Journal articles on the topic 'Wattle Park'

SummaryTwenty-eight predominantly tropical bird species have ranges that only just extend into the north-eastern part of South Africa, mainly within the Kruger National Park (KNP). These species are listed as “rare” (200 breeding pairs) in the South African Red Data Book (Brooke 1984). This study assesses the extent to which six of these rare bird species represent viable populations in the KNP. Grid squares in the KNP (2.5 × 2.5 miles) were visually assessed according to several bird habitat parameters. Bird records were also plotted on this grid system and habitat associations were identified for each species. This allowed for the measurement of total suitable habitat within the KNP for each species. Bird densities within known habitat were determined using spot-mapping and fixed-distance strip-transect techniques. Estimated population sizes for each species were obtained by extrapolating density estimates to total suitable habitat. Of the six study species, Arnot's Chat, Rudd's Apalis, Wattle-eyed Flycatcher and Tropical Boubou are likely to occur in sufficient numbers to constitute viable populations within the KNP, with estimated population sizes of 1,394, 4/758/ 2,070 and 10,450 birds respectively. The populations of White-crowned Plover and Long-tailed Starling are probably too small to be viable in the long term, with estimated population sizes of 305 and 382 birds respectively. The results presented here are testable and can be used as a baseline for future monitoring.

Sangay National Park is located at the mid-eastern Andean foothills of the Cordillera Oriental of Ecuador. We present a preliminary avifauna inventory corresponding to the lower zone of the Sangay National Park (SNP). One-hundred and twenty-seven bird species belonging to 39 families were recorded, including noteworthy records that represent range extensions for four species, Phaetornis hispidus (Gould 1846) (White-bearded Hermit), Ramphastos ambiguus Swainson 1823 (Black-mandibled Toucan), Phylloscartes orbitalis (Cabanis 1873) (Spectacled Bristle Tyrant), and Microcerculus bambla (Boddaert 1783) (Wing-banded Wren). We also obtained information on threatened species such as Aburria aburri (Lesson 1828) (Wattled Guan), Phlogophilus hemileucurus Gould 1860 (Ecuadorian Piedtail), and Dendroica cerulea (Wilson 1810) (Cerulean Warbler) and reproductive data on one species, Patagioenas speciosa (Gmelin 1789) (Scaled Pigeon). To our knowledge this is a first ornithological survey carried out at this specific site of the SNP.

Se entrega antecedentes sobre el recurso existente de Acacia saligna en la Región de Coquimbo en Chile, su adaptación fisiológica y la experiencia histórica en el manejo silvícola para la producción de forraje para ovinos y caprinos. Se proporciona también información reciente sobre nuevas investigaciones del potencial alimentario para la producción de harinas a través del procesamiento de sus semillas basado en la experiencia del Wattle Seed en Australia como innovación tecnológica. Esta investigación es parte del proyecto Harinas Funcionales de Acacia saligna financiado por la Fundación para la Innovación Agraria (FIA).

Considerando-se que a atual tendência do melhoramento florestal é a integração das técnicas clássicas com as de análise genética molecular, faz-se necessária a obtenção de protocolos de extração de DNA genômico ajustados a cada espécie estudada. O objetivo do trabalho foi determinar o efeito de diferentes adaptações no protocolo de extração de DNA genômico CTAB para acácia-negra. Foram testados diferentes componentes na fase de extração orgânica: clorofórmio, fenol e proteinase K, além da aplicação de RNase após a fase de precipitação e limpeza do DNA. Também, foi investigada a eficiência destes tratamentos em amostras de folíolos frescas ou armazenadas em baixa temperatura durante sete dias. Foi verificada a presença de DNA de todas as amostras submetidas à extração pelo protocolo de CTAB com os diferentes tratamentos. O tempo de armazenamento das amostras não influenciou na integridade do DNA, entretanto, foi possível observar que a adição de RNase melhorou a qualidade do DNA extraído. Deste modo, sugere-se a utilização do protocolo CTAB com uso de clorofórmio e RNase, com amostras frescas ou armazenadas em baixas temperaturas.

Abstract We used morphological measurements and behavioral observations to investigate the relationship between male ornaments and male social rank during the breeding season in a free-ranging population of one-year-old Ring-necked Pheasants (Phasianus colchicus). The sample was of birds of the same age class to avoid the confounding effect of age differences. Tail length, used by females in mate choice, and tarsal spur length, used by males as a weapon in fights, were not correlated with male rank, whereas the size of the wattle was the most important trait. This combined with recent studies showing that wattle size reliably indicates male testosterone levels at the beginning of the breeding season suggest that, among males, wattle size may be used as a signal of aggression level, and body condition. El Tamaño de las Carúnculas Está Correlacionado con el Rango Territorial de los Machos en Faisanes Phasianus colchicus Juveniles Resumen. Utilizamos medidas morfológicas y observaciones de comportamiento para investigar la relación entre los ornamentos de los machos y el rango social de éstos durante la época reproductiva en una población silvestre de faisanes Phasianus colchicus de un año de edad. La muestra consistió de aves de la misma clase de edad para evitar el efecto de diferencias entre edades. La longitud de la cola (utilizada por las hembras en la selección de pareja) y la longitud de la espuela tarsal (utilizada por los machos como un arma en enfrentamientos) no se correlacionaron con el rango de los machos, mientras que el tamaño de la carúncula fue el caracter más importante. En combinación con estudios recientes que muestran que el tamaño de la carúncula indica confiablemente los niveles de testosterona en los machos al inicio de la época reproductiva, esto sugiere que el tamaño de la carúncula podría ser usado como una señal de niveles de agresión y condición corporal entre los machos.

The paper reports the results of the studies of the fortification system of the Early Iron Age Dikaya Yama hill-fort situated in the Middle Tobol River region of the Western Siberian forest-steppe zone. The hillfort was built by the population of the Sargatka Culture, and it is dated to the 3rd c. BC — 1st c. AD. The defence lines at the junc-tion of two adjacent fortified platforms have been studied. It has been determined that the earthwork of the first platform was built up from turfen blocks; the presence of traces of postholes suggests that the earthwork was reinforced with a wooden-frame wall — a wattle fence. The ditch between the platforms had a trapezoidal shape with the size of 3.2–4 m of the upper part and 1.2–1.6 m of the lower part. The soil from the ditch was placed into the mound of the rampart of the second platform. The mathematical analysis of the volume of earth making the mound of the rampart allowed establishing its height of 2.0 m. Analysis of the stratigraphy and planigraphy re-vealed the remains of a frame structure set on the rampart. The wattle fence on top of the rampart and the para-pet along it have been reconstructed. Moreover, there have been identified the remains of a frame-and-pillar structure installed into the body of the rampart, which was aimed to strengthen the mound and prevent untimely slipping. A graphic reconstruction of the appearance of the fortifications existed on the studied site has been cre-ated. Carcass fortifications of the wattle fence type, a wall constructed in “zaplot” technique, set on the rampart, have analogies in the Early Iron Age hillforts of the Tobol-Irtysh interfluve: Kolovskoe, Rafailovskoe, Ak-Tau, and Pavlinovo. There existed a tradition of mounting a palisade into a ditch-trench — such structures have been re-corded at the hillforts of Borovushka, Likhachevskoe, Bochanetskoe, Inberen 4 and Rozanovo, Mar'ino Ushchel'ye 4 and Malo-Kazakbaevskoe. The fortification system of the hillfort of Dikaya Yama, which, structurally, is represented by the earthwork ramparts on top of which there were mounted wooden walls in the technique of the wattle fence, is consistent with the traditional scheme of the fortifications of the Early Iron Age population. The question of simultaneous or sequential building of the platforms of the hillfort will be addressed in future work. However, the unified planning solution in organizing forms of the fortification structures implies, in our opinion, preliminary design of the whole settlement and its construction at one time.

Bat boxes are often used to provide supplementary roosting habitats; however, little is known of their impacts on community composition. Data collected from a 25-year box-monitoring and 31-year harp trapping case study provides preliminary evidence that the installation of boxes may have contributed to one species, Gould’s wattled bat (Chalinolobus gouldii), dominating the bat community of a periurban park in Melbourne. This highlights the need for systematic monitoring and empirical assessment of conservation-focused bat box programs.

In the present study, the first outbreak of a penguinpox virus (PPV) in Humboldt penguins (Spheniscus humboldti) and four outbreaks of fowlpox virus (FPV) in layer chickens are reported. Clinically, cutaneous wart-like growths were observed around the eyes in four juvenile Humboldt penguins and cutaneous nodular lesions in the comb, wattles, around the eyes and other unfeathered skin parts of layer chickens. Histopathology (FPV and PPV), electron microscopy (PPV), virus isolation (FPV) and PCR amplification (FPV and PPV) confirmed that both isolates were avipoxviruses (APVs). According to the phylogenetic analysis of the partial P4b core protein gene, the Belgian Humboldt PPV clustered with sequences of free-range (domestic and synanthrope bird species) and wild bird species of the United States and Europe (99 - 100% homology), and all four Belgian FPV isolates clustered with FPV isolates of chickens, turkeys, canary and FPV attenuated live vaccines from all over the world (100% homology).

The present study was conducted in Sultanpur National Park Gurgaon, Haryana (India) from February, 2011 to January, 2012 to analyze the avian diversity along with its status and abundance. During the study period, a total of 113 species of birds belonging to 14 orders, 35 families and 80 genera were identified. Maximum 41 species belonging to 12 families of order Passeriformes represented 36.28% of the total identified avian fauna while Podicipediformes and Strigiformes were the least represented avian orders (0.88%) with one species each,namely, Little Grebe, Tachybaptus ruficollis and Spotted Owlet, Athene brama respectively. Out of total reported 113 species, 64 were ‘resident’ species and 49 were ‘migrant’ species. Most of the migratory species were winter visitors except Red throated flycatcher, Ficedula parva; Orange Headed Thrush, Zoothera citrine and Eurasian Golden Oriole, Oriolus oriolus which were summer visitors. In all, 42 species were ‘common’, 33 species were ‘uncommon’ and 38 species were ‘occasional’ bird species. Based on sighting, White Breasted Kingfisher, Halcyonsmyrnensis; White Breasted Water Hen, Amaurornis phoenicurus; Common Moorhen, Gallinule chloropus; Black Wing Stilt, Himantopus himantopus; Red Wattled lapwing, Vanellus indicus; Cattle Egret, Bubulcus ibis and Indian Pond Heron, Ardeola grayii were common wetland bird species of Sultanpur National Park while Pied king fisher, Ceryle rudis and Coppersmith Barbet, Megalaima haemacephala were ‘rarely sighted’ bird species. During the study period, 7 ‘globally threatened’ species, namely, Painted Stork, Mycteria leucocephala; Black neck Stork, Ephippiorhynchus asiaticus; Black headed Ibis, Threskiornis melanocephalus; Darter, Anhinga melanogaster; Pacific Reef Egret, Egretta sacra; Sarus Crane, Grus antigone alongwith Hogson bushchat, Saxicola insignis were also recorded from the study area.

To maximise bat retention in urban environments, efficient bat monitoring is needed, but the factors that influence survey results for urban bats are unclear. We used echolocation call detectors (n = 378 detector-nights from November 2005 to October 2006) to assess bat activity among different sites in the Adelaide City parklands, temporal variations in activity (hourly, nightly, monthly), and responses to weather and light (artificial and moon). Bat species did not occur evenly in urban conditions; dark parks were more important for bat diversity and activity (six species groups in the darkest park) than were artificially lit parkland areas (three species groups in the flood-lit park). Gould’s wattled bat (Chalinolobus gouldii) and Mormopterus species 4 (94% of calls) were advantaged in urban parklands, being the only species recorded when lights were on at sports parks, whereas five species groups occurred when the lights were off. Minimal bat activity was recorded in the first 2 h after civil twilight, suggesting that bats may roost outside the city and commute nightly into parklands. Bat activity increased with temperature, with a burst in activity occurring after 7°C. Rainfall (>1 mm/24 h) and moon illumination at midnight did not influence activity. Urban environments should provide diversity to attract a diverse assemblage of bat species. Activity fluctuated among sites, nights, and across the year, indicating that large sample sizes over long periods of time are required to monitor and survey bats reliably with detectors.

DEVELOPMENT AND TESTING OF A COMPUTER MODEL TO SIMULATE WATER TABLE RESPONSE TO SUBIRRIGATION Jadir Aparecido RosaPólo Regional de Ponta Grossa, Instituto Agronômico do Paraná , Caixa Postal 129, CEP 84001-970, Ponta Grossa – PR, E-mail: jrosa@pr.gov.brAllen George Smajstrla (deceased)Kenneth Leonard Campbell Agricultural and Biological Engineering Department, University of Florida, PO Box 110570, Gainesville - Florida, 36511-0570 USA, E-mail: klc@agen.ufl.edu 1 ABSTRACT A two-dimensional finite difference model (WATABLE) was developed to simulate water movement from a buried microirrigation line source, and the response of the water table to irrigation, precipitation, evapotranspiration, deep percolation, and runoff. The water uptake by plant roots was simulated by an extraction function with a root distribution term. Deep percolation was modeled with a water table-drainage flux relationship, and runoff was simulated at the surface and at the face of the water furrow. The accuracy of the model in simulating infiltration and redistribution of soil water was determined by comparison with other computer simulations and experimental observations from the literature. The comparisons were selected to test the applicability and accuracy of the model with soils that had widely varying hydraulic properties. Results from WATABLE agreed very well with other simulation models and the model was able to reproduce closely the experimental results taken for comparison. This article focuses on the development and testing of the simulation model and a further article will present the calibration and verification of the model comparing results with experimental observations on water table management research plots. KEYWORDS: drainage, modeling, subsurface drip irrigation. ROSA, J.A., SMAJSTRLA, A.G., CAMPBELL, K.L. DESENVOLVIMENTO E TESTE DE UM MODELO COMPUTACIONAL PARA SIMULAR A RESPOSTA DO LENÇOL FREÁTICO À SUBIRRIGAÇÃO 2 RESUMO Um modelo computacional em duas dimensões (WATABLE) foi desenvolvido para simular o movimento de água a partir de uma linha de irrigação localizada enterrada, e a resposta do nível do lençol à irrigação, precipitação, evapotranspiração, percolação profunda e escorrimento superficial. O consumo de água pelas raízes foi simulado com uma função de extração e um termo de distribuição de raízes. A percolação profunda foi modelada através de uma relação entre profundidade do lençol e fluxo de drenagem na parte inferior do perfil. A precisão do modelo na simulação da infiltração e da redistribuição da água no solo foi determinada comparando-se resultados obtidos com este modelo e simulações feitas com outros modelos e dados experimentais obtidos na literatura. As comparações foram selecionadas de modo a testar a aplicabilidade e precisão do modelo em diferentes tipos de solos. Os resultados obtidos com o WATABLE foram concordantes com aqueles obtidos com outros modelos, e o modelo foi capaz de reproduzir muito bem os resultados experimentais tomados como referências. Este artigo apresenta o desenvolvimento e os testes de simulação com o modelo, e um futuro artigo apresentará os resultados da calibração e verificação do modelo usando-se dados de campo obtidos em uma área experimental em manejo de lençol freático. UNITERMOS: drenagem, modelagem, irrigação por subsuperfície.

O presente artigo tem por objetivo apresentar um novo conceito do fenômeno histórico da moda. A construção dessa teoria ocorreu ao se voltar o olhar para as origens do processo moderno da moda no século XVIII francês. Por meio da análise de parte da obra artística de Antoine Watteu (1684-1721), relacionando-a com a moda de seu tempo e com imagens de outras temporalidades, obteve-se como resultado uma pesquisa inédita tanto no Brasil como no exterior. Analisando o traje como elemento essencial dentro da construção da visualidade do artista, foi possível perceber a moda como um fenômeno sociocultural pautado por um constante movimento entre mudanças e permanências.

Este artigo investiga o papel que o conceito de representação mental teve nodesenvolvimento das ciências cognitivas. Entendemos que estas ciências apresentam três paradigmas centrais que se distinguem, principalmente, pela consideração que fazem sobre a noção de representação mental. O paradigma cognitivista fundamenta-se sobre o entendimento de que a mente opera sobre um conjunto de representações simbólicas armazenadas e manipuladas em processos funcionalmente computacionais. O paradigma conexionista descreve a mente como um sistema de processamento paralelo e distribuído que realiza operações sobre representações subsimbólicas. O paradigma dinâmico da cognição estuda a mente por outras abordagens, inclusive não computacionais, que questionam a necessidade explicativa da noção de representação mental. Um dos modelos mais discutidos na literatura, com relação ao debate entre as visões representacionalistas e as não-representacionalistas, é o Watt’s Governor, um mecanismo de autorregulação para caldeiras à vapor. Por um lado, argumenta-se que o Watt’s Governor é um sistema não-representacional de autocontrole; por outro lado, postula-se que o aparato é um sistema representacional. Haselager et al. (2003) discutem esse embate e concluem que a ubiquidade da representação enfraquece este conceito e expõe a falácia de se considerá-la como condição necessária na explicação de fenômenos mentais. Nesse sentido, discutimos as conclusões desses autores e abordamos a hipótese de que a semiótica pode oferecer contribuições interessantes às ciências cognitivas, em suas considerações sobre os tipos e formas das representações.

Abstract A 43-year-old woman presented with progressing signs of a space-occupying brain stem lesion. A computed tomographic scan revealed a hyperdense process located in the pons. Magnetic resonance imaging confirmed the lesion, which had a reticulated core of increased and decreased signal intensity. Vertebral angiography did not show any vascular supply of the process. The patient was operated upon in the lateral park bench position. The lesion, being located close to the exit zone of the trigeminal nerve, could be removed totally with incision of the brain stem and atraumatic vaporization of the tumor tissue with the CO2laser. Despite the fact that the histopathological examination revealed a cavernous angioma the application of laser energy was judged to be extremely valuable for the surgical procedure. It was concluded that with proper selection of application mode and wattage the CO2laser may be used for extirpation of vascularized lesions also especially when situated in or close to deep lying vital structures of the brain.

Este artículo presenta el análisis de los tres primeros errores más comunes en la producción escrita del inglés como lengua extranjera (EFL) en un corpus de aprendices recolectado en la Universidad del Norte de Barranquilla, Colombia. El corpus fue recopilado siguiendo los parámetros de la lingüística de corpus computacional y la extracción de errores se hizo con software especializado en análisis lingüístico WordSmith Tools 5, Scott (2008) y Lancsbox, Brezina, McEnery, & Wattam (2015). El análisis se basó en la teoría de Corder, ( 1981) y James, (1998) sobre el análisis de errores (AE) y usando el etiquetador de la Universidad de Louvaina (Dagneaux et al., 2005a) para obtener resultados comparables con trabajos similares. De acuerdo con los resultados, los tres errores más relevantes en la escritura de estudiantes universitarios pertenecen a las categorías de Forma (FS), Gramática (G), y Léxico (LS)

This branch of the Pigotts can be traced back to Adam Pigott (d.?1737), a London merchant, member of the Cutlers’ Company where his mark of a dolphin was registered in 1664, who was residing near Temple Gate in 1676. In 1678 Adam Pigott and James Allen negotiated a lease from the Duke of Bedford for the construction of Covent Garden Market, with the obligation to pave the area and construct houses and shops. Adam’s wife is not mentioned in his will and presumably predeceased him, but there were at least two sons, Nathaniel (1661–1737) who died shortly after his father, but through whom this story continues, and Adam (1673–1751) who entered the Society of Jesus at Watten, near St. Omer, was professed in 1694 and, after serving as chaplain at Calehill, Kent, the home of the Darell family, died at Crondon Park, Essex, the seat of the Petre and Mason families, on 30 April 1751. In common with virtually every priest of the period, Adam Pigott used an alias for security reasons, this alias being in many cases the mother’s maiden name. Adam Pigott’s alias was Griffin, which may therefore have been his mother’s original surname.

Esta investigación presenta los resultados en la micro-cuenca del río Trintara, perteneciente a la cuenca del río Coco, en el Municipio de Waspam, RAAN, Nicaragua. El objetivo fue analizar la vulnerabilidad a la contaminación del recurso hídrico y proponer alternativas de manejo adecuado para reducir la contaminación. En la metodología documental se han descrito las características socioeconómicas y biofísicas, así como la contaminación e informes de trabajo del municipio. Para el análisis de la vulnerabilidad global a la contaminación de la micro cuenca se tomó como base la metodología descrita por Watler (2008), que presenta la vulnerabilidad, basada en los criterios de Wilches-Chaux (1993). Los resultados muestran que la vulnerabilidad global a la contaminación de la micro-cuenca del río Trintara es de 2.98 (61.78 %), caracterizándose con una alta vulnerabilidad a la contaminación. La vulnerabilidad social, educativa, política-institucional y económica, están en el rango de alta vulnerabilidad con un valor superior a tres, todas tienen que ver con acciones directas de la población. En cambio, la vulnerabilidad física y ecológica presenta una valoración de vulnerabilidad media, con un valor inferior a tres. Se recomienda la aplicación de medidas de ordenación de la micro cuenca de manera institucionalizada con el acompañamiento de las comunidades. CIENCIA E INTERCULTURALIDAD, Volumen 12, Año 6, No. 1, Enero - Julio, 2013; 109-126

The Australian species of the water beetle genus Hydraena Kugelann, 1794, are revised, based on the study of 7,654 specimens. The 29 previously named species are redescribed, and 56 new species are described. The species are placed in 24 species groups. High resolution digital images of all primary types are presented (online version in color), and geographic distributions are mapped. Male genitalia, representative female terminal abdominal segments and representative spermathecae are illustrated. Australian Hydraena are typically found in sandy/gravelly stream margins, often in association with streamside litter; some species are primarily pond dwelling, a few species are humicolous, and one species may be subterranean. The areas of endemicity and species richness coincide quite closely with the Bassian, Torresian, and Timorian biogeographic subregions. Eleven species are shared between the Bassian and Torresian subregions, and twelve are shared between the Torresian and Timorian subregions. Only one species, H. impercepta Zwick, is known to be found in both Australia and Papua New Guinea. One Australian species, H. ambiflagellata, is also known from New Zealand. New species of Hydraena are: H. affirmata (Queensland, Palmerston National Park, Learmouth Creek), H. ambiosina (Queensland, 7 km NE of Tolga), H. antaria (New South Wales, Bruxner Flora Reserve), H. appetita (New South Wales, 14 km W Delagate), H. arcta (Western Australia, Synnot Creek), H. ascensa (Queensland, Rocky Creek, Kennedy Hwy.), H. athertonica (Queensland, Davies Creek), H. australula (Western Australia, Synnot Creek), H. bidefensa (New South Wales, Bruxner Flora Reserve), H. biimpressa (Queensland, 19.5 km ESE Mareeba), H. capacis (New South Wales, Unumgar State Forest, near Grevillia), H. capetribensis (Queensland, Cape Tribulation area), H. converga (Northern Territory, Roderick Creek, Gregory National Park), H. cubista (Western Australia, Mining Camp, Mitchell Plateau), H. cultrata (New South Wales, Bruxner Flora Reserve), H. cunninghamensis (Queensland, Main Range National Park, Cunningham's Gap, Gap Creek), H. darwini (Northern Territory, Darwin), H. deliquesca (Queensland, 5 km E Wallaman Falls), H. disparamera (Queensland, Cape Hillsborough), H. dorrigoensis (New South Wales, Dorrigo National Park, Rosewood Creek, upstream from Coachwood Falls), H. ferethula (Northern Territory, Cooper Creek, 19 km E by S of Mt. Borradaile), H. finniganensis (Queensland, Gap Creek, 5 km ESE Mt. Finnigan), H. forticollis (Western Australia, 4 km W of King Cascade), H. fundaequalis (Victoria, Simpson Creek, 12 km SW Orbost), H. fundata (Queensland, Hann Tableland, 13 km WNW Mareeba), H. hypipamee (Queensland, Mt. Hypipamee National Park, 14 km SW Malanda), H. inancala (Queensland, Girraween National Park, Bald Rock Creek at "Under-ground Creek"), H. innuda (Western Australia, Mitchell Plateau, 16 mi. N Amax Camp), H. intraangulata (Queensland, Leo Creek Mine, McIlwrath Range, E of Coen), H. invicta (New South Wales, Sydney), H. kakadu (Northern Territory, Kakadu National Park, Gubara), H. larsoni (Queensland, Windsor Tablelands), H. latisoror (Queensland, Lamington National Park, stream at head of Moran's Falls), H. luminicollis (Queensland, Lamington National Park, stream at head of Moran's Falls), H. metzeni (Queensland, 15 km NE Mareeba), H. millerorum (Victoria, Traralgon Creek, 0.2 km N 'Hogg Bridge', 5.0 km NNW Balook), H. miniretia (Queensland, Mt. Hypipamee National Park, 14 km SW Malanda), H. mitchellensis (Western Australia, 4 km SbyW Mining Camp, Mitchell Plateau), H. monteithi (Queensland, Thornton Peak, 11 km NE Daintree), H. parciplumea (Northern Territory, McArthur River, 80 km SW of Borroloola), H. porchi (Victoria, Kangaroo Creek on Springhill Rd., 5.8 km E Glenlyon), H. pugillista (Queensland, 7 km N Mt. Spurgeon), H. queenslandica (Queensland, Laceys Creek, 10 km SE El Arish), H. reticuloides (Queensland, 3 km ENE of Mt. Tozer), H. reticulositis (Western Australia, Mining Camp, Mitchell Plateau), H. revelovela (Northern Territory, Kakadu National Park, GungurulLookout), H. spinissima (Queensland, Main Range National Park, Cunningham's Gap, Gap Creek), H. storeyi (Queensland, Cow Bay, N of Daintree River), H. tenuisella (Queensland, 3 km W of Batavia Downs), H. tenuisoror (Australian Capital Territory, Wombat Creek, 6 km NE of Piccadilly Circus), H. textila (Queensland, Laceys Creek, 10 km SE El Arish), H. tridisca (Queensland, Mt. Hemmant), H. triloba (Queensland, Mulgrave River, Goldsborough Road Crossing), H. wattsi (Northern Territory, Holmes Jungle, 11 km NE by E of Darwin), H. weiri (Western Australia, 14 km SbyE Kalumburu Mission), H. zwicki (Queensland, Clacherty Road, via Julatten).

Abstract I report nonrandom selection of sites for incubation mounds and interspecific sharing of mounds by three sympatric megapodes (Wattled Brush-turkey [Aepypodius arfakianus], Brown-collared Talegalla [Talegalla jobiensis] and New Guinea Megapode [Megapodius decollatus]) in the Crater Mountain Wildlife Management Area in the eastern highlands of Papua New Guinea. Talegallas used mounds concurrently with New Guinea Megapodes, and renovated brush-turkey mounds after the latter species had finished breeding. New Guinea Megapodes and brush-turkeys did not use the same mounds. Analysis of 18 environmental variables at 80 mound sites and 91 random points showed that (1) mound sites of the three species differed significantly from random points. Mounds were associated with large trees and in less disturbed habitat, characteristics which contribute to the functioning of the mound. (2) Mound sites of the three species differed from each other. Brush-turkey sites were steeper, and had fewer and smaller trees in the mound and more herbs in the surrounding forest than those of the other two species. New Guinea Megapode and talegalla sites were not clearly separated. (3) Some important environmental variables had significant effects of study location and location × species, suggesting that inter- and intraspecific differences in mound sites are dependent on the habitat in which the mounds are located. Given this, caution should be applied to generalizations about widespread species from site-selection studies in a small subset of habitats. I recommended landowners be advised not to locate gardens or cut trees close to mounds, and exclude some areas from logging concessions and mining leases. Selección de Sitios para Montículos de Incubación en Tres Megapódidos Simpátricos de Papua Nueva Guinea Resumen. Se reporta la selección no azarosa de sitios para incubación y como comparten estos sitios tres especies simpátricas de la familia de Megapodiidae (Aepypodius arfakianus, Talegalla jobiensis y Megapodius decollatus) en tres sitios en el área de manejo de vida silvestre Crater Mountain en las tierras altas del este de Papua Nueva Guinea. Individuos de Talegalla usaron los sitios al mismo tiempo que Megapodius, pero utilizaron sitios de Aepypodius después que ésta los abandonara. Un análisis sobre 18 características ambientales de 80 sitios y 91 puntos ubicados al azar indicó que (1) Las características ambientales de los sitios de incubación de las tres especies fueron significativamente diferentes de las registradas en puntos al azar. Los sitios de incubación se concentraron en áreas con árboles grandes y en áreas con menos perturbación que los puntos azarosos, factores que contribuyen a la función del sitio. (2) Las tres especies utilizaron sitios diferentes: Aepypodius utilizó sitios con mayor pendiente, con menos árboles y de menor tamaños, y con mayor cobertura herbacea en el bosque circundante, que las otras dos especies. Los sitios de Megapodius y de Talegalla no se distinguieron claramente uno de otro. (3) Algunas variables ambientales importantes tuvieron efectos significativos de ubicación y de ubicación × especies, lo cual sugiere que las diferencias entre y dentro de cada especies dependieron del hábitat en el cual se encontraban. Dados estos resultados, se recomienda precaución al generalizar los resultados para especies con amplia distribución geográfica basados en áreas pequeñas. Se recomienda no sembrar, ni cortar árboles cerca de los sitios de incubación, y que algunas áreas sean excluídas de las conseciones para actividades forestales y de mineras.

The Australian endemic humicolous and hygropetric water beetle genus Tympanogaster Perkins, 1979, is revised, based on the study of 7,280 specimens. The genus is redescribed, and redescriptions are provided for T. cornuta (Janssens), T. costata (Deane), T. deanei Perkins, T. macrognatha (Lea), T. novicia (Blackburn), T. obcordata (Deane), T. schizolabra (Deane), and T. subcostata (Deane). Lectotypes are designated for Ochthebius labratus Deane, 1933, and Ochthebius macrognathus Lea, 1926. Ochthebius labratus Deane, 1933, is synonymized with Ochthebius novicius Blackburn, 1896. Three new subgenera are described: Hygrotympanogaster new subgenus (type species Tympanogaster (Hygrotympanogaster) maureenae new species; Topotympanogaster new subgenus (type species Tympanogaster (Topotympanogaster) crista new species; and Plesiotympanogaster new genus (type species Tympanogaster (Plesiotympanogaster) thayerae new species. Seventy-six new species are described, and keys to the subgenera, species groups, and species are given. High resolution digital images of all primary types are presented (online version in color), and geographic distributions are mapped. Male genitalia, representative spermathecae and representative mouthparts are illustrated. Scanning electron micrographs of external morphological characters of adults and larvae are presented. Selected morphological features of the other members of the subtribe Meropathina, Meropathus Enderlein and Tympallopatrum Perkins, are illustrated and compared with those of Tympanogaster. Species of Tympanogaster are typically found in the relict rainforest patches in eastern Australia. Most species have very limited distributions, and relict rainforest patches often have more than one endemic species. The only species currently known from the arid center of Australia, T. novicia, has the widest distribution pattern, ranging into eastern rainforest patches. There is a fairly close correspondence between subgenera and microhabitat preferences. Members of Tympanogaster (s. str.) live in the splash zone, usually on stream boulders, or on bedrock stream margins. The majority of T. (Hygrotympanogaster) species live in the hygropetric zone at the margins of waterfalls, or on steep rockfaces where water is continually trickling; a few rare species have been collected from moss in Nothofagus rainforests. Species of T. (Plesiotympanogaster) have been found in both hygropetric microhabitats and in streamside moss. The exact microhabitats of T. (Topotympanogaster) are unknown, but the morphology of most species suggests non-aquatic habits; most specimens have been collected in humicolous microhabitats, by sifting rainforest debris, or were taken in flight intercept traps. Larvae of hygropetric species are often collected with adults. These larvae have tube-like, dorsally positioned, mesothoracic spiracles that allow the larvae to breathe while under a thin film of water. The key morphological differences between larvae of Tympanogaster (s. str.) and those of Tympanogaster (Hygrotympanogaster) are illustrated. New species of Tympanogaster are: T. (s. str.) aldinga (New South Wales, Dorrigo National Park, Rosewood Creek), T. (s. str.) amaroo (New South Wales, Back Creek, downstream of Moffatt Falls), T. (s. str.) ambigua (Queensland, Cairns), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) arcuata (New South Wales, Kara Creek, 13 km NEbyE of Jindabyne), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) atroargenta (Victoria, Possum Hollow falls, West branch Tarwin River, 5.6 km SSW Allambee), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) barronensis (Queensland, Barron Falls, Kuranda), T. (s. str.) bluensis (New South Wales, Blue Mountains), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) bondi (New South Wales, Bondi Heights), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) bryosa (New South Wales, New England National Park), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) buffalo (Victoria, Mount Buffalo National Park), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) canobolas (New South Wales, Mount Canobolas Park), T. (s. str.) cardwellensis (Queensland, Cardwell Range, Goddard Creek), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) cascadensis (New South Wales, Cascades Campsite, on Tuross River), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) clandestina (Victoria, Grampians National Park, Golton Gorge, 7.0 km W Dadswells Bridge), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) clypeata (Victoria, Grampians National Park, Golton Gorge, 7.0 km W Dadswells Bridge), T. (s. str.) cooloogatta (New South Wales, New England National Park, Five Day Creek), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) coopacambra (Victoria, Beehive Falls, ~2 km E of Cann Valley Highway on 'WB Line'), T. (Topotympanogaster) crista (Queensland, Mount Cleveland summit), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) cudgee (New South Wales, New England National Park, 0.8 km S of Pk. Gate), T. (s. str.) cunninghamensis (Queensland, Main Range National Park, Cunningham's Gap, Gap Creek), T. (s. str.) darlingtoni (New South Wales, Barrington Tops), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) decepta (Victoria, Mount Buffalo National Park), T. (s. str.) dingabledinga (New South Wales, Dorrigo National Park, Rosewood Creek, upstream from Coachwood Falls), T. (s. str.) dorrigoensis (New South Wales, Dorrigo National Park, Rosewood Creek, upstream from Coachwood Falls), T. (Topotympanogaster) dorsa (Queensland, Windin Falls, NW Mount Bartle-Frere), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) duobifida (Victoria, 0.25 km E Binns, Hill Junction, adjacent to Jeeralang West Road, 4.0 km S Jeerelang), T. (s. str.) eungella (Queensland, Finch Hatton Gorge), T. (Topotympanogaster) finniganensis (Queensland, Mount Finnigan summit), T. (s. str.) foveova (New South Wales, Border Ranges National Park, Brindle Creek), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) grampians (Victoria, Grampians National Park, Epacris Falls, 2.5 km WNW Halls Gap), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) gushi (New South Wales, Mount Canobolas Park), T. (s. str.) hypipamee (Queensland, Mount Hypipamee National Park, Barron River headwaters below Dinner Falls), T. (s. str.) illawarra (New South Wales, Macquarie Rivulet Falls, near Wollongong), T. (Topotympanogaster) intricata (Queensland, Mossman Bluff Track, 5–10 km W Mossman), T. (s. str.) jaechi (Queensland, Running Creek, along road between Mount Chinghee National Park and Border Ranges National Park), T. (Topotympanogaster) juga (Queensland, Mount Lewis summit), T. kuranda (Queensland, Barron Falls, Kuranda), T. (s. str.) lamingtonensis (Queensland, Lamington National Park, Lightening Creek), T. (s. str.) magarra (New South Wales, Border Ranges National Park, Brindle Creek), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) maureenae (New South Wales, Back Creek, Moffatt Falls, ca. 5 km W New England National Park boundary), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) megamorpha (Victoria, Possum Hollow falls, W br. Tarwin River, 5.6 km SSW Allambee), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) merrijig (Victoria, Merrijig), T. (s. str.) millaamillaa (Queensland, Millaa Millaa), T. modulatrix (Victoria, Talbot Creek at Thomson Valley Road, 4.25 km WSW Beardmore), T. (Topotympanogaster) monteithi (Queensland, Mount Bartle Frere), T. moondarra (New South Wales, Border Ranges National Park, Brindle Creek), T. (s. str.) mysteriosa (Queensland), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) nargun (Victoria, Deadcock Den, on Den of Nargun Creek, Mitchell River National Park), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) newtoni (Victoria, Mount Buffalo National Park), T. (s. str.) ovipennis (New South Wales, Dorrigo National Park, Rosewood Creek, upstream from Coachwood Falls), T. (s. str.) pagetae (New South Wales, Back Creek, downstream of Moffatt Falls), T. (Topotympanogaster) parallela (Queensland, Mossman Bluff Track, 5–10 km W Mossman), T. (s. str.) perpendicula (Queensland, Mossman Bluff Track, 5–10 km W Mossman), T. plana (Queensland, Cape Tribulation), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) porchi (Victoria, Tarra-Bulga National Park, Tarra Valley Road, 1.5 km SE Tarra Falls), T. (s. str.) precariosa (New South Wales, Leycester Creek, 4 km. S of Border Ranges National Park), T. (s. str.) protecta (New South Wales, Leycester Creek, 4 km. S of Border Ranges National Park), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) punctata (Victoria, Mount Buffalo National Park, Eurobin Creek), T. (s. str.) ravenshoensis (Queensland, Ravenshoe State Forest, Charmillan Creek, 12 km SE Ravenshoe), T. (s. str.) robinae (New South Wales, Back Creek, downstream of Moffatt Falls), T. (s. str.) serrata (Queensland, Natural Bridge National Park, Cave Creek), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) spicerensis (Queensland, Spicer’s Peak summit), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) storeyi (Queensland, Windsor Tableland), T. (Topotympanogaster) summa (Queensland, Mount Elliott summit), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) tabula (New South Wales, Mount Canobolas Park), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) tallawarra (New South Wales, Dorrigo National Park, Rosewood Creek, Cedar Falls), T. (s. str.) tenax (New South Wales, Salisbury), T. (Plesiotympanogaster) thayerae (Tasmania, Liffey Forest Reserve at Liffey River), T. (s. str.) tora (Queensland, Palmerston National Park), T. trilineata (New South Wales, Sydney), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) truncata (Queensland, Tambourine Mountain), T. (s. str.) volata (Queensland, Palmerston National Park, Learmouth Creek, ca. 14 km SE Millaa Millaa), T. (Hygrotympanogaster) wahroonga (New South Wales, Wahroonga), T. (s. str.) wattsi (New South Wales, Blicks River near Dundurrabin), T. (s. str.) weiri (New South Wales, Allyn River, Chichester State Forest), T. (s. str.) wooloomgabba (New South Wales, New England National Park, Five Day Creek).

Abstract Abstract 3794 Background: CMML is a heterogeneous disease with overall survival (OS) ranging from 12 mo to several years, where few series of allo-SCT have been published. This retrospective study aimed at determining prognostic factors for OS after allo-SCT in a group of consecutive 73 CMML patients reported to the SFGM-TC registry between 1992 and 2009. Methods: For this analysis, in addition to classical demographic and transplant characteristics, patient data at diagnosis and at transplant, including WHO classification in CMML 1 and 2, IPSS in patients with WBC <13G/L, and prognostic factors published by the Groupe Francophone des Myélodysplasies (GFM) in CMML with WBC >13G/l (unfavorable factors included: palpable splenomegaly (SPM), Hb<10g/dl, Platelets<100G/l, marrow blasts>5%, abnormal karyotype, extramedullary disease) (Wattel et al, Blood 1996, 88:2480, Braun T., Blood 2011, online), interval between diagnosis and allo-SCT, and prior treatment were analyzed. Results: Patient characteristics at diagnosis were as follows: M/F 49/26, median age 53 yrs (range, 27–66). 30% pts had palpable SPM, 70% WBC>13×10^9/L. 48/12/9 pts had good/int/poor risk karyotype according to IPSS, including normal (n=47), monosomy 7 (n= 7) and abn 8 (n= 5). 61%pts had CMML1, and 39% CMML-2. Of the 22 patients with WBC<13G/l, six had int-2 and 1 had high risk IPSS, while of the 45 patients with WBC>13G/l, 37 had at least 2 of the GFM poor prognostic factors (see above). Before allo-SCT, 26 pts had received intensive anthracycline-cytarabine chemotherapy (CT), 21 low dose CT (18 HY, 3 VP16) and, 6 hypomethylating agents. Forty pts (56%) developed infection (bacterial or fungal) between diagnosis and allo-SCT. Median interval from diagnosis to allo-SCT was 10.6 mo (range 2.8–80). At time of allo-SCT, 26 pts (49%) had responded to therapy (19 CR and 7 PR), while 42 pts were treatment failure or in relapse, or had not been treated, including 5 AML progressions, (80% CMML1 and 13% CMML 2, while, in 52 pts with WBC <13 G/L, 8 and 6 had IPSS int-2 and high respectively, and, in 16 pts with WBC>13G/l, 9 had at least 2 GFM poor prognostic factors).19 pts still had palpable SPM before allo-SCT. The donor was an HLA-identical, unrelated and haploidentical sibling in 41/31/1 cases respectively. 30pts (41%) received a myeloablative conditioning (MAC) regimen, while 43pts (59%) received reduced-intensity conditioning (RIC). With a median follow-up of 23 mo (1–145), grade 0–1 acute GVHD developed in 23 pts, grade 2–4 in 21 pts. Chronic GVHD was present in 25 pts (35%) (limited:15, extensive: 10; cum incidence: 37% at 3 yrs).The 2- and 3-yr OS were 42% and 32%, respectively. 45 patients had died (23 NRM, 19 disease progression, and 3 unrelated). The 3-yr cum incidence of NRM was 36%. The 3-yr relapse-free survival was 30%. OS was not influenced by the disease status at allo-SCT, including CMML1 vs CMML2, IPSS score (WBC<13G/l) and GFM score (WBC>13G/L), the number of prior treatments, HLA matching, cGVHD. However, palpable SPM at diagnosis was a negative prognostic factor for OS (2-yr OS: 57% vs.15%, p=0.009). 3-yr OS was 33% after MAC conditioning vs 49% after RIC conditioning (p=0.17). In multivariate analysis, the strongest prognostic factor for OS was palpable SPM at diagnosis (HR=2.79 95% CI: 1.38–5.68; p=0.005). Conclusion: Allo-SCT is a valid treatment option for CMML patients eligible to this treatment. Palpable SPM at diagnosis was the only independent negative prognostic factor. Most pts were however treated before the advent of hypomethylating agents. The use of RIC regimens combined to those agents (and possibly to other novel agents) prior and after allo-SCT may further improve outcome. Disclosures: Park: Amgen: Honoraria; Celgene: Honoraria; Janssen: Honoraria. Yakoub-Agha:celgene: Honoraria, Research Funding. Fenaux:Celgene: Honoraria, Research Funding; Novartis: Honoraria, Research Funding; Janssen Cilag: Honoraria, Research Funding; Roche: Honoraria, Research Funding; Amgen: Honoraria, Research Funding; Glaxo Smith Kline: Honoraria, Research Funding; Merck: Honoraria, Research Funding; Cephalon: Honoraria, Research Funding.

The settlement of the territory of north-eastern Serbia by the representatives of the Co?ofeni culture began during the second half of the IV millennium, probably under the pressure of invading tribes from Euroasian steppe. This territory extended over Transylvania, Banat, Oltenia and Muntenia (Map 2). On the territory of Serbia they settled from the Djrerdap gorge up to the Mlava river to the west, and through Kucajske mountains, Bor, Zajecar and further to the south, up to Nis. Aspecific symbiosis occurred on the territory of Serbia between the Co?ofeni and the Kostolac cultures. According to the results of the latest project of re-identification, the number of Co?ofeni-Kostolac sites and settlements increased to 76. After all the sites were re-identified and georeferenced, with consideration of the surrounding landscape, hydrography, geomorphology of the terrain and the character of the ceramic production finds, we believe that there is a need for re-analyzing specific aspects of the cultural and geographic development not only of settlements, but of the entire Co?ofeni-Kostolac cultural phenomenon. In this paper we considered three archaeological sites in the Nisava valley, given that re-identification work over the past several years yielded new information (Bubanj-Staro Selo, Velika Humska cuka and Donja Vrezina). The topography of Co?ofeni-Kostolac settlements on the territory of north-eastern Serbia, the Serbian part of the Danube valley and its hinterland, is characterized by diversity of position (location above sea level and landscape placement), types of houses and economic survival. In the 70?s of the last century sites were identified that are located in very inaccessible terrain, which in particular cases has an slope incline of 45?, where the number of such settlements in the meantime increased to nine. They are represented by Kulmja Skjopuluji in Klokocevac and Pjatra Kosti in Crnajka (T. I/1-2; Map 1/9), followed by Vratna -Veliki most (T. I/ 7; Map 1/33), Bogovina-above a cave (T. I/ 4; Map 1/8), Jezero (T. I/ 3; Map 1/12), Kljanc (T. I/3; Map 1/11), Turija-Stenje (T. I/ 6; Map 1/22), Mokranjske stene-quarry (T. I/ 5; Map 1/39) and Bolvan (T. I/ 8; Map 1/66). These settlements have several other common elements, the most important being that each one of the elevated settlements is positioned on the rocky peak of a canyon, in places where smaller rivers or brooks flow into a larger river. We can suppose how the selection of such positions was of strategic importance, given that in the mountainous area of north-eastern Serbia the system of waterways and river valleys represents communicational links from prehistory to modern times. The second common characteristic of these settlements is the rocky massif which provided the foundation for their erection. The rock foundation in the majority of cases is of limestone origin and is well suited to artificial nivelation into terraces atop which surface structures could be built using wood covered with mud (Jezero, Kulmja Skjopuluji, Pjatra Kosti, Vratna, Bogovina). The third shared characteristic is that one or more caves are usually located in the immediate vicinity of settlements. An example of the symbiosis of cave and hill fort Co?ofeni-Kostolac settlements is the vicinity of the Zavojsko jezero near Majdanpek. So far two hill fort settlements, Jezero and Kljanc (T. I/3; Map 1/11-12), were identified in this area, built on limestone cliffs above the Mali Pek river. The Rajkova cave (Map 1/14), Paskova cave and Kapetanova cave (Map 1/13) are located in their immediate vicinity, in which the remains of anthropogenic activity were discovered. The Kapetanova cave provides stratigraphy of over 3 m high, which represents a rare case for Co?ofeni-Kostolac cultural sites. This fact does not only indicate its long-term use, but could provide the answer to the genesis and duration of this cultural phenomenon on the territory of the Serbian part of the Djerdap hinterland. The fourth shared characteristic which links these settlements is their dominant position in the landscape. Given that their position and appearance are readily visible from a considerable distance, they probably were not used for hiding, but for making their position prominent. We suppose that pastoral communities emphasized in this manner their control of mountain crosspass and roads, particularly in places where rivers exit narrow canyons in important communications paths to the Crni and Beli Timok, Pek and Danuber rivers. The other Co?ofeni-Kostolac type settlement on the territory of north-eastern Serbia is represented by settlements that are positioned on smaller hills or on gentle slopes that on the average range between 336 and 210 m above sea level. The only fortified hill fort settlement discovered so far, Coka lu Balas near Krivelj (Map 1/3) belongs to this group. The archaeological sites Velika Cuka i Neresnica (Map 1/23), Smiljkova glavica in Stubik (Map 1/31) and Cetace in Kovilovo (Map 1/38) are located on wide and flat, elevated plateaus that dominate up on river valleys. Judging by the considerable surface that they occupy, their position and surroundings for these two settlements, we can suppose that they could have been used for wintering places or points for gathering of flocks and shepherds during pauses between seasonal migrations. They are primarily characterized by the natural surroundings of smaller hills and larger river valleys, as well as the relatively low above sea level elevation on which they are located. Such ?seasonal stations or checkpoints? on which larger groups of shepherds could gather with their flocks during the winter months represented important locations in the lives of pastoral communities. During the warm summer period, homesteads with stable architecture are abandoned because of migrations into mountain areas, where favourable grazing areas area located. Certain groups of shepherds during autumn returned to these settlements en route to lowlands and river terraces, while other groups probably continued their journey to gathering centres in valleys near the Danube and the Timok rivers. The next type of settlement belongs to high, multi-layered settlements (Arija baba-Kosobrdo, Coka Kormaros, Field of Z. Brzanovic, Varzari and Smedovac-Grabar-Svracar) which represent sunbathed dominant positions, with a good view of the surrounding area, well suited to long-term occupation. Settlements on high elevations of this type are usually linked with landscapes that predominate in grazing areas and in which there are no large forests. The last type of Co?ofeni-Kostolac settlement is characteristic of lowland settlements positioned on river terraces. The settlements on the right bank of the Danube, around Kljuc (Kladovo- Brodoimpeks, Mala Vrbica, Zbradila-Fund, Korbovo- Obala, Vajuga-Pesak, Jakomirski potok estuary, Velesnica, Ljubic evac-river bank, Ljubicevac-Island, Brzi prun, Slatinska reka estuary, Knjepiste, Ruzenjka, Kusjak-Bordjej, Kusjak-Motel, Kusjak-Vrkalj), represented points at which shepherd?s flocks could remain for longer periods, waiting for favourable conditions for crossing to the other side of the river. This assumption is based on old maps predating the construction of the accumulation lake. These maps indicate that in the immediate vicinity of these settlements were located small sand islands linked to the river bank, pointing to shallows and crossing points. These sections of the river bank, during prolonged droughts or during cold winters, when ice was formed, could have been places where the river was crossed from one side to the other. Residential architecture cannot be precisely defined, given that the discovered remains of houses are very meagre and lack sufficient elements for reconstruction. The most recent excavations on the Bubanj-Staro Selo settlemant at Nis, indicate an identical type of architectural construction as discovered at Gomolava and Bordjej which represents structures that are characteristic for lowland areas. Houses in hill fort settlements built on artificial terraces have been mostly devastated by erosion, so that judging by the impressions of wooden structures and wattle and daub, as well as the remains of hearths, it can be asserted that these were residential structures. Numerous studies so far noted that based on the stylistic and typological characteristics of ceramics on archaeological sites in Timocka Krajina it is possible to distinguish between two phases of the Co?ofeni group, where the first is dominated by ornamental techniques of carving that are characteristic of the Co?ofeni group, and a later phase in which this style is mixed with the furchenstich, as well as other Kostolac cultural elements (furchenstich, certain types of ceramics, etc.). The fact is that the majority of Co?ofeni-Kostolac group sites in eastern Serbia have not been excavated, or have only been partially excavated, and that no vertical stratigraphy had been observed, where no stratigraphic relationship between stylistic-topological characteristics of older ceramics (Co?ofeni) and the more recent phase (Co?ofeni-Kostolac) have been established. These are mostly settlements in which ceramics were observed with elements both of the Kostolac and the Co?ofeni group, or only with elements of the Co?ofeni group, while settlements with only Kostolac ceramics have not been identified. Therefore, in Serbia it is only possible to distinguish between sites where furchenstich ornamentation has been observed and those where this type of ornamentation still has not been observed. Still, it is unclear whether this distinction can be applied to period assignment, or whether it is in fact caused by settlement of different populations in different regions of Eastern Serbia - the Kostolac region from the west and the Co?ofeni group from the East. In Romania, however, vertical stratigraphy was observed at several settlements where development phases were observed of the Co?ofeni group, so that based on the stratigraphy at those sites, with certain caution, it is possible to draw conclusions about the development of the Co?ofeni-Kostolac group in eastern Serbia. Settlements without any furchenstich ornamentation would be assigned to the older phase (Co?ofeni group) where ceramics characteristic of the Co?ofeni group have been observed, although observed shapes and ornaments are usually associated with the furchenstich technique and the more recent phase of the group. The most frequent type of vessels at sites in eastern Serbia are amphorae with extended funnel shaped necks, ornamented below the neck with carved lines or with stamped ornamentation (fig. 6, 21, 38, 64, 71, 89, 98-100, 104, 109, 115, 116, 134), fishbone shape impressions (fig. 4, 28), and in the more recent period furchenstich ornamentation or point impressions (fig. 9, 20, 25, 140), with a tongue shaped or vertically perforated handle, tunnel shaped or horse-shoe shaped handle below the rim (fig. 6, 9, 20, 21, 51, 63, 100, 126, 134, 88, 115 ). The second characteristic type of vessel are semi-spherical bowls with deeper recipients, with flat rims (fig. 11, 12, 23, 27, 29, 52-54, 57, 59-60, 74, 79, 81, 82, 90, 91, 95, 113, 124, 125, 131 and 145), or with shallower recipients, with a slanted, triangular rim or T-shaped profiled rim (14, 19, 133 and 146). Such vessels are characteristic for both phases, because they are ornamented, besides vertical ribs, with carves, and with furchenstich ornamentation (fig. 23, 68, 81 and 82). The third type of vessels are semi-spherical bowls with contracted rims creating a nearly spherical shape. They can be ornamented with vertical ribs on rims (fig. 148) in combination with pinholes (fig. 17), carves (fig. 61, 84, 85) or line impressions (fig. 132). Less frequent vessels on the territory of northeastern Serbia are biconical or spherical goblets, followed by pare-shaped goblets with a single handle, larger pare-shaped amphorae with an extended or conical neck, with small handles below the rim, ornamented with a series of carves (fig. 39, 86), as well as barrel or spherical pots ornamented with carves, horizontal tapes or circular impressions (fig. 45-47, 141, 142). The appearance of ropeshape ornaments is very significant, given that they appear in Rumanian finds in the second phase of the Co?ofeni group, and most frequently in the third phase. This ornament was sporadically observed in the far south, on the Dikili Tas site on the northern shore of the Aegean sea, in level 6, which according to the author belongs chronologically to the Bubanj-Hum II group and the Kostolac group. Its presence at sites in eastern Serbia can be linked to the older phase at the majority of settlements, except in the case of Grabar-Svracar, as these ceramics were not found alongside ceramics with furchenstich. The largest number of sites with only Co?ofeni elements on ceramics have been observed (34), but it is indicative that only a few have been excavated. 28 sites with Kostolac group elements were noted, while 17 unspecified sites in which the period cannot be precisely defined have been identified. According to the stratigraphy of several of the mentioned sites in western Bulgaria, in the Morava valley and in southern Romania it can be concluded that the Co?ofeni group (northeastern Serbia and Romania) and the Co?ofeni-Kostolac group (Morava valley and western Bulgaria), in all of the mentioned regions, was preceded by the Cernavoda III group, and was superseded by the Vucedol culture and the Bubanj-Hum II group in the Morava valle and the Struma valley, and the Glina II-Schnekenber group in Oltenija and the territory of Transylvania and the southern Carpathians. Analysis of the distribution of settlements and stylistictopological characteristics of ceramics from all of the settlements led to the conclusion that the oldest settlements, without ceramics with furchenstich ornamentation, were established in Kljuc in Negotinska Krajina, leading to the assumption that the representatives of the Co?ofeni group came from Oltenia and from the southern Carpathians. A large number fo sites west of Kljuc, along the Danube, at which ceramics with furchenstich ornamentation were noted, point to the direction of expansion of Kostolac elements, from Banat, Branicevo and Stig. The influence of the Kostolac group was very strong starting in the Co?ofeni II phase, even in Romanian sites, given that in Transylvania and in the southern Carpathians a large number of ceramic finds were found with furchenstich ornamentation, while it is interesting that only sporadic appearances were noted in Oltenia. It is clear that Co?ofeni group settlements represented a certain barrier to the expansion of these elements to the east. With the formation of the Co?ofeni-Kostolac group which was created through contacts between representatives of the Co?ofeni to the east and the representatives of the Kostolac group to the west and north-west a short period of coexistence occurred on this territory. Absolute dating of the chronological framework of the Co?ofeni-Kostolac group in the Danube valley and in eastern Serbia can only be assigned indirectly, as there is no carbon dating available from these sites. According to J. Bojacijev, phase II-III of the Co?ofeni group (4400-4300 bp) can be assigned chronologically approximately to the same period as the Kostolac group (4500-4100 bp), and if we suppose that the Co?ofeni-Kostolac group occurred a little while after the occurrence of the Kostolac group, it can be concluded that the Co?ofeni-Kostolac group existed at the end of the IV and the first half of the III millennium BC, although it is possible that it continued even later in particular regions. The results for the oldest and the middle phase of the Kostolac cultural group at Gomolava range between 3038-2903 BC and 3108-2877 BC, while the Kostolac culture at the Streim and Vucedol sits was dated 3310-2920 BC, as is the approximate dating of settlements of this group in Pivnica (3042-2857 BC). All the dating of Kostolac group sites indicate that this cultural group occurred and developed in the period of the last quarter of the IV and the first half of the III millennium BC, which would chronologically assign the Co?ofeni-Kostolac group in the Morava valley and Timocka Krajina to the end of the IV and the start of the III millennium BC, and to the ensuing period.

Resumen Se analizan las características térmicas y de resistencias mecánicas de materiales y elementos constructivos elaborados con suelos naturales estabilizados. La metodología parte de la recopilación bibliográfica de fuentes primarias, secundarias e información de ensayos propios, sobre la densidad, la conductividad térmica y las resistencias a la compresión, a la flexión y al corte correspondientes al adobe, los bloques de tierra comprimida (BTC), la tapia y la quincha, según diferentes autores. Además, se consideraron los valores establecidos por normas argentinas IRAM referidas al acondicionamiento térmico de edificios. Se elaboraron comparaciones entre sí y con algunos materiales industrializados, tales como los bloques de hormigón, los ladrillos cerámicos huecos y los ladrillos cocidos macizos. A partir de este análisis, se concluyó que la revisión bibliográfica no es suficiente para obtener una estandarización de los valores de conductividad y transmitancia térmica de los materiales y los elementos constructivos naturales. Así mismo, a partir de las comparaciones de valores se pudo observar cómo se relacionan la densidad de los materiales y la de los morteros, según las distintas técnicas, con el comportamiento térmico y las resistencias mecánicas. Palabras clave: Adobe; arquitectura sostenible; bahareque; bloque de tierra comprimida-BTC; materiales vernáculos de construcción; propiedades térmicas; quincha; resistencia mecánica; tapial Comparative analysis of the thermal aspects and mechanical resistances for materials and elements of earth construction Abstract The thermal characteristics and mechanical resistance of some materials and constructive elements elaborated with stabilized natural soils are analyzed. The methodology took into account the bibliographic compilation of primary and secondary sources and information from own tests, on density, thermal conductivity and resistance to compression, flexion and cutting, corresponding to adobe, BTC, tapia and wattle and daub, according to different authors. In addition, it was considered the values established by Argentine standards IRAM referring to the thermal conditioning of buildings. Comparisons were made with each other and with some industrialized materials such as concrete blocks, hollow ceramic bricks, and solid fired bricks. From this analysis, it was concluded that the literature review is not enough to obtain a standardization conductivity and thermal transmittance values of natural building materials and elements. Furthermore, from the comparisons of values it was possible to observe how the density of materials and mortars, according to the different techniques, are related to thermal behavior and mechanical resistance. Keywords: Adobe; sustainable architecture; bahareque; compressed earth block (BTC); vernacular building materials; thermal properties; quincha; mechanical strength; tapial; wattle; daub Recibido: octubre 22 / 2018 Evaluado: septiembre 10 / 2019 Aceptado: octubre 15 / 2019 Publicado en línea: noviembre de 2019 Actualizado: noviembre de 2019

O objetivo deste estudo foi determinar o ponto ótimo de amostragem para a quantificação de nutrientes em árvores de Acacia mearnsii com quatro anos de idade. O trabalho foi realizado em um povoamento de acácia-negra localizado na cidade de Arroio dos Ratos/RS, em uma fazenda pertencente à empresa SETA S/A, nas coordenadas 30°07’12” de latitude sul e 51°57’45” de longitude, com altitude média de 90 m. O primeiro passo foi a realização do inventário florestal no povoamento, onde foram derrubadas 21 árvores, distribuídas em 7 classes diamétricas, sendo determinados a biomassa e o teor de nutrientes dos componentes folha, galho vivo, galho morto, raiz, madeira e casca. Para os componentes madeira e casca, foram retiradas amostras ao longo de fuste nas posições de 1, 3, 10, 20, 30, 40, 50, 60, 70, 80 e 90% da altura total das árvores. O ponto ótimo de amostragem para quantificação dos nutrientes (N, P, K, Ca, Mg e S) no fuste deve situar-se a 50% da altura total das árvores de Acacia mearnsii. É possível a estimativa do estoque de macronutrientes por amostras coletadas no DAP aos 4 anos de idade. Recomenda-se para isso a utilização de trado para não ser necessário derrubar as árvores amostradas. Palavras-chave: Acácia-negra; ponto de amostragem; nutriente. Abstract Sampling point determination for macronutrients quantification on Acacia mearnsii De Wild. The objective of this study was to quantify the biomass and to determine the optimal sampling point for nutrients quantification in four year old Acacia mearnsii trees. It was conducted in black wattle stand, located in Arroio dos Ratos city in a farm belonging to SETA S/A, having as coordinates 30° 07’ 12” of south latitude and 51° 57” 45” of longitude, with 90 m of average altitude. The first step was the forest inventory, where 30 trees were felled, distributed in 7 diametric classes, to cover the stand heterogeneity, then the biomass and the nutrients amount in the leaves, live branches, dead branches, roots, wood and bark were determined. Samples of wood and bark were taken along the stem in the positions of: 1, 3, 10, 20, 30, 40, 50, 60, 70, 80 and 90% of the total height. The optimal sampling point for nutrients (N, P, K, Ca, Mg, and S) quantification along the stem should be 50% from the total height in Acacia mearnsii trees. It’s possible to estimate the stock of macronutrients by samples collected at DBH at 4 years of age. For this it’s recommended to use the borer, for not to be necessary to fell the sampled trees.Keywords: Black wattle; sampling point; nutrient.

Este trabalho resume as informações sobre os patógenos florestais registrados na lista A1, de pragas quarentenárias para a região do Comitê de Sanidade Vegetal do ConeSul (COSAVE). São apresentados aspectos como hospedeiros, sintomatologia, importância econômica e potencial de introdução e controle dos patógenos Bursaphelenchus xylophilus, Cronartium spp., Drepanopeziza populorum, Endocronartium harknessii, Erwinia salicis, Gimnosporangium spp., Mycosphaerella dearnessii, M. gibsonii e Xanthomonas populi. As principais vias de introdução destes patógenos seria na forma de sementes contaminadas ou em material para propagação vegetativa que esteja infectado. A melhor medida de controle seria o tratamento de qualquer material vegetal importado, com os produtos recomendados para o patógeno quarentenário, o plantio e quarentena pós-ingresso em estufas sob inspeção contínua, até se garantir a sanidade das mudas, antes da liberação. Os plantios comerciais brasileiros de Pinus e Populus estão aparentemente resguardados, porém não foram listados patógenos quarentenários para o gênero Eucalyptus e para a acácia-negra. Um aspecto a ser ressaltado é a necessidade de um serviço de prospecção e vigilância para a detecção precoce destes patógenos, a fim de que sejam tomadas medidas para erradicação e controle. Abstract This article summarizes data about quarantine pathogens from A1 list, from quarantine pests for COSAVE region. Aspects as hosts, symptoms, economic importance, risks of introduction and control of Bursaphelenchus xylophilus, Cronartium spp., Drepanopeziza populorum, Endocronartium harknessii, Erwinia salicis, Gimnosporangium spp., Mycosphaerella dearnessii, M. gibsonii e Xanthomonas populi are presented. The ways of pathogen introductions are by contaminated seeds and infected material for vegetative propagation. The best control measure would be treating any imported vegetal material, with recommended products for quarantine pathogen before planting, further maintaining them in greenhouses with continuous inspection, in order to guarantee health conditions for seedlings before release. Brazilian commercial plantations of Pinus and Populus are covered, but quarantine pathogens for Eucalyptus and black wattle (Acacia mearnsii) were not listed. Aspects related to vigilance should be reinforced in order to prevent the entrance of these pathogens and establish adequate measures of control.

No presente trabalho foram realizados estudos referentes ao tamanho amostral adequado a estimação da herdabilidade no sentido restrito em espécies perenes. Foram considerados aspectos teóricos da estimação da herdabilidade e os conceitos foram aplicados a dados experimentais associados a progênies de meios-irmãos de acácia-negra (Acacia mearnsii) avaliadas no Rio Grande do Sul. Os seguintes resultados foram obtidos: para uma precisa estimação da herdabilidade no sentido restrito recomendam-se os tamanhos amostrais aproximados de 8000, 4000 e 2600 dados para herdabilidades de 0,10; 0,20 e 0,30 respectivamente; o valor mais provável para a herdabilidade do caráter DAP em acácia-negra situa-se ao redor de 0,30; para estimação da média e variância fenotípica de um caráter quantitativo, a utilização de um tamanho amostral equivalendo a cerca de 1/3 do tamanho amostral adequado à estimação da variância aditiva e da herdabilidade já é suficiente para a obtenção de estimativas precisas; com tamanho amostral inferior a 1000 não se recomenda a estimação de parâmetro genéticos. Neste caso, a predição de valores genéticos deve ser realizada preferencialmente utilizando estimativas de parâmetros relatadas em literatura. Sample size effects on estimates of heritability in perennial species Abstract This paper describes aspects concerning to optimal sample size required for estimation of the strict sense heritability in perennial species. Theoretical concepts were applied to experimental data from Acacia mearnsii progeny test grown in Rio Grande do Sul. For a precise estimation of the heritability, sample sizes of 8000, 4000 and 2600 were recommended for heritabilities of 0,10; 0,20 and 0,30 respectively. The most probable value for the heritability of the character DBH in black wattle locates about of 0,30. For estimation of the average and phenotypic variance of a quantitative character, the use of a sample size of about 1/3 of that recommended for estimation of the additive variance and of the heritability is adequate. Sample sizes below 1000 are not suitable for genetic parameters estimation. In this case, standard values of genetic parameters (obtained from literature) should be used in the breeding values prediction procedures.

The Parque Nacional de Banhine (Banhine National Park) was proclaimed during 1972. It covers 600 000 ha in Moçambique to the east of the Limpopo River. Until recently, this park, originally and popularly known as the ‘Serengeti of Moçambique’, was characterised by neglect and illegal hunting that caused the demise of most of its large wildlife. New initiatives aimed at rehabilitating the park have been launched within the scope of the Greater Limpopo Transfrontier Park. A vegetation map was required as input to its management plan. The major objectives of the study were firstly to understand the environmental determinants of the vegetation, secondly to identify and describe individual plant communities in terms of species composition and structure and thirdly to delineate landscapes in terms of their plant community and wetland make-up, environmental determinants and distribution. A combination of fieldwork and analysis of LANDSAT satellite imagery was used. A total of 115 sample plots were surveyed. Another 222 sample points were briefly assessed from the air to establish the extent of the different landscapes. The ordination results clearly indicate the overriding importance of moisture availability in determining vegetation composition in the Parque Nacional de Banhine. Eleven distinct plant communities were recognised. They are described in terms of their structure, composition and distribution. These plant communities have strong affinities to a number of communities found in the Limpopo National Park to the west. The sandveld community is relatively the most species-rich of all communities. Different combinations of these plant communities can be grouped in five major landscapes, namely the Wetland, Grassland, Mopane, Sandveld and Androstachys landscape. These different landscapes hold six different wetland types as defined by the RAMSAR classification. The landscapes with their individual plant communities and wetland types represent a unique combination of habitats that have great intrinsic conservation value. These habitats are key to the long-term maintenance and survival of a diverse avifauna, including the original ostrich population, as well as wattled cranes.

No presente trabalho foi quantificado o conteúdo de nutrientes em uma procedência australiana de Lake Geoge Bunge Dore, acácia-negra, (Acacia mearnsii De Wild.), aos 2,4 anos de idade. Esse material encontra-se estabelecido em solos de baixa fertilidade, com acidez elevada, localizado na Fazenda Menezes, no Distrito de Capão Comprido, município de Butiá, RS. Foram selecionados um total de 9 árvores para comporem as amostras. A amostragem constituiu na individualização dos compartimentos da biomassa aérea (folhas, galhos vivos, galhos mortos, casca e madeira) visando à determinação da matéria seca e do conteúdo de nutrientes. As quantidades de nutrientes contidas na biomassa total desse material foram de 334,37 kg.ha-1 de N; 23,65 kg.ha-1 de P; 259,67 kg.ha-1 de K; 107,73 kg.ha-1 de Ca; 35,09 kg.ha-1 de Mg e 21,43 kg ha-1 de S. Quanto a distribuição nos compartimentos, 61,07% da matéria seca foi alocada para as folhas e galhos (vivos e mortos), contento 73% do N; 72,4% do P; 64% do K; 55% do Ca, 66% do Mg e 75% do S do total existente na parte aérea. O componente fuste (casca e madeira) acumulou 27% do N; 27,6% do P; 36% do K; 45% do Ca, 34% do Mg e 25% do S. Estimation of content of nutrients in a young stand of Acacia mearnsii De Wild. established in the southern of Brazil Abstract The content of nutrients in a black wattle australian Lake George Bunge Dore provenance (Acacia mearnsii De Wild.) with 2.4 years old was quantified. The stands are established in low fertility soils with high acidity at Menezes Farm, Capão Comprido District, municipality of Butiá, RS. Nine trees were selected to compound the samples. The sampling consisted on separating the above-ground biomass compartments (leaves, live branches, dead branches, bark and wood) to determine the dry matter and the nutrient contents. The nutrient quantities in the above-ground biomass were 334.37 kg.ha-1 N; 23.65 kg.ha-1 P; 259.67 kg.ha-1 K; 107.73 kg.ha-1 Ca; 35,09 kg.ha-1Mg and 21.43 kg ha-1 de S. 61.07% of dry matter was allocated to leaves and branches (live and dead) containing 73% N; 72.4% P; 64% K; 55% Ca, 66% Mg and 75% S. The stem component (bark and wood) accumulated 27% N; 27.6% P; 36% K; 45% Ca, 34% Mg and 25% S.

In 2013, the Capricornia Arts Mob (CAM), an Indigenous collective of artists situated in Rockhampton, central Queensland, Australia, successfully tendered for one of three public art projects that were grouped under the title Flood Markers (Roberts; Roberts and Mackay; Robinson and Mackay). Commissioned as part of the Queensland Government's Community Development and Engagement Initiative, Flood Markers aims to increase awareness of Rockhampton’s history, with particular focus on the Fitzroy River and the phenomena of flooding. Honouring Land Connections is CAM’s contribution to the project and consists of several “memory poles” that stand alongside the Fitzroy River in Toonooba Park. Rockhampton lies on Dharumbal Country with Toonooba being the Dharumbal name for the Fitzroy River and the inspiration for the work due to its cultural significance to the Aboriginal people of that region. The name Toonooba, as well as other images and icons including boomerangs, spears, nets, water lily, and frogs, amongst others, are carved, burnt, painted and embedded into the large ironbark poles. These stand with the river on one side and the colonial infrastructure of Rockhampton on the other (see fig. 1, 2 and 3).Figure 1 Figure 2Figure 3Within this article, we discuss Honouring Land Connections as having two main functions which contribute to its significance as Indigenous cultural expression and identity affirmation. Firstly, the memory poles (as well as the process of sourcing materials and producing the final product) are a manifestation of Country and a representation of its stories and lived memories. Honouring Land Connections provides a means for Aboriginal people to revel in Country and maintain connections to a vital component of their being as Indigenous. Secondly, by revealing Indigenous stories, experiences, and memories, Honouring Land Connections emphasises Indigenous voices and perspectives within a place dominated by Eurocentric outlooks and knowledges. Toonooba provides the backdrop on which the complexities of cultural and identity formation within settler-colonial spaces are highlighted whilst revelling in continuous Indigenous presence.Flood Markers as ArtArtists throughout the world have used flood markers as a means of visual expression through which to explore and reveal local histories, events, environments, and socio-cultural understandings of the relationships between persons, places, and the phenomena of flooding. Geertz describes art as a social text embedded within wider socio-cultural systems; providing insight into cultural, social, political, economic, gendered, religious, ethnic, environmental, and biographical contexts. Flood markers are not merely metric tools used for measuring the height of a river, but rather serve as culture artefacts or indexes (Gell Art and Agency; Gell "Technology of Enchantment") that are products and producers of socio-culture contexts and the memories and experiences embedded within them. Through different methods, mediums, and images, artists have created experiential and intellectual spaces where those who encounter their work are encouraged to engage their surroundings in thought provoking and often-new ways.In some cases, flood markers have brought attention to the “character and natural history” of a particular place, where artists such as Louise Lavarack have sought to provoke consciousness of the movement of water across flood plains (Lavarack). In other works, flood markers have served as memorials to individuals such as Gilbert White whose daughter honoured his life and research through installing a glass spire at Boulder Creek, Colorado in 2011 (White). Tragedies such as Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans in 2005 have also been commemorated through flood markers. Artist Christopher Saucedo carved 1,836 waves into a freestanding granite block; each wave representing a life lost (University of New Orleans). The weight of the granite symbolises the endurance and resilience of those who faced, and will continue to face, similar forces of nature. The Pillar of Courage erected in 2011 in Ipswich, Queensland, similarly contains the words “resilience, community, strength, heroes, caring and unity” with each word printed on six separate sections of the pillar, representing the six major floods that have hit the region (Chudleigh).Whilst these flood markers provide valuable insights into local histories, specific to each environmental and socio-cultural context, works such as the Pillar of Courage fail to address Indigenous relationships to Country. By framing flooding as a “natural disaster” to be overcome, rather than an expression of Country to be listened to and understood, Euro and human-centric perspectives are prioritised over Indigenous ways of knowing and being. Indigenous knowledges however encourages a reorientation of Eurocentric responses and relationships to Country, and in doing so challenge compartmentalised views of “nature” where flooding is separated from land and Country (Ingold Perception; Seton and Bradley; Singer). Honouring Land Connections symbolises the voice and eternal presence of Toonooba and counters presentations of flooding that depict it as historian Heather Goodall (36) once saw “as unusual events of disorder in which the river leaves its proper place with catastrophic results.”Country To understand flooding from Indigenous perspectives it is first necessary to discuss Country and apprehend what it means for Indigenous peoples. Country refers to the physical, cosmological, geographical, relational, and emotional setting upon which Indigenous identities and connections to place and kin are embedded. Far from a passive geographic location upon which interactions take place, Country is an active and responsive agent that shapes and contextualises social interactions between and amongst all living beings. Bob Morgan writes of how “Country is more than issues of land and geography; it is about spirituality and identity, knowing who we are and who we are connected to; and it helps us understand how all living things are connected.” Country is also an epistemological frame that is filled with knowledge that may be known and familiarised whilst being knowledge itself (Langton "Sacred"; Rose Dingo; Yunupingu).Central to understanding Country is the fact that it refers to a living being’s spiritual homeland which is the ontological place where relationships are formed and maintained (Yunupingu). As Country nurtures and provides the necessities for survival and prosperity, Indigenous people (but also non-Indigenous populations) have moral obligations to care for Country as kin (Rose Nourishing Terrains). Country is epistemic, relational, and ontological and refers to both physical locations as well as modes of “being” (Heidegger), meaning it is carried from place to place as an embodiment within a person’s consciousness. Sally Morgan (263) describes how “our country is alive, and no matter where we go, our country never leaves us.” Country therefore is fluid and mobile for it is ontologically inseparable to one’s personhood, reflected through phrases such as “I am country” (B. Morgan 204).Country is in continuous dialogue with its surroundings and provides the setting upon which human and non-human beings; topographical features such as mountains and rivers; ancestral beings and spirits such as the Rainbow Snake; and ecological phenomena such as winds, tides, and floods, interact and mutually inform each other’s existence (Rose Nourishing Terrains). For Aboriginal people, understanding Country requires “deep listening” (Atkinson; Ungunmerr), a responsive awareness that moves beyond monological and human-centric understandings of the world and calls for deeper understandings of the mutual and co-dependant relationships that exist within it. The awareness of such mutuality has been discussed through terms such as “kincentrism” (Salmón), “meshworks” (Ingold Lines), “webs of connection” (Hokari), “nesting” (Malpas), and “native science” (Cajete). Such concepts are ways of theorising “place” as relational, physical, and mental locations made up of numerous smaller interactions, each of which contribute to the identity and meaning of place. Whilst each individual agent or object retains its own autonomy, such autonomy is dependent on its wider relation to others, meaning that place is a location where “objectivity, subjectivity and inter-subjectivity converge” (Malpas 35) and where the very essence of place is revealed.Flooding as DialogueWhen positioned within Indigenous frameworks, flooding is both an agent and expression of Toonooba and Country. For the phenomenon to occur however, numerous elements come into play such as the fall of rain; the layout of the surrounding terrain; human interference through built weirs and dams; and the actions and intervention of ancestral beings and spirits. Furthermore, flooding has a direct impact on Country and all life within it. This is highlighted by Dharumbal Elder Uncle Billy Mann (Fitzroy Basin Association "Billy Mann") who speaks of the importance of flooding in bringing water to inland lagoons which provide food sources for Dharumbal people, especially at times when the water in Toonooba is low. Such lagoons remain important places for fishing, hunting, recreational activities, and cultural practices but are reliant on the flow of water caused by the flowing, and at times flooding river, which Uncle Mann describes as the “lifeblood” of Dharumbal people and Country (Fitzroy Basin Association "Billy Mann"). Through her research in the Murray-Darling region of New South Wales, Weir writes of how flooding sustains life though cycles that contribute to ecological balance, providing nourishment and food sources for all beings (see also Cullen and Cullen 98). Water’s movement across land provokes the movement of animals such as mice and lizards, providing food for snakes. Frogs emerge from dry clay plains, finding newly made waterholes. Small aquatic organisms flourish and provide food sources for birds. Golden and silver perch spawn, and receding waters promote germination and growth. Aboriginal artist Ron Hurley depicts a similar cycle in a screen-print titled Waterlily–Darambal Totem. In this work Hurley shows floodwaters washing away old water lily roots that have been cooked in ant bed ovens as part of Dharumbal ceremonies (UQ Anthropology Museum). The cooking of the water lily exposes new seeds, which rains carry to nearby creeks and lagoons. The seeds take root and provide food sources for the following year. Cooking water lily during Dharumbal ceremonies contributes to securing and maintaining a sustainable food source as well as being part of Dharumbal cultural practice. Culture, ecological management, and everyday activity are mutually connected, along with being revealed and revelled in. Aboriginal Elder and ranger Uncle Fred Conway explains how Country teaches Aboriginal people to live in balance with their surroundings (Fitzroy Basin Association "Fred Conway"). As Country is in constant communication, numerous signifiers can be observed on land and waterscapes, indicating the most productive and sustainable time to pursue certain actions, source particular foods, or move to particular locations. The best time for fishing in central Queensland for example is when Wattles are in bloom, indicating a time when fish are “fatter and sweeter” (Fitzroy Basin Association "Fred Conway"). In this case, the Wattle is 1) autonomous, having its own life cycle; 2) mutually dependant, coming into being because of seasonal weather patterns; and 3) an agent of Country that teaches those with awareness how to respond and benefit from its lessons.Dialogue with Country As Country is sentient and responsive, it is vital that a person remains contextually aware of their actions on and towards their surroundings. Indigenous peoples seek familiarity with Country but also ensure that they themselves are known and familiarised by it (Rose Dingo). In a practice likened to “baptism”, Langton ("Earth") describes how Aboriginal Elders in Cape York pour water over the head of newcomers as a way of introducing them to Country, and ensuring that Country knows those who walk upon it. These introductions are done out of respect for Country and are a way of protecting outsiders from the potentially harmful powers of ancestral beings. Toussaint et al. similarly note how during mortuary rites, parents of the deceased take water from rivers and spit it back into the land, symbolising the spirit’s return to Country.Dharumbal man Robin Hatfield demonstrates the importance of not interfering with the dialogue of Country through recalling being told as a child not to disturb Barraru or green frogs. Memmott (78) writes that frogs share a relationship with the rain and flooding caused by Munda-gadda, the Rainbow Snake. Uncle Dougie Hatfield explains the significance of Munda-gadda to his Country stating how “our Aboriginal culture tells us that all the waterways, lagoons, creeks, rivers etc. and many landforms were created by and still are protected by the Moonda-Ngutta, what white people call the Rainbow Snake” (Memmott 79).In the case of Robin Hatfield, to interfere with Barraru’s “business” is to threaten its dialogue with Munda-gadda and in turn the dialogue of Country in form of rain. In addition to disrupting the relational balance between the frog and Munda-gadda, such actions potentially have far-reaching social and cosmological consequences. The rain’s disruption affects the flood plains, which has direct consequences for local flora and transportation and germination of water lily seeds; fauna, affecting the spawning of fish and their movement into lagoons; and ancestral beings such as Munda-gadda who continue to reside within Toonooba.Honouring Land Connections provided artists with a means to enter their own dialogue with Country and explore, discuss, engage, negotiate, and affirm aspects of their indigeneity. The artists wanted the artwork to remain organic to demonstrate honour and respect for Dharumbal connections with Country (Roberts). This meant that materials were sourced from the surrounding Country and the poles placed in a wave-like pattern resembling Munda-gadda. Alongside the designs and symbols painted and carved into the poles, fish skins, birds, nests, and frogs are embalmed within cavities that are cut into the wood, acting as windows that allow viewers to witness components of Country that are often overlooked (see fig. 4). Country therefore is an equal participant within the artwork’s creation and continuing memories and stories. More than a representation of Country, Honouring Land Connections is a literal manifestation of it.Figure 4Opening Dialogue with Non-Indigenous AustraliaHonouring Land Connections is an artistic and cultural expression that revels in Indigenous understandings of place. The installation however remains positioned within a contested “hybrid” setting that is informed by both Indigenous and settler-colonial outlooks (Bhabha). The installation for example is separated from the other two artworks of Flood Markers that explore Rockhampton’s colonial and industrial history. Whilst these are positioned within a landscaped area, Honouring Land Connections is placed where the grass is dying, seating is lacking, and is situated next to a dilapidated coast guard building. It is a location that is as quickly left behind as it is encountered. Its separation from the other two works is further emphasised through its depiction in the project brief as a representation of Rockhampton’s pre-colonial history. Presenting it in such a way has the effect of bookending Aboriginal culture in relation to European settlement, suggesting that its themes belong to a time past rather than an immediate present. Almost as if it is a revelation in and of itself. Within settler-colonial settings, place is heavily politicised and often contested. In what can be seen as an ongoing form of colonialism, Eurocentric epistemologies and understandings of place continue to dominate public thought, rhetoric, and action in ways that legitimise White positionality whilst questioning and/or subjugating other ways of knowing, being, and doing (K. Martin; Moreton-Robinson; Wolfe). This turns places such as Toonooba into agonistic locations of contrasting and competing interests (Bradfield). For many Aboriginal peoples, the memories and emotions attached to a particular place can render it as either comfortable and culturally safe, or as unsafe, unsuitable, unwelcoming, and exclusionary (Fredericks). Honouring Land Connections is one way of publicly asserting and recognising Toonooba as a culturally safe, welcoming, and deeply meaningful place for Indigenous peoples. Whilst the themes explored in Honouring Land Connections are not overtly political, its presence on colonised/invaded land unsettles Eurocentric falsities and colonial amnesia (B. Martin) of an uncontested place and history in which Indigenous voices and knowledges are silenced. The artwork is a physical reminder that encourages awareness—particularly for non-Indigenous populations—of Indigenous voices that are continuously demanding recognition of Aboriginal place within Country. Similar to the boomerangs carved into the poles representing flooding as a natural expression of Country that will return (see fig. 5), Indigenous peoples continue to demand that the wider non-Indigenous population acknowledge, respect, and morally responded to Aboriginal cultures and knowledges.Figure 5Conclusion Far from a historic account of the past, the artists of CAM have created an artwork that promotes awareness of an immediate and emerging Indigenous presence on Country. It creates a space that is welcoming to Indigenous people, allowing them to engage with and affirm aspects of their living histories and cultural identities. Through sharing stories and providing “windows” into Aboriginal culture, Country, and lived experiences (which like the frogs of Toonooba are so often overlooked), the memory poles invite and welcome an open dialogue with non-Indigenous Australians where all may consider their shared presence and mutual dependence on each other and their surroundings.The memory poles are mediatory agents that stand on Country, revealing and bearing witness to the survival, resistance, tenacity, and continuity of Aboriginal peoples within the Rockhampton region and along Toonooba. Honouring Land Connections is not simply a means of reclaiming the river as an Indigenous space, for reclamation signifies something regained after it has been lost. What the memory poles signify is something eternally present, i.e. Toonooba is and forever will be embedded in Aboriginal Country in which we all, Indigenous and non-Indigenous, human and non-human, share. The memory poles serve as lasting reminders of whose Country Rockhampton is on and describes the life ways of that Country, including times of flood. Through celebrating and revelling in the presence of Country, the artists of CAM are revealing the deep connection they have to Country to the wider non-Indigenous community.ReferencesAtkinson, Judy. Trauma Trails, Recreating Song Lines: The Transgenerational Effects of Trauma in Indigenous Australia. Spinifex Press, 2002.Bhabha, Homi, K. The Location of Culture. Taylor and Francis, 2012.Bradfield, Abraham. "Decolonizing the Intercultural: A Call for Decolonizing Consciousness in Settler-Colonial Australia." Religions 10.8 (2019): 469.Cajete, Gregory. Native Science: Natural Laws of Interdependence. 1st ed. 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U of Minnesota P, 2015.Morgan, Bob. "Country – a Journey to Cultural and Spiritual Healing." Heartsick for Country: Stories of Love, Spirit and Creation, eds. S. Morgan et al. Freemantle P, 2008: 201-20.Roberts, Alice. "Flood Markers Unveiled on Fitzroy." ABC News 5 Mar. 2014. 10 Mar. 2014 <https://www.abc.net.au/local/photos/2014/03/05/3957151.htm>.Roberts, Alice, and Jacquie Mackay. "Flood Artworks Revealed on Fitzroy Riverbank." ABC Capricornia 29 Oct. 2013. 5 Jan. 20104 <http://www.abc.net.au/local/stories/2013/10/29/3879048.htm?site=capricornia>.Robinson, Paul, and Jacquie Mackay. "Artwork Portray Flood Impact." ABC Capricornia 29 Oct. 2013. 5 Jan. 2014 <http://www.abc.net.au/lnews/2013-10-29/artworks-portray-flood-impact/5051856>.Rose, Deborah Bird. Dingo Makes Us Human: Life and Land in an Aboriginal Australian Culture. Cambridge UP, 1992.———. Nourishing Terrains: Australian Aboriginal Views of Landscape and Wilderness. Australian Heritage Commission, 1996.Salmón, Enrique. 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The Leichhardt Highway is a six hundred-kilometre stretch of sealed inland road that joins the Australian Queensland border town of Goondiwindi with the Capricorn Highway, just south of the Tropic of Capricorn. Named after the young Prussian naturalist Ludwig Leichhardt, part of this roadway follows the route his party took as they crossed northern Australia from Morton Bay (Brisbane) to Port Essington (near Darwin). Ignoring the usual colonial practice of honouring the powerful and aristocratic, Leichhardt named the noteworthy features along this route after his supporters and fellow expeditioners. Many of these names are still in use and a series of public monuments have also been erected in the intervening century and a half to commemorate this journey. Unlike Leichhardt, who survived his epic trip, some contemporary travellers who navigate the remote roadway named in his honour do not arrive at their final destinations. Memorials to these violently interrupted lives line the highway, many enigmatically located in places where there is no obvious explanation for the lethal violence that occurred there. This examination profiles the memorials along Leichhardt’s highway as Gothic practice, in order to illuminate some of the uncanny paradoxes around public memorials, as well as the loaded emotional terrain such commemorative practices may inhabit. All humans know that death awaits them (Morell). Yet, despite this, and the unprecedented torrent of images of death and dying saturating news, television, and social media (Duwe; Sumiala; Bisceglio), Gorer’s mid-century ideas about the denial of death and Becker’s 1973 Pulitzer prize-winning description of the purpose of human civilization as a defence against this knowledge remains current in the contemporary trope that individuals (at least in the West) deny their mortality. Contributing to this enigmatic situation is how many deny the realities of aging and bodily decay—the promise of the “life extension” industries (Hall)—and are shielded from death by hospitals, palliative care providers, and the multimillion dollar funeral industry (Kiernan). Drawing on Piatti-Farnell’s concept of popular culture artefacts as “haunted/haunting” texts, the below describes how memorials to the dead can powerfully reconnect those who experience them with death’s reality, by providing an “encrypted passageway through which the dead re-join the living in a responsive cycle of exchange and experience” (Piatti-Farnell). While certainly very different to the “sublime” iconic Gothic structure, the Gothic ruin that Summers argued could be seen as “a sacred relic, a memorial, a symbol of infinite sadness, of tenderest sensibility and regret” (407), these memorials do function in both this way as melancholy/regret-inducing relics as well as in Piatti-Farnell’s sense of bringing the dead into everyday consciousness. Such memorialising activity also evokes one of Spooner’s features of the Gothic, by acknowledging “the legacies of the past and its burdens on the present” (8).Ludwig Leichhardt and His HighwayWhen Leichhardt returned to Sydney in 1846 from his 18-month journey across northern Australia, he was greeted with surprise and then acclaim. Having mounted his expedition without any backing from influential figures in the colony, his party was presumed lost only weeks after its departure. Yet, once Leichhardt and almost all his expedition returned, he was hailed “Prince of Explorers” (Erdos). When awarding him a significant purse raised by public subscription, then Speaker of the Legislative Council voiced what he believed would be the explorer’s lasting memorial —the public memory of his achievement: “the undying glory of having your name enrolled amongst those of the great men whose genius and enterprise have impelled them to seek for fame in the prosecution of geographical science” (ctd. Leichhardt 539). Despite this acclaim, Leichhardt was a controversial figure in his day; his future prestige not enhanced by his Prussian/Germanic background or his disappearance two years later attempting to cross the continent. What troubled the colonial political class, however, was his transgressive act of naming features along his route after commoners rather than the colony’s aristocrats. Today, the Leichhardt Highway closely follows Leichhardt’s 1844-45 route for some 130 kilometres from Miles, north through Wandoan to Taroom. In the first weeks of his journey, Leichhardt named 16 features in this area: 6 of the more major of these after the men in his party—including the Aboriginal man ‘Charley’ and boy John Murphy—4 more after the tradesmen and other non-aristocratic sponsors of his venture, and the remainder either in memory of the journey’s quotidian events or natural features there found. What we now accept as traditional memorialising practice could in this case be termed as Gothic, in that it upset the rational, normal order of its day, and by honouring humble shopkeepers, blacksmiths and Indigenous individuals, revealed the “disturbance and ambivalence” (Botting 4) that underlay colonial class relations (Macintyre). On 1 December 1844, Leichhardt also memorialised his own past, referencing the Gothic in naming a watercourse The Creek of the Ruined Castles due to the “high sandstone rocks, fissured and broken like pillars and walls and the high gates of the ruined castles of Germany” (57). Leichhardt also disturbed and disfigured the nature he so admired, famously carving his initials deep into trees along his route—a number of which still exist, including the so-called Leichhardt Tree, a large coolibah in Taroom’s main street. Leichhardt also wrote his own memorial, keeping detailed records of his experiences—both good and more regretful—in the form of field books, notebooks and letters, with his major volume about this expedition published in London in 1847. Leichhardt’s journey has since been memorialised in various ways along the route. The Leichhardt Tree has been further defaced with numerous plaques nailed into its ancient bark, and the town’s federal government-funded Bicentennial project raised a formal memorial—a large sandstone slab laid with three bronze plaques—in the newly-named Ludwig Leichhardt Park. Leichhardt’s name also adorns many sites both along, and outside, the routes of his expeditions. While these fittingly include natural features such as the Leichhardt River in north-west Queensland (named in 1856 by Augustus Gregory who crossed it by searching for traces of the explorer’s ill-fated 1848 expedition), there are also many businesses across Queensland and the Northern Territory less appropriately carrying his name. More somber monuments to Leichhardt’s legacy also resulted from this journey. The first of these was the white settlement that followed his declaration that the countryside he moved through was well endowed with fertile soils. With squatters and settlers moving in and land taken up before Leichhardt had even arrived back in Sydney, the local Yeeman people were displaced, mistreated and completely eradicated within a decade (Elder). Mid-twentieth century, Patrick White’s literary reincarnation, Voss of the eponymous novel, and paintings by Sidney Nolan and Albert Tucker have enshrined in popular memory not only the difficult (and often described as Gothic) nature of the landscape through which Leichhardt travelled (Adams; Mollinson, and Bonham), but also the distinctive and contrary blend of intelligence, spiritual mysticism, recklessness, and stoicism Leichhardt brought to his task. Roadside Memorials Today, the Leichhardt Highway is also lined with a series of roadside shrines to those who have died much more recently. While, like centotaphs, tombstones, and cemeteries, these memorialise the dead, they differ in usually marking the exact location that death occurred. In 43 BC, Cicero articulated the idea of the dead living in memory, “The life of the dead consists in the recollection cherished of them by the living” (93), yet Nelson is one of very few contemporary writers to link roadside memorials to elements of Gothic sensibility. Such constructions can, however, be described as Gothic, in that they make the roadway unfamiliar by inscribing onto it the memory of corporeal trauma and, in the process, re-creating their locations as vivid sites of pain and suffering. These are also enigmatic sites. Traffic levels are generally low along the flat or gently undulating terrain and many of these memorials are located in locations where there is no obvious explanation for the violence that occurred there. They are loci of contradictions, in that they are both more private than other memorials, in being designed, and often made and erected, by family and friends of the deceased, and yet more public, visible to all who pass by (Campbell). Cemeteries are set apart from their surroundings; the roadside memorial is, in contrast, usually in open view along a thoroughfare. In further contrast to cemeteries, which contain many relatively standardised gravesites, individual roadside memorials encapsulate and express not only the vivid grief of family and friends but also—when they include vehicle wreckage or personal artefacts from the fatal incident—provide concrete evidence of the trauma that occurred. While the majority of individuals interned in cemeteries are long dead, roadside memorials mark relatively contemporary deaths, some so recent that there may still be tyre marks, debris and bloodstains marking the scene. In 2008, when I was regularly travelling this roadway, I documented, and researched, the six then extant memorial sites that marked the locations of ten fatalities from 1999 to 2006. (These were all still in place in mid-2014.) The fatal incidents are very diverse. While half involved trucks and/or road trains, at least three were single vehicle incidents, and the deceased ranged from 13 to 84 years of age. Excell argues that scholarship on roadside memorials should focus on “addressing the diversity of the material culture” (‘Contemporary Deathscapes’) and, in these terms, the Leichhardt Highway memorials vary from simple crosses to complex installations. All include crosses (mostly, but not exclusively, white), and almost all are inscribed with the name and birth/death dates of the deceased. Most include flowers or other plants (sometimes fresh but more often plastic), but sometimes also a range of relics from the crash and/or personal artefacts. These are, thus, unsettling sights, not least in the striking contrast they provide with the highway and surrounding road reserve. The specific location is a key component of their ability to re-sensitise viewers to the dangers of the route they are travelling. The first memorial travelling northwards, for instance, is situated at the very point at which the highway begins, some 18 kilometres from Goondiwindi. Two small white crosses decorated with plastic flowers are set poignantly close together. The inscriptions can also function as a means of mobilising connection with these dead strangers—a way of building Secomb’s “haunted community”, whereby community in the post-colonial age can only be built once past “murderous death” (131) is acknowledged. This memorial is inscribed with “Cec Hann 06 / A Good Bloke / A Good hoarseman [sic]” and “Pat Hann / A Good Woman” to tragically commemorate the deaths of an 84-year-old man and his 79-year-old wife from South Australia who died in the early afternoon of 5 June 2006 when their Ford Falcon, towing a caravan, pulled onto the highway and was hit by a prime mover pulling two trailers (Queensland Police, ‘Double Fatality’; Jones, and McColl). Further north along the highway are two memorials marking the most inexplicable of road deaths: the single vehicle fatality (Connolly, Cullen, and McTigue). Darren Ammenhauser, aged 29, is remembered with a single white cross with flowers and plaque attached to a post, inscribed hopefully, “Darren Ammenhauser 1971-2000 At Rest.” Further again, at Billa Billa Creek, a beautifully crafted metal cross attached to a fence is inscribed with the text, “Kenneth J. Forrester / RIP Jack / 21.10.25 – 27.4.05” marking the death of the 79-year-old driver whose vehicle veered off the highway to collide with a culvert on the creek. It was reported that the vehicle rolled over several times before coming to rest on its wheels and that Forrester was dead when the police arrived (Queensland Police, ‘Fatal Traffic Incident’). More complex memorials recollect both single and multiple deaths. One, set on both sides of the road, maps the physical trajectory of the fatal smash. This memorial comprises white crosses on both sides of road, attached to a tree on one side, and a number of ancillary sites including damaged tyres with crosses placed inside them on both sides of the road. Simple inscriptions relay the inability of such words to express real grief: “Gary (Gazza) Stevens / Sadly missed” and “Gary (Gazza) Stevens / Sadly missed / Forever in our hearts.” The oldest and most complex memorial on the route, commemorating the death of four individuals on 18 June 1999, is also situated on both sides of the road, marking the collision of two vehicles travelling in opposite directions. One memorial to a 62-year-old man comprises a cross with flowers, personal and automotive relics, and a plaque set inside a wooden fence and simply inscribed “John Henry Keenan / 23-11-1936–18-06-1999”. The second memorial contains three white crosses set side-by-side, together with flowers and relics, and reveals that members of three generations of the same family died at this location: “Raymond Campbell ‘Butch’ / 26-3-67–18-6-99” (32 years of age), “Lorraine Margaret Campbell ‘Lloydie’ / 29-11-46–18-6-99” (53 years), and “Raymond Jon Campbell RJ / 28-1-86–18-6-99” (13 years). The final memorial on this stretch of highway is dedicated to Jason John Zupp of Toowoomba who died two weeks before Christmas 2005. This consists of a white cross, decorated with flowers and inscribed: “Jason John Zupp / Loved & missed by all”—a phrase echoed in his newspaper obituary. The police media statement noted that, “at 11.24pm a prime mover carrying four empty trailers [stacked two high] has rolled on the Leichhardt Highway 17km north of Taroom” (Queensland Police, ‘Fatal Truck Accident’). The roadside memorial was placed alongside a ditch on a straight stretch of road where the body was found. The coroner’s report adds the following chilling information: “Mr Zupp was thrown out of the cabin and his body was found near the cabin. There is no evidence whatsoever that he had applied the brakes or in any way tried to prevent the crash … Jason was not wearing his seatbelt” (Cornack 5, 6). Cornack also remarked the truck was over length, the brakes had not been properly adjusted, and the trip that Zupp had undertaken could not been lawfully completed according to fatigue management regulations then in place (8). Although poignant and highly visible due to these memorials, these deaths form a small part of Australia’s road toll, and underscore our ambivalent relationship with the automobile, where road death is accepted as a necessary side-effect of the freedom of movement the technology offers (Ladd). These memorials thus animate highways as Gothic landscapes due to the “multifaceted” (Haider 56) nature of the fear, terror and horror their acknowledgement can bring. Since 1981, there have been, for instance, between some 1,600 and 3,300 road deaths each year in Australia and, while there is evidence of a long term downward trend, the number of deaths per annum has not changed markedly since 1991 (DITRDLG 1, 2), and has risen in some years since then. The U.S.A. marked its millionth road death in 1951 (Ladd) along the way to over 3,000,000 during the 20th century (Advocates). These deaths are far reaching, with U.K. research suggesting that each death there leaves an average of 6 people significantly affected, and that there are some 10 to 20 per cent of mourners who experience more complicated grief and longer term negative affects during this difficult time (‘Pathways Through Grief’). As the placing of roadside memorials has become a common occurrence the world over (Klaassens, Groote, and Vanclay; Grider; Cohen), these are now considered, in MacConville’s opinion, not only “an appropriate, but also an expected response to tragedy”. Hockey and Draper have explored the therapeutic value of the maintenance of “‘continuing bonds’ between the living and the dead” (3). This is, however, only one explanation for the reasons that individuals erect roadside memorials with research suggesting roadside memorials perform two main purposes in their linking of the past with the present—as not only sites of grieving and remembrance, but also of warning (Hartig, and Dunn; Everett; Excell, Roadside Memorials; MacConville). Clark adds that by “localis[ing] and personalis[ing] the road dead,” roadside memorials raise the profile of road trauma by connecting the emotionless statistics of road death directly to individual tragedy. They, thus, transform the highway into not only into a site of past horror, but one in which pain and terror could still happen, and happen at any moment. Despite their increasing commonality and their recognition as cultural artefacts, these memorials thus occupy “an uncomfortable place” both in terms of public policy and for some individuals (Lowe). While in some states of the U.S.A. and in Ireland the erection of such memorials is facilitated by local authorities as components of road safety campaigns, in the U.K. there appears to be “a growing official opposition to the erection of memorials” (MacConville). Criticism has focused on the dangers (of distraction and obstruction) these structures pose to passing traffic and pedestrians, while others protest their erection on aesthetic grounds and even claim memorials can lower property values (Everett). While many ascertain a sense of hope and purpose in the physical act of creating such shrines (see, for instance, Grider; Davies), they form an uncanny presence along the highway and can provide dangerous psychological territory for the viewer (Brien). Alongside the townships, tourist sites, motels, and petrol stations vying to attract customers, they stain the roadway with the unmistakable sign that a violent death has happened—bringing death, and the dead, to the fore as a component of these journeys, and destabilising prominent cultural narratives of technological progress and safety (Richter, Barach, Ben-Michael, and Berman).Conclusion This investigation has followed Goddu who proposes that a Gothic text “registers its culture’s contradictions” (3) and, in profiling these memorials as “intimately connected to the culture that produces them” (Goddu 3) has proposed memorials as Gothic artefacts that can both disturb and reveal. Roadside memorials are, indeed, so loaded with emotional content that their close contemplation can be traumatising (Brien), yet they are inescapable while navigating the roadway. Part of their power resides in their ability to re-animate those persons killed in these violent in the minds of those viewing these memorials. In this way, these individuals are reincarnated as ghostly presences along the highway, forming channels via which the traveller can not only make human contact with the dead, but also come to recognise and ponder their own sense of mortality. While roadside memorials are thus like civic war memorials in bringing untimely death to the forefront of public view, roadside memorials provide a much more raw expression of the chaotic, anarchic and traumatic moment that separates the world of the living from that of the dead. While traditional memorials—such as those dedicated by, and to, Leichhardt—moreover, pay homage to the vitality of the lives of those they commemorate, roadside memorials not only acknowledge the alarming circumstances of unexpected death but also stand testament to the power of the paradox of the incontrovertibility of sudden death versus our lack of ability to postpone it. In this way, further research into these and other examples of Gothic memorialising practice has much to offer various areas of cultural study in Australia.ReferencesAdams, Brian. Sidney Nolan: Such Is Life. Hawthorn, Vic.: Hutchinson, 1987. Advocates for Highway and Auto Safety. “Motor Vehicle Traffic Fatalities & Fatality Rate: 1899-2003.” 2004. Becker, Ernest. The Denial of Death. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1973. Bisceglio, Paul. “How Social Media Is Changing the Way We Approach Death.” The Atlantic 20 Aug. 2013. Botting, Fred. Gothic: The New Critical Idiom. 2nd edition. Abingdon, UK: Routledge, 2014. 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Sydney: New Holland, 1998. Erdos, Renee. “Leichhardt, Friedrich Wilhelm Ludwig (1813-1848).” Australian Dictionary of Biography Online Edition. Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 1967. Everett, Holly. Roadside Crosses in Contemporary Memorial Culture. Austin: Texas UP, 2002. Excell, Gerri. “Roadside Memorials in the UK.” Unpublished MA thesis. Reading: University of Reading, 2004. ———. “Contemporary Deathscapes: A Comparative Analysis of the Material Culture of Roadside Memorials in the US, Australia and the UK.” 7th International Conference on the Social Context of Death, Dying and Disposal. Bath, UK: University of Bath, 2005. Goddu, Teresa A. Gothic America: Narrative, History, and Nation. New York: Columbia UP, 2007. Gorer, Geoffrey. “The Pornography of Death.” Encounter V.4 (1955): 49–52. Grider, Sylvia. “Spontaneous Shrines: A Modern Response to Tragedy and Disaster.” New Directions in Folklore (5 Oct. 2001). Haider, Amna. “War Trauma and Gothic Landscapes of Dispossession and Dislocation in Pat Barker’s Regeneration Trilogy.” Gothic Studies 14.2 (2012): 55–73. Hall, Stephen S. Merchants of Immortality: Chasing the Dream of Human Life Extension. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, Harcourt, 2003. Hartig, Kate V., and Kevin M. Dunn. “Roadside Memorials: Interpreting New Deathscapes in Newcastle, New South Wales.” Australian Geographical Studies 36 (1998): 5–20. Hockey, Jenny, and Janet Draper. “Beyond the Womb and the Tomb: Identity, (Dis)embodiment and the Life Course.” Body & Society 11.2 (2005): 41–57. Online version: 1–25. Jones, Ian, and Kaye McColl. (2006) “Highway Tragedy.” Goondiwindi Argus 9 Jun. 2006. Kiernan, Stephen P. “The Transformation of Death in America.” Final Acts: Death, Dying, and the Choices We Make. Eds. Nan Bauer-Maglin, and Donna Perry. Rutgers University: Rutgers UP, 2010. 163–182. Klaassens, M., P.D. Groote, and F.M. Vanclay. “Expressions of Private Mourning in Public Space: The Evolving Structure of Spontaneous and Permanent Roadside Memorials in the Netherlands.” Death Studies 37.2 (2013): 145–171. Ladd, Brian. Autophobia: Love and Hate in the Automotive Age. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2008. Leichhardt, Ludwig. Journal of an Overland Expedition of Australia from Moreton Bay to Port Essington, A Distance of Upwards of 3000 Miles during the Years 1844–1845. London, T & W Boone, 1847. Facsimile ed. Sydney: Macarthur Press, n.d. Lowe, Tim. “Roadside Memorials in South Eastern Australia.” 7th International Conference on the Social Context of Death, Dying and Disposal. Bath, UK: University of Bath, 2005. MacConville, Una. “Roadside Memorials.” Bath, UK: Centre for Death & Society, Department of Social and Policy Sciences, University of Bath, 2007. Macintyre, Stuart. “The Making of the Australian Working Class: An Historiographical Survey.” Historical Studies 18.71 (1978): 233–253. 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This paper explores South African hip-hop activist Emile YX?'s work to suggest that he presents an alternative take on mainstream US and South African hip-hop. While it is arguable that a great deal of mainstream hip-hop is commercially co-opted, it is clear that a significant amount of US hip-hop (by Angel Haze or Talib Kweli, for example) and hip-hop beyond the US (by Positive Black Soul, Godessa, Black Noise or Prophets of da City, for example) present alternatives to its co-option. Emile YX? pushes for an alternative to mainstream hip-hop's aesthetics and politics. Foregoing what Prophets of da City call “mindless topics” (Prophets of da City “Cape Crusader”), he employs hip-hop to engage audiences critically about social and political issues, including language and racial identity politics. Significantly, he embraces AfriKaaps, which is a challenge to the hegemonic speech variety of Afrikaans. From Emile's perspective, AfriKaaps preceded Afrikaans because it was spoken by slaves during the Cape colonial era and was later culturally appropriated by Afrikaner Nationalists in the apartheid era to construct white, Afrikaner identity as pure and bounded. AfriKaaps in hip-hop therefore presents an alternative to mainstream US-centric hip-hop in South Africa (via AKA or Cassper Nyovest, for example) as well as Afrikaner Nationalist representations of Afrikaans and race by promoting multilingual hip-hop aesthetics, which was initially advanced by Prophets of da City in the early '90s.Pursuing Alternative TrajectoriesEmile YX?, a former school teacher, started out with the Black Consciousness-aligned hip-hop crew, Black Noise, as a b-boy in the late 1980s before becoming an MC. Black Noise went through a number of iterations, eventually being led by YX? (aka Emile Jansen) after he persuaded the crew not to pursue a mainstream record deal in favour of plotting a career path as independent artists. The crew’s strategy has been to fund the production and distribution of their albums independently and to combine their work as recording and performing artists with their activism. They therefore arranged community workshops at schools and, initially, their local library in the township, Grassy Park, before touring nationally and internationally. By the late 1990s, Jansen established an NGO, Heal the Hood, in order to facilitate collaborative projects with European and South African partners. These partnerships, not only allowed Black Noise crew members to continue working as hip-hip activists, but also created a network through which they could distribute their music and secure further bookings for performances locally and internationally.Jansen’s solo work continued along this trajectory and he has gone on to work on collaborative projects, such as the hip-hop theatre show Afrikaaps, which looks critically at the history of Afrikaans and identity politics, and Mixed Mense, a b-boy show that celebrates African dance traditions and performed at One Mic Festival at the Kennedy Center in Washington DC in 2014 (48 Hours). This artist’s decision not to pursue a mainstream record deal in the early 1990s probably saved Black Noise from being a short-lived pop sensation in favour of pursuing a route that ensured that Cape hip-hop retained its alternative, Black Consciousness-inspired subcultural edge.The activism of Black Noise and Heal the Hood is an example of activists’ efforts to employ hip-hop as a means of engaging youth critically about social and political issues (Haupt, Stealing Empire 158-165). Hence, despite arguments that the seeds for subcultures’ commercial co-option lie in the fact that they speak through commodities (Hebdige 95; Haupt, Stealing Empire 144–45), there is evidence of agency despite the global reach of US cultural imperialism. H. Samy Alim’s concept of translocal style communities is useful in this regard. The concept focuses on the “transportability of mobile matrices – sets of styles, aesthetics, knowledges, and ideologies that travel across localities and cross-cut modalities” (Alim 104-105). Alim makes the case for agency when he contends, “Although global style communities may indeed grow out of particular sociohistoric originating moments, or moments in which cultural agents take on the project of creating ‘an origin’ (in this case, Afrodiasporic youth in the United States in the 1970s), it is important to note that a global style community is far from a threatening, homogenizing force” (Alim 107).Drawing on Arjun Appadurai’s concepts of ethnoscapes, financescapes, ideoscapes and mediascapes, Alim argues that the “persistent dialectical interplay between the local and the global gives rise to the creative linguistic styles that are central to the formation of translocal style communities, and leads into theorizing about glocal stylizations and style as glocal distinctiveness” (Appadurai; Alim 107). His view of globalisation thus accommodates considerations of the extent to which subjects on both the local and global levels are able to exercise agency to produce new or alternative meanings and stylistic practices.Hip-Hop's Translanguaging Challenge to HegemonyJansen’s “Mix en Meng It Op” [“Mix and Blend It / Mix It Up”] offers an example of translocal style by employing translanguaging, code mixing and codeswitching practices. The song’s first verse speaks to the politics of race and language by challenging apartheid-era thinking about purity and mixing:In South Africa is ek coloured and African means black raceFace it, all mense kom van Africa in the first placeErase all trace of race and our tribal divisionEk’s siek en sat van all our land’s racist decisionsMy mission’s om te expose onse behoort aan een rasHou vas, ras is las, watch hoe ons die bubble barsPlus the mixture that mixed here is not fixed, sirStir daai potjie want ons wietie wattie mixtures wereThis illusion of race and tribe is rotten to the coreWhat’s more the lie of purity shouldn’t exist anymoreLook at Shaka Zulu, who mixed all those tribes togetherMixed conquered tribes now Amazulu foreverHave you ever considered all this mixture before?Xhosa comes from Khoe khoe, do you wanna know more?Xhosa means angry looking man in Khoe KhoeSoe hulle moet gemix het om daai clicks to employ(Emile YX? “Mix en Meng It Op”; my emphasis)[In South Africa I am coloured and African means black raceFace it, all people come from Africa in the first placeErase all trace of race and our tribal divisionI’m sick and tired of all our land’s racist decisionsMy mission’s to expose the fact that we belong top one raceHold on, race is a burden, watch as we burst the bubble Plus the mixture that mixed here is not fixed, sirStir that pot because we don’t know what the mixtures wereThis illusion of race and tribe is rotten to the coreWhat’s more the lie of purity shouldn’t exist anymoreLook at Shaka Zulu, who mixed all those tribes togetherMixed conquered tribes now Amazulu foreverHave you ever considered all this mixture before?Xhosa comes from Khoe khoe, do you wanna know more?Xhosa means angry looking man in Khoe KhoeSo they must have mixed to employ those clicks]The MC does more than codeswitch or code mix in this verse. The syntax switches from that of English to Afrikaans interchangeably and he is doing more than merely borrowing words and phrases from one language and incorporating it into the other language. In certain instances, he opts to pronounce certain English words and phrases as if they were Afrikaans (for example, “My” and “land’s”). Suresh Canagarajah explains that codeswitching was traditionally “distinguished from code mixing” because it was assumed that codeswitching required “bilingual competence” in order to “switch between [the languages] in fairly contextually appropriate ways with rhetorical and social significance”, while code mixing merely involved “borrowings which are appropriated into one’s language so that using them doesn't require bilingual competence” (Canagarajah, Translingual Practice 10). However, he argues that both of these translingual practices do not require “full or perfect competence” in the languages being mixed and that “these models of hybridity can be socially and rhetorically significant” (Canagarajah, Translingual Practice 10). However, the artist is clearly competent in both English and Afrikaans; in fact, he is also departing from the hegemonic speech varieties of English and Afrikaans in attempts to affirm black modes of speech, which have been negated during apartheid (cf. Haupt “Black Thing”).What the artist seems to be doing is closer to translanguaging, which Canagarajah defines as “the ability of multilingual speakers to shuttle between languages, treating the diverse languages that form their repertoire as an integrated system” (Canagarajah, “Codemeshing in Academic Writing” 401). The mix or blend of English and Afrikaans syntax become integrated, thereby performing the very point that Jansen makes about what he calls “the lie of purity” by asserting that the “mixture that mixed here is not fixed, sir” (Emile XY? “Mix en Meng It Op”). This approach is significant because Canagarajah points out that while research shows that translanguaging is “a naturally occurring phenomenon”, it “occurs surreptitiously behind the backs of the teachers in classes that proscribe language mixing” (Canagarajah, “Codemeshing in Academic Writing” 401). Jansen’s performance of translanguaging and challenge to notions of linguistic and racial purity should be read in relation to South Africa’s history of racial segregation during apartheid. Remixing Race/ism and Notions of PurityLegislated apartheid relied on biologically essentialist understandings of race as bounded and fixed and, hence, the categories black and white were treated as polar opposites with those classified as coloured being seen as racially mixed and, therefore, defiled – marked with the shame of miscegenation (Erasmus 16; Haupt, “Black Thing” 176-178). Apart from the negative political and economic consequences of being classified as either black or coloured by the apartheid state (Salo 363; McDonald 11), the internalisation of processes of racial interpellation was arguably damaging to the psyche of black subjects (in the broad inclusive sense) (cf. Fanon; Du Bois). The work of early hip-hop artists like Black Noise and Prophets of da City (POC) was therefore crucial to pointing to alternative modes of speech and self-conception for young people of colour – regardless of whether they self-identified as black or coloured. In the early 1990s, POC lead the way by embracing black modes of speech that employed codeswitching, code mixing and translanguaging as a precursor to the emergence of music genres, such as kwaito, which mixed urban black speech varieties with elements of house music and hip-hop. POC called their performances of Cape Flats speech varieties of English and Afrikaans gamtaal [gam language], which is an appropriation of the term gam, a reference to the curse of Ham and justifications for slavery (Adhikari 95; Haupt Stealing Empire 237). POC’s appropriation of the term gam in celebration of Cape Flats speech varieties challenge the shame attached to coloured identity and the linguistic practices of subjects classified as coloured. On a track called “Gamtaal” off Phunk Phlow, the crew samples an assortment of recordings from Cape Flats speech communities and capture ordinary people speaking in public and domestic spaces (Prophets of da City “Gamtaal”). In one audio snippet we hear an older woman saying apologetically, “Onse praatie suiwer Afrikaan nie. Onse praat kombius Afrikaans” (Prophets of da City “Gamtaal”).It is this shame for black modes of speech that POC challenges on this celebratory track and Jansen takes this further by both making an argument against notions of racial and linguistic purity and performing an example of translanguaging. This is important in light of research that suggests that dominant research on the creole history of Afrikaans – specifically, the Cape Muslim contribution to Afrikaans – has been overlooked (Davids 15). This oversight effectively amounted to cultural appropriation as the construction of Afrikaans as a ‘pure’ language with Dutch origins served the Afrikaner Nationalist project when the National Party came into power in 1948 and began to justify its plans to implement legislated apartheid. POC’s act of appropriating the denigrated term gamtaal in service of a Black Consciousness-inspired affirmation of colouredness, which they position as part of the black experience, thus points to alternative ways in which people of colour cand both express and define themselves in defiance of apartheid.Jansen’s work with the hip-hop theater project Afrikaaps reconceptualised gamtaal as Afrikaaps, a combination of the term Afrikaans and Kaaps. Kaaps means from the Cape – as in Cape Town (the city) or the Cape Flats, which is where many people classified as coloured were forcibly relocated under the Group Areas Act under apartheid (cf. McDonald; Salo; Alim and Haupt). Taking its cue from POC and Brasse vannie Kaap’s Mr FAT, who asserted that “gamtaal is legal” (Haupt, “Black Thing” 176), the Afrikaaps cast sang, “Afrikaaps is legal” (Afrikaaps). Conclusion: Agency and the Transportability of Mobile MatricesJansen pursues this line of thought by contending that the construction of Shaka Zulu’s kingdom involved mixing many tribes (Emile YX? “Mix en Meng It Op”), thereby alluding to arguments that narratives about Shaka Zulu were developed in service of Zulu nationalism to construct Zulu identity as bounded and fixed (Harries 105). Such constructions were essential to the apartheid state's justifications for establishing Bantustans, separate homelands established along the lines of clearly defined and differentiated ethnic identities (Harries 105). Writing about the use of myths and symbols during apartheid, Patrick Harries argues that in Kwazulu, “the governing Inkatha Freedom Party ... created a vivid and sophisticated vision of the Zulu past” (Harries 105). Likewise, Emile YX? contends that isiXhosa’s clicks come from the Khoi (Emile YX? “Mix en Meng It Op”; Afrikaaps). Hence, the idea of the Khoi San’s lineage and history as being separate from that of other African communities in Southern Africa is challenged. He thus challenges the idea of pure Zulu or Xhosa identities and drives the point home by sampling traditional Zulu music, as opposed to conventional hip-hop beats.Effectively, colonial strategies of tribalisation as a divide and rule strategy through the reification of linguistic and cultural practices are challenged, thereby reminding us of the “transportability of mobile matrices” and “fluidity of identities” (Alim 104, 105). In short, identities as well as cultural and linguistic practices were never bounded and static, but always-already hybrid, being constantly made and remade in a series of negotiations. This perspective is in line with research that demonstrates that race is socially and politically constructed and discredits biologically essentialist understandings of race (Yudell 13-14; Tattersall and De Salle 3). This is not to ignore the asymmetrical relations of power that enable cultural appropriation and racism (Hart 138), be it in the context of legislated apartheid, colonialism or in the age of corporate globalisation or Empire (cf. Haupt, Static; Hardt & Negri). But, even here, as Alim suggests, one should not underestimate the agency of subjects on the local level to produce alternative forms of expression and self-representation.ReferencesAdhikari, Mohamed. "The Sons of Ham: Slavery and the Making of Coloured Identity." South African Historical Journal 27.1 (1992): 95-112.Alim, H. Samy “Translocal Style Communities: Hip Hop Youth as Cultural Theorists of Style, Language and Globalization”. Pragmatics 19.1 (2009):103-127. Alim, H. Samy, and Adam Haupt. “Reviving Soul(s): Hip Hop as Culturally Sustaining Pedagogy in the U.S. & South Africa”. Culturally Sustaining Pedagogies: Teaching and Learning for Educational Justice. Ed. Django Paris and H. Samy Alim. 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