fortement macrocorporatiste, ou sélective, lorsque le macrocorporatisme est faible, selon que cette action délivre des compétences à tous les jeunes ou à une partie seulement. La deuxième dimension renvoie à l’action publique lorsqu’elle délivre directement une aide publique aux jeunes. C’est l’enjeu de la citoyenneté sociale des jeunes. Elle peut être familialisée dans les Etats-providence de tradition Bismarckienne, lorsque les jeunes sont considérés comme des enfants, ou individualisée dans les Etats-providence de tradition Beveridgienne, quand ils sont vus comme des adultes. En croisant ces deux dimensions, on obtient quatre régimes de citoyenneté socioéconomique, avec une citoyenneté habilitante (inclusive/individualisée), une citoyenneté encadrée (inclusive/familialisée), une citoyenneté de seconde classe (sélective/individualisée), et une citoyenneté refusée (sélective/familialisée). Dans une première partie empirique, nous classons 15 pays d’Europe de l’Ouest dans cette typologie, après avoir élaboré deux indices synthétiques de citoyenneté économique et de citoyenneté sociale. Puis, dans une deuxième partie empirique, nous procédons à quatre études de cas représentatifs de chaque régime, à savoir la Suède, l’Allemagne, le Royaume-Uni et la FranceThis dissertation proposed a typology that accounts for the diversity of public policies promoting young people’s independence, i.e. what I call ‘youth welfare citizenship’, in Europe. This typology is built around two dimensions. The first dimension relates to public intervention on the school-to-work transition in order to promote the access to employment for young people, through the education policy and the employment policy: this is the issue of youth economic citizenship. It can be encompassing, when a country is strongly macrocorporatist, or selective, when it is not, according to the distribution of skills among the youth population. The second dimension has to do with public aids from the state towards young people: this is the issue of youth social citizenship. It can be familialized in Bismarckian welfare states, where young people are seen as children, or it can be individualized in Beveridgian welfare states, where young people are deemed to be adults. Combining these two dimensions, we end up with four regimes of youth welfare citizenship: an enabling citizenship (inclusive/individualized), a monitored citizenship (inclusive/familialized), a second-class citizenship (selective/individualized), and a denied citizenship (selective/familialized). In the first empirical part, I classify 15 western European countries into the typology by building two synthetic indices of youth economic citizenship and youth social citizenship. Then, in the second empirical part, I proceed to four case studies, each representing a regime of the typology: Sweden, Germany, the United Kingdom, and France
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Ovseiko, Pavel Victor. "The politics of health care reform in Central and Eastern Europe : the case of the Czech Republic." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d8f1c4d3-9dda-4a2b-94d1-5afcb0cf5c87.
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This thesis examines the political process of health care reform between 1989 and 1998 in the most advanced sizable political economy in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) – the Czech Republic. Its aim is to explain the political process bringing about post-Communist health policy change and stimulate new debates on welfare state transformation in CEE. The thesis challenges the conventional view that post-Communist health care reform in CEE was designed and implemented to improve the health status of the people, as desired by the people themselves. I suggest that this is a dangerous over-rationalisation, and argue that post-Communist health care reform in the Czech Republic was the by-product of haphazard democratic political struggle between emerging elites for power and economic resources. The thesis employs the analytical narrative method to describe and analyse the actors, institutions, ideas and history behind the health policy change. The analysis is informed by welfare state theory, elite theory, interest group politics theory, the assumptions of methodological individualism and rational choice theory, and Schumpeter’s doctrine of democracy. Its focus is on the interests of health policy actors and how they interacted within an unhinged, but fast-consolidating, institutional framework. The results demonstrate that, while historical legacies and liberal ideas featured prominently in the rhetoric accompanying health policy change, in Realpolitik, these were merely the disposable, instrumental devices of opportunistic, self-interested elites. The resultant explanation of health policy change stresses the primacy of agency over structure and formulates four important mechanisms of health policy change: opportunism, tinkering, enterprise, and elitism. In conclusion, the relevance of major welfare state theories to the given case is assessed and implications for welfare state research in CEE are drawn.
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Pagnac, Romain. "Droits sociaux et dynamiques d’activation des politiques sociales en Europe." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40061/document.
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Depuis un certain nombre d’années, se manifeste tout spécialement en Europe l’influence de la thématique de l’activation des dépenses sociales dites « passives ». Ce discours politique imprègne les systèmes nationaux et se diffuse sur le plan normatif, conduisant à de nouvelles articulations entre logiques de protection sociale classique (indemnisation ou aide sociale) et d’emploi (droit du travail). Ces politiques actives s’appuient sur les fondements traditionnels du modèle social-démocrate nordique et du modèle anglo-saxon. L’Union européenne a fait sienne la dynamique d’activation et lui a accordé une place centrale dans sa stratégie pour l’emploi et dans la Méthode Ouverte de Coordination en matière de protection sociale. Cette stratégie a produit un impact sur les systèmes nationaux. Cet impact a pu être mesuré aussi bien sur les systèmes béveridgiens que sur les systèmes bismarckiens, laissant apparaître une multiplicité des visages de l’activation selon les Etats-membres, mais selon une référence plus marquée soit à une approche libérale soit à une approche dite « universaliste » ou « prospective », d’amélioration des trajectoires professionnelles. Les transformations récentes des dispositifs français (indemnitaires ou assistantiels), basées sur une logique de conditionnalité des prestations, ont conduit à des bouleversements au sein de la protection sociale qui invitent à questionner les logiques juridiques sous-jacentes de ces mutations et à proposer une analyse critique de la portée d’un tel renouvellement du contrat socialThe influence of the theme of activating "passive" social expenditure has been evidenced over the last few years and especially in Europe. This political discourse has filtered into the national systems and has spread to legislation, leading to new links between the logic of classic social protection (compensatory technique or social assistance claimants) and employment (employment law). These active policies are based on traditional socio-democratic nordic models and the anglo-american model. The European Union has adopted the activation concept and given it central place in its employment strategy and through the Open Method of Coordination for social protection. This strategy has had an impact on the national systems. This impact may be measured in Beveridgian systems as well as in Bismarckian systems, that shows the different aspects of activation depending on the Member States but with a more distinct difference depending on a more liberal or universalist approach. The recent transformations in the French system (unemployment insurance benefits or social assistance schemes) based on the conditionality of social protection, have led to significant changes to social protection which raises the issue of the underlying legal logic of these changes and a critical analysis of the extent of such a renewal of the social contract
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Grönroos, (fd Johansson) Per. "Pension Reform in Continental Europe : A comparative study of pension reform in Germany and France during the years ofausterity 1990-2010." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-159219.
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As demographic and economic contexts have shifted, the need for pension systems to reform has increased. Often, however, these systems have proved difficult to change – especially in continental Europe. Despite this, Germany, by many considered particularly reform resistant, succeeded in reforming its pension system; while France, with its strong executive power, has not. As research has yet to find a consensus on what factors makes welfare retrenchment possible, this field requires more attention. Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to analyse the developments of the German and French pension systems, from 1990-2010, and to unearth what factors made successful reform possible in Germany while it failed in France. Using a comparative case study, all major pension reforms in the two countries during the time period, are analysed from four institutionalist perspectives. The results point to three main factors explaining Germany’s successful reform. Firstly, the shock brought on by the reunification of East and West Germany forced politicians to act. France on the other hand, experienced no such shock. Secondly, the subduing of the unions removed the main veto player against reform. In contrast, the French unions, whose political power lies in their ability to call for manifestations and shift public opinion, could not be outflanked. Lastly, the new liberal ideas that permeated German politics around the turn of the century provided a locus for change that was lacking in France. These results suggest the importance of external pressure, veto players and ideational factors to major welfare reform.
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Garland, Dennis. "The Salvation Army and the state of welfare : an analysis of text and narrative : an analysis of the discourses influencing the development of Salvation Army policy." Thesis, View thesis, 2004. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/582.
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This research arose out of the author's concern that the Salvation Army and its social services in Australia were being influenced by government and society at the expense of its own Christian beliefs and internal rhetoric. The Army's rhetoric is explored through an analysis of Salvation Army's texts. The study findings verify the proposition of Kress (1985) and others, that institutions transform and are transformed through their use of discourse. It is confirmed that William and Catherine Booth (the Army's founders) were not independent from the state and from external influence as required by Booth. It was found that just as William and Catherine Booth reworked the discourses of their time, they were influenced in turn by these discourses and the organization they created , namely, The Salvation Army was transformed through the use of discourse. The research found that modern texts produced in the Army in Australia, are influenced by the dominant discourses of the modern Australian welfare state, and that as a consequence the Army, in transforming these discourses for their own purposes, is also being transformed and in the process becoming increasingly colonised by governments in Australia.
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Wolf, Paulo José Whitaker 1988. "Os estados de bem-estar social da Europa Ocidental : tipologias, fundamentos e evidências." [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/286453.
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Orientadores: Giuliano Contento de Oliveira, Simone Silva de DeosDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia
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Resumo: Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de analisar a natureza dos Estados de Bem-Estar Social, as diferenças existentes entre esses arranjos no caso da Europa Ocidental, bem como as causas e consequências mais gerais dessas diferenças. Os Estados de Bem-Estar Social devem ser entendidos como uma dentre as formas possíveis de sistemas de proteção social e que se caracteriza pelo fato de que o Estado assume um papel mais contundente no atendimento das necessidades individuais fundamentais relativamente às demais formas de provisão, como o mercado e a família. Esses arranjos se diferenciam em função do perfil das políticas públicas, em geral, e das políticas econômica e social, em particular, sendo determinados pelo processo de interação entre atores com distintos interesses e com diferentes capacidades de impor esses interesses sobre os demais em determinadas circunstâncias históricas e institucionais. Tendo-se em vista as características comuns às diferentes experiências nacionais, é possível identificar quatro modelos de Estado de Bem-Estar Social na Europa Ocidental, quais sejam, os modelos anglo-saxão, continental, escandinavo e mediterrâneo. Esses modelos apresentam diferentes graus de sofisticação, em função do comprometimento do Estado em assegurar a todos a possibilidade de contribuir e partilhar da riqueza social. Essas diferenças, por sua vez, refletem os interesses dos atores mais poderosos em cada modelo, os quais possuem uma determinada percepção a respeito das consequências prováveis da intervenção do Estado, ou, mais especificamente, sobre os seus benefícios e os seus custos. Nesse caso, arranjos mais sofisticados tendem a ser mais factíveis e resilientes em sociedades menos heterogêneas. De fato, uma vez que, nesses casos, os benefícios e custos desses arranjos se distribuem de forma menos assimétrica entre os diferentes grupos sociais, muitos deles possuem razões para considerá-los vantajosos, de modo que mudanças na estrutura de poder tendem a ocasionar, quando for o caso, ajustes apenas residuais em suas políticas. A análise de dados e indicadores selecionados realizada neste trabalho ratifica a existência de diferentes modelos de Estado de Bem-Estar Social na Europa Ocidental, o que se reflete nas condições de vida prevalecentes em cada um deles. Aqueles países cujas políticas públicas são caracterizadas por uma política social preventiva e, também por isso, produtiva, bem como por uma maior articulação com a política econômica, livre para atuar de acordo com as circunstâncias, estão mais preparados que os demais para assegurar os direitos de cidadania diante dos desafios impostos pelo capitalismo contemporâneo
Abstract: The aim of this master thesis is to analyze the nature of the welfare states, the differences that exist between these arrangements in the case of Western Europe, as well as the general causes and consequences of these differences. The welfare states should be understood as one of several possible forms of social protection systems and that is characterized by the fact that state assumes an important role in meeting individual fundamental needs compared to other forms of welfare provision, such as the market and the family. These arrangements differ according to the form of public policies, and, more specifically, of economic and social policies, which is determined by the process of interaction between actors with distinct interests and different capabilities to impose these interests over the others under certain historical and institutional circumstances. Considering the characteristics which are shared by different national experiences, it is possible to identify four welfare state models in Western Europe, namely, the Anglo-Saxon, the Continental, the Scandinavian and the Mediterranean models. These models have varied degrees of sophistication, which depends on the state commitment to assure every citizen the opportunity to contribute to and to share of social wealth. These differences, in turn, reflect the interests of the most powerful actors in each model, which have its own perceptions about the expected consequences of state intervention, or, in other words, about its benefits and costs. In this case, more sophisticated arrangements are more likely to be developed and to be maintained in less heterogeneous societies. In fact, once in such cases benefits and costs are less unevenly distributed among different social groups, the majority of them will have its own reasons to consider these arrangements advantageous, so that changes in the structure of power would only lead to residual changes in its policies. The analysis of selected data and indicators considered in this thesis confirms the existence of different welfare state models in Western Europe which is reflected in the prevailing living conditions in each of them. Those countries whose public policies are characterized by a preventive, and because of that, productive social policy, as well as by greater coordination with economic policy, which is free to act according to each circumstance, are better prepared than others to assure the rights of citizenship in face of the challenges posed by contemporary capitalism
Mestrado
Teoria Economica
Mestre em Ciências Econômicas
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ARISI, CLAUDIA. "THE POLITICAL ORGANISATION OF BUSINESS AND WELFARE STATE RESTRUCTURING: HOW ASSOCIATIONAL FACTORS SHAPE EMPLOYERS' COOPERATION FOR SOCIAL POLICY DEVELOPMENT." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/208343.
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Given that business interests have assumed ever-growing importance in welfare state restructuring, and that welfare programmes impose significant costs on firms, when and how can employers decide to actively support the development of contemporary social policy? This thesis shows that specific types of business interest organisation can favour the cooperation of employers for the establishment of new social welfare legislation by mediating between their heterogeneous economic interests and the political target structure, and by governing their collective political mobilisation. Drawing on theories of collective action and neo-corporatist models, the thesis elaborates an original typological framework and assesses it through an historical cross-national study of the role of organised business in the Austrian and Italian severance pay reforms (1990s-2000s). Detail process-tracing and systematic cross-case comparison are used to reconstruct and analyse what motivated and enabled the Austrian business community, but not the Italian one, to decisively promote the use of severance payments for the expansion of supplementary pension funds. Empirically, the thesis finds that differences in the institutional set-up of the national organisation of business interests have shaped divergent governance roles of business in the two countries by making for different organisational capacities of interest coordination and unification on the one hand, and of bargained interest accommodation, on the other. In particular, highly inclusive and cohesive organisational forms of interest representation, like the Austrian ones, have allowed employers’ representatives to contain intra-class interest conflicts and deliver unitary, politically manageable and moderate social policy demands. Moreover, rather stable participation in state regulation (in non-wage policy areas) and high sanction leverage vis-à-vis members have enabled organisational leaders to determine collective social policy goals and strategies quite independently from the short-term interests of employers, and to render organisational decisions binding also for members opposing resistance. In closing, the thesis provides evidence that, even in presence of appropriate institutional arrangements, a remarkable responsibility for building business support for social welfare initiatives rests on the government. Since the latter can bias the contingent conditions of political influence, it can dampen organisations’ cooperative efforts whenever it opts for clientelistic dynamics of policy formation instead of backing the construction of cross-class reform coalitions.
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Sloman, Peter Jack. "Economic thought and policy in the Liberal Party, c. 1929-1964." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c961d45b-8c97-4e4b-b91c-6d0c8c55da5b.
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This thesis examines the reception, generation, and use of economic ideas in the British Liberal Party during the period between its decline in the inter-war years and its revival under Jo Grimond. It uses archival sources, party publications, and the political press to reconstruct the Liberal Party’s internal discourse about economic policy from the 1920s to the 1960s, and sets this discourse in the context of wider economic and political developments: the ‘Keynesian revolution’ in economic theory and British public policy, recurrent political interest in economic planning, and growing concern about relative economic decline. The strength of the two-party system which developed after the First World War meant that the Liberal Party spent most of this period in opposition, and even in the coalition governments of 1931-2 and 1940-5 Liberals had limited input into economic policy-making. As historians have frequently noted, however, the party played an important role in introducing Keynesian ideas to British politics through Lloyd George’s 1929 pledge to ‘conquer unemployment’, and seemed to anticipate the post-war managed economy in important respects. At the same time, the party maintained a close relationship with the economics profession, and vocally championed free trade and competitive markets. This thesis highlights the eclecticism of the Liberal Party’s economic heritage, and its continuing ambivalence towards state intervention. Although Liberals were early and sincere supporters of Keynesian demand-management policies, and took a close interest in economic planning proposals in the 1920s, 1940s and 1960s, their interventionism was frequently constrained by their internationalism and their support for free markets. Most Liberals, then, were neither unreconstructed Gladstonians nor unequivocal supporters of Britain’s post-war settlement. Rather, successive party leaders sought to integrate new economic knowledge with traditional Liberal commitments, in order to make both a credible contribution to policy debates and a distinctive appeal to the electorate.
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Feyertag, Joseph. "Varieties and politics of skill protection : a micro level analysis of unemployment protection systems in Europe." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c69681da-2da3-4467-985f-b644c1be6c48.
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Varieties of Capitalism theory predicts that the skill specificity of workers determines their demand for social protection. In this thesis, I test this assumption using a measure of occupational mobility between pre- and post-unemployment, which I apply to European workers in different skill groups as defined by Fleckenstein et al., (2011). Using this measure as an indicator of the portability of workers' skills, I then evaluate whether the lower marketability of human capital investments is associated with greater demand for unemployment protection. The findings demonstrate that whilst this relationship is apparent in certain countries, notably Coordinated Market Economies such as Germany, the assumptions do not apply across institutional settings. Consequently, skill specificity cannot explain variation in attitudes towards unemployment protection policies between countries.
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Wu, Di. "The New York Stock Exchange/Euronext merge." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2007. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3309.
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Bursian, Olga, and olga bursian@arts monash edu au. "Uncovering the well-springs of migrant womens' agency: connecting with Australian public infrastructure." RMIT University. Social Science and Planning, 2007. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20080131.113605.
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The study sought to uncover the constitution of migrant women's agency as they rebuild their lives in Australia, and to explore how contact with any publicly funded services might influence the capacity to be self determining subjects. The thesis used a framework of lifeworld theories (Bourdieu, Schutz, Giddens), materialist, trans-national feminist and post colonial writings, and a methodological approach based on critical hermeneutics (Ricoeur), feminist standpoint and decolonising theories. Thirty in depth interviews were carried out with 6 women migrating from each of 5 regions: Vietnam, Lebanon, the Horn of Africa, the former Soviet Union and the Philippines. Australian based immigration literature constituted the third corner of triangulation. The interviews were carried out through an exploration of themes format, eliciting data about the different ontological and epistemological assumptions of the cultures of origin. The findings revealed not only the women's remarkable tenacity and resilience as creative agents, but also the indispensability of Australia's publicly funded infrastructure or welfare state. The women were mostly privileged in terms of class, education and affirming relationships with males. Nevertheless, their self determination depended on contact with universal public policies, programs and with local community services. The welfare state seems to be modernity's means for re-establishing human connectedness that is the crux of the human condition. Connecting with fellow Australians in friendships and neighbourliness was also important in resettlement. Conclusions include a policy discussion in agreement with Australian and international scholars proposing that there is no alternative but for governments to invest in a welfare state for the civil societies and knowledge based economies of the 21st Century.
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MICHEL, Elie. "Welfare politics and the radical right : the relevance of welfare politics for the radical right’s success in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/46384.
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Defence date: 15 May 2017Examining Board: Professor Stefano Bartolini, EUI; Professor Martial Foucault, Sciences Po Paris; Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Jens Rydgren, Stockholm University
This thesis looks at the success of radical right parties in Western Europe through the perspective of welfare politics, by examining parties and voters in a comparative and mixed method perspective. I argue that purely socio-cultural or socio-economic accounts of the radical right success face several theoretical and empirical shortcomings. Focusing on the conflict dimension of welfare politics - who gets what, when and how in terms of social benefits – constitutes a novel approach to explain these parties’ and voters’ political preferences. Relying on different theories of the political sociology of the welfare state, I put forward the protection and exclusion hypotheses, which have implications at the party and at the voter levels. On the demand side, the precarization sub-hypothesis expects that economically insecure voters are likely to support radical right parties who offer them an alternative to mainstream parties. The scapegoating sub-hypothesis expect that voters who feel that core normative beliefs of the moral economy of the welfare state are being violated by individuals or outgroups should support the radical right because it fosters an exclusive conception of welfare politics. On the supply side, the programmatic shift sub-hypothesis expects that radical right parties turn their back on their initial ‘winning formula’ (which entailed retrenchment of welfare institutions) in order to adopt protective welfare preferences that match their constituents’ economic insecurity. The exclusive solidarity sub-hypothesis expects that radical right parties frame their welfare preference in terms of group inclusion and exclusion. I find that economic insecurity and welfare specific attitudes (welfare populism, welfare chauvinism, welfare limitation and egalitarianism) underlie voters’ support for radical right parties. Conversely, some – but not all – West European radical right parties have adapted their welfare preferences towards protective welfare policies in order to match their constituents’ concerns. However, all radical right parties put forward an exclusive conception of solidarity. These findings contribute to a finer-grained understanding of the electoral of radical right parties in Western Europe, and also open a broader research agenda for the better inclusion of welfare politics in electoral studies.
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Zaslove, Andrej. "The politics of radical right populism : Post-Fordism, the crisis of the welfare state, and the Lega Nord /." 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ99263.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2003. Graduate Programme in Political Science.Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 418-433). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ99263
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Powell, Catherine. "Justice, Care and the Welfare State by Daniel Engster [Book review]." 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/8123.
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yesJustice, Care and the Welfare State’ presents a justice theory to guide welfare policies across Western societies. As the author highlights “the main value of this book is to provide some insight into how Western welfare states can be reformed to better promote justice under contemporary social and economic conditions” (p.3).
The full text will be available at the end of the publisher's embargo.
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BEAUDONNET, Laurie. "A threatening horizon? : social concerns, the welfare state and public opinion towards Europe." Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/26441.
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Examining Board:
Pr Mark N. Franklin, European University Institute (EUI Supervisor),
Dr. Bruno Cautrès, CNRS – Cevipof Sciences Po Paris (External Supervisor),
Pr. Stefano Bartolini, European University Institute,
Pr. Russell J. Dalton, University of California at Irvine.Defence date: 25 July 2012
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
European integration challenges the social boundaries of nation states and this phenomenon is not without consequences for individual attitudes. Within public debate, the impact of European integration on the welfare states has been extensively discussed, but we still lack conclusive analysis of the consequences for individual support for Europe. This thesis is an attempt to complement our knowledge on the logics of support for European integration. It investigates how individuals account for the economic and social consequences of integration and documents the logic underlying one the most salient issues in the present debate on Europe: redistribution. It investigates the individual and structural effects of redistribution on attitudes towards Europe, with a particular emphasis on how these effects develop across time and across different national contexts. Specifically, this study determines under what conditions European integration is perceived by citizens as a threat to national welfare regimes, and what are the consequences in terms of political allegiance. The causal mechanism is tested at three levels and over three different periods: at the European level (public opinion in Europe Twelve) and from 1986 to 2010, at the national level (public opinion in the Member states of Europe Fifteen), from 1996 to 2006, at the individual level, in 2009, in the twenty seven Member states of the European Union. Findings show that social protection has both structural and individual level effects on support for Europe, providing a narrative for changes in the level of support for Europe over time and explaining a large share of between-country differences, at the aggregate level. At the individual level, both welfare regimes and welfare issues have a strong impact on support for Europe. When it comes to social protection, the European Union works like a distant, yet strong, threat for individuals.
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VAN, KERSBERGEN Kees. "Social capitalism : a study of Christian democracy and the post-war settlement of the welfare state." Doctoral thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5309.
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Defence date: 20 December 1991Examining board: Prof. Gøsta Esping-Andersen (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Franz-Xaver Kaufmann (Universität Bielefeld) ; Prof. Hans Keman (Free University, Amsterdam) ; Prof. Roger Morgan (EUI) ; Prof. John D. Stephens (Northwestern University, USA)
First made available online: 7 June 2016
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DE, RUITER Rik. "To prevent a shift of competences? Developing the open method of coordination: Education, research and development, social inclusion and e-Europe." Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10443.
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Defence date: 1 October 2007Examining board: Prof. Virginie Guiraudon (EUI) ; Prof. Anton Hemerijck (WRR/Erasmus University Rotterdam) ; Prof. Adrienne Héritier (EUI)(Supervisor) ; Prof. Claudio Radaelli (University of Exeter)
First made available online 2 June 2015.
This thesis addresses the questions of why national governments choose the OMC and, especially, which factors explain the degree of development of its infrastructure (i.e. the presence of guidelines, indicators, benchmarks, National Action Plans, and peer review). The positive correlation between the development of the infrastructure of an OMC on an issue, and the saliency of this issue in the eyes of the public is taken as a starting point for answering these questions. It is claimed that national governments opt for an OMC with a highly developed infrastructure when they have an incentive to act on an issue on the European level, and at the same time fear a shift of competences because of the saliency of this issue. This conflict is reinforced when the particular issue forms part of the electoral profile of a political party in government and there is public support for more EU involvement with regard to this issue. The stronger the reluctance of member states to act on the European level, the more member states see a necessity to erect a barrier against a shift of competences, and the more the infrastructure of the OMC will be developed in order to prevent a shift to a less intergovernmental governance mode. In this way, the degree of development of the OMC is expected to be positively linked with the capacity of the OMC to function as a barrier against a shift of competences. For assessing these claims, four policy fields on which the Lisbon Council decided to adopt an OMC are selected: education, research and development, social inclusion, and the e-Europe initiative.
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Craveiro, Daniela Mourão. "Tied to inequality: How macro and micro societal contexts shape health inequalities in later life in Europe." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/46022.
Full textAbstract:
Tese de Doutoramento em SociologiaHealth inequalities refer to the unjust and systematic differences in health that are related to differential access to material and social resources among individuals of different socioeconomic positions. Building upon the Theory of Fundamental Causes, health inequalities are understood as contextualised relations between resources and health. Socioeconomic position is therefore identified as the key component of a meta-mechanism that transforms differences in resources in health inequalities, by multiple pathways and mechanisms whose relevance is shaped by context. This dissertation is dedicated to the study of these contextual implications in health inequalities in later life in Europe. Two levels of analysis are highlighted in the theory and in the empirical research within this contextualised understanding of health inequality: a macro structural level and a micro interactive level. Within these two levels the contextual implications have only scarcely been explored in the current literature. This thesis addresses these limitations by studying the micro and macro contextual implications on health inequalities, and the interaction of these two levels of analysis. In this scope, welfare state regimes, at macro level, and social networks, at micro level, are identified as important dimensions in characterising health-relevant contextual features for the aged population. Two descriptive studies were developed to address the complexity of the association between socioeconomic position and health in these levels of analysis. In the first empirical study (Study 1) the associations between socioeconomic position indicators and health indicators were compared across countries and welfare state regimes. Then, the influences of close interactive contexts were analysed within a qualitative study concerned with the lay conceptions of health and their relation to the socioeconomic position (Study 2). Finally, a study was developed focusing the analysis on the role of social networks (micro) on health inequalities in different welfare state regimes (macro), integrating the critical discussions presented in the former studies (Study 3). This research relies on two sources that compile data from people aged 50 or above. The quantitative studies are based on data from the fourth wave of Survey of Health, Aging, and Retirement in Europe (SHARE), collected between 2010 and 2011; and the qualitative study on 28 semi-structured interviews collected in the period of between February and April of 2014. This dissertation demonstrates how the association between socioeconomic position and health is shaped by macro and micro societal contexts. It identifies the importance of these implications in the development of policies targeting health inequalities and offers new empirical clues to support the development of a recent analytical approach in health inequality research.
As desigualdades na saúde referem-se às diferenças injustas e sistemáticas saúde que estão relacionadas com o acesso diferencial a recursos materiais e sociais entre indivíduos de diferentes posições socioeconómicas. Com base na Teoria das Causas Fundamentais, as desigualdades na saúde são entendidas como relações contextualizadas entre recursos e saúde. A posição socioeconómica é, neste sentido, identificada como a peça-chave de uma metamecanismo que transforma as diferenças em recursos em desigualdades na saúde, por múltiplas vias e mecanismos cuja relevância é moldada pelo contexto. Esta dissertação é dedicada ao estudo das implicações contextuais nas desigualdades de saúde na população envelhecida na Europa. São identificados dois níveis de análise na teoria e na pesquisa empírica desenvolvida no âmbito desta abordagem contextualizada das desigualdades na saúde: um nível de análise macroestrutural, e um nível de análise micro interactivo. Em ambos os níveis de análise, as relações entre o contexto social e a desigualdade na saúde estão pouco esclarecidas na literatura. Esta tese aborda estas limitações, estudando o papel de contextos sociais de nível macro e de nível micro e interacção desses dois níveis de análise na desigualdade da saúde. Com este objectivo, dois conceitos são identificadas como dimensões particularmente importantes na caracterização características contextuais relevantes em termos de saúde para a população idosa: a nível macro, o regime de Estado Social, e a nível micro as redes sociais pessoais. Em primeiro lugar, foram desenvolvidos dois estudos descritivos para abordar a complexidade da associação entre posição socioeconómica e a saúde nos dois níveis de análise identificados. No primeiro estudo empírico as associações entre indicadores da posição socioeconómica e de saúde foram comparados entre países e entre regimes de Estado Social. Posteriormente, as influências do contexto interactivo foram consideradas num estudo qualitativo focado nas concepções leigas de saúde e sua relação com a posição socioeconómica. Na segunda fase da pesquisa, foi desenvolvido um estudo focado na análise do papel das redes sociais (micro) nas desigualdades na saúde em diferentes regimes de Estado Social (macro), integrando as discussões críticas apresentadas nos estudos anteriores. A pesquisa baseia-se em duas fontes que integram dados de pessoas com idade igual ou superior a 50 anos. Os estudos quantitativos são baseados em dados da quarta vaga do inquérito SHARE (Survey of Health, Aging, and Retirement in Europe), recolhida entre 2010 e 2011. O estudo qualitativo, por sua vez, baseia-se no conjunto de 28 entrevistas recolhidas entre Fevereiro e Abril de 2014. Esta dissertação demonstra como a associação entre a posição socioeconómica e a saúde é moldada pelo contexto social de nível macro e de nível micro. A abordagem identifica a importância destas implicações no desenvolvimento de políticas direccionadas para a desigualdade em saúde e oferece novas pistas empíricas para apoiar o desenvolvimento de uma recente abordagem analítica na investigação das desigualdades na saúde.
SFRH/BD/80052/2011; VS/2009/0562
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Duyulmus, Cem Utku. "Social Policy Reforms in Turkey : Uses of Europe." Thèse, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/10337.
Full textAbstract:
Ce mémoire analyse trois réformes majeures de politique sociale en Turquie, en deux domaines: emploi et sécurité social. En utilisant l'approche "Usage de l'Europe", ce mémoire developpe une analyse empirique et apporte une explication théorique de ces changements qui ont été introduits au cours du processus d'adhésion de la Turquie à l'Union européenne.
"Les usages de l'Europe" est une approche d'européanisation qui se concentre sur le rôle des acteurs domestiques, au sein des États membres et candidats, ainsi que de leur utilisation des ressources de l'Union européenne. Les études de cas utilisées dans cette thèse démontrent l'introduction de changements au niveau de l'État-providence; ainsi, l'approche originelle est suppléée par des concepts provenant de la littérature sur la politique partisane, les institutions formelles et l'héritage des politiques.
Cette recherche utilise la méthode de l'analyse de processus pour suivre la réforme des règlements du travail par la voie de reconstitution des droits individuels des travailleurs et de l'Agence d'emploi en Turquie jusqu'en 2003, ainsi que la transformation du système de sécurité sociale en 2008. Ces trois réformes représentent des changements majeurs tant sur le plan institutionnel que politique en Turquie depuis 2001. Afin de comprendre "les usages de l'Europe" dans ces réformes politiques, l'analyse empirique questionne, si, quand et comment les acteurs turcs ont utilisé les ressources, les références et les développements politiques de l'Union européenne lors de ce processus dynamique de réforme.
Les réformes du système de sécurité sociale, des règlements du travail, en plus de la reconstitution de l'Agence d'emploi étaient à l'ordre du jour en Turquie depuis les années 1990. La réforme des règlements du travail ont entraîné l'introduction des accommodements flexibles au travail et une révision de la Loi du travail permettant l'établissement d'une législation de la sécurité d'emploi. La reconstitution de l'Agence d'emploi visait à remplacer la vieille institution défunte par une institution moderne afin d'introduire des politiques d'activation. La réforme de sécurité sociale comprend les pensions de retraite, le système de santé ainsi que l'administration des institutions de sécurité sociale.
Les principaux résultats révèlent que la provision des ressources de l'Union européenne en Turquie a augmenté à partir de la reconnaissance de sa candidature en 1999 et ce, jusqu'au lancement des négociations pour son adhésion en 2005; ce qui fut une occasion favorable pour les acteurs domestiques impliqués dans les processus de réformes. Cependant, à l'encontre de certaines attentes originelles de l'approche de "les usages de l'Europe", les résultats de cette recherche démontrent que le temps et le sort de "les usages de l'Europe" dépendent des intérêts des acteurs domestiques, ainsi de leurs stratégies tout au long de ce processus de réforme, plutôt que des phases du processus ou la quantité des ressources fournies par l'Union européenne.This dissertation analyses three major social policy reforms in Turkey in two policy domains: employment and social security. By adopting the Uses of Europe theoretical approach, it aims to analyze empirically and to explain theoretically the uses of Europe in two domains of social policy during the EU membership process in Turkey. Uses of Europe is an actor-centered approach to Europeanization that focuses on the role of national actors, in member and candidate states, and their use of EU resources. The case studies in this thesis involve welfare state changes. Thus the original approach is complemented by concepts from the welfare state literature on formal institutions, partisan politics and policy legacies. This research uses a process-tracing methodology to follow the reform of labor regulations via the restructuring of individual labor rights, restructuring of the Turkish employment agency up through 2003 and the transformation of the social security system by 2008. Both represent major institutional and policy changes in the post-2001 period in Turkey. In order to understand the uses Europe in these policy reforms, the empirical analysis asks whether, where, and how Turkish actors were using EU resources, references and policy developments within the dynamic processes of reform. The reforms of the social security system, labor regulation and the restructuring of the employment agency have been on the agenda in Turkey since the mid-1990’s. The reform of labor regulations involved the introduction of flexible work arrangements and job security legislation into a revised Labor Act. The restructuring of the employment agency aimed to replace the old institution that had become defunct with a modern institution oriented towards active labor market policies. The social security reform comprising pension, healthcare and administrative components aimed to ensure financial sustainability and increase the coverage of the system. The main findings were that the supply of EU resources in Turkey increased from the recognition of its candidate status in 1999 to the launch of accession negotiations in 2005. This supply offered opportunities for national actors involved in the reform processes, via legitimizing uses of Europe, obfuscation and credit claiming, among other practices. However in contrast to some of the expectations of the original Uses of Europe approach, the findings of this research demonstrate that the type and timing of uses of Europe depend on the national actors’ interests and coalition-building strategies in the reform process rather than on the stage of the reform process or amount of resources supplied by the European Union.
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Browning, Sean. "The mental health and well-being of informal caregivers in Europe: regime type, intersectionality, and the stress process." Thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/12877.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation addresses the role of welfare state/family care regimes, intersecting social locations and stress process factors in influencing the mental health and subjective well-being of informal caregivers of care recipients with age-related needs or disabilities within a European international context. Empirical analyses were conducted with secondary data from the 2012 and 2016 European Quality of Life Surveys. The study sample included informal caregivers (n=6,007) residing in seven different welfare state/family care regimes, including Denmark, Sweden, France, Germany, Italy, Greece and the United Kingdom. Ordinary least squares and ordered logit regression models revealed that welfare state/family care regime, social location (including both additive and interactive associations among gender, age group, marital status, and income), and stress process factors were independently associated with the mental health and life satisfaction of informal caregivers. Furthermore, there was some evidence to suggest that social location and stress process factors mediate some of the relationships between regime type and self-reported health and well-being and that stress process factors mediate relationships between social location factors and mental health and well-being.
Overall, the results provide support for integrating welfare state/family care regime
type and intersectionality factors into the SPM. Thus, future research on informal caregivers‘ mental health and well-being ought to incorporate such factors into their empirical analyses. The results also have some policy and practice implications. Residence in social democratic formal (Denmark), semi-formal (Sweden) and conservative formal (France) care regimes was the most beneficial to informal caregivers self-reported mental health. This was also the case for life satisfaction, except that residence in the liberal semi-formal (UK) was more beneficial than in the conservative formal (France) care regime. Mediating social location and stress process factors suggest that UK policy makers should address the greater social location disparities, greater role overload, and lack of coping resources that advantage Danish and Swedish informal caregivers compared to those residing in the UK. Lastly, policy makers from all the European countries assessed in the study should address the poorer mental health status of women and rural informal caregivers, those who experience role overload, secondary stressors, and lack coping resources. They should also address the the lower levels of formal education, more secondary stressors, and lack of coping resources associated with poorer subjective well-being.Graduate
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Baloyi, Colonel Rex. "Interpretations of academic freedom :." Diss., 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18051.
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