Academic literature on the topic 'Wartime Myths'
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Journal articles on the topic "Wartime Myths"
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WILLIAMSON, PHILIP. "BALDWIN'S REPUTATION: POLITICS AND HISTORY, 1937–1967." Historical Journal 47, no. 1 (March 2004): 127–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003546.
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In one fundamental sense, a British post-war consensus certainly existed: repudiation and denigration of interwar governments and their leaders. Stanley Baldwin was the chief victim, as it became widely believed during the 1940s that he had ‘failed to rearm’ the nation in the 1930s. Examination of the history of Baldwin's reputation after his retirement – precisely why and how it collapsed – reveals a striking case of the contingent construction of historical interpretation. Partisan politics, legitimation of a new regime, a Churchillian bandwagon, self-exoneration, and selective recollection together reinforced hindsight and a wartime appetite for scapegoats to create a public myth, which despite manifest evidence to the contrary was accepted as historical ‘truth’ by historians and other intellectuals. The main indictment was accepted even by Baldwin's appointed biographer, who added a further layer of supposed psychological deficiencies. Attempts to establish an effective defence were long constrained by official secrecy and the force of Churchill's post-war prestige. Only during the 1960s did political distance and then the opening of government records lead to more balanced historical assessments; yet the myth had become so central to larger myths about the 1930s and 1940s that it persists in general belief.
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Kozachenko, Ivan. "Fighting for the Soviet Union 2.0: Digital nostalgia and national belonging in the context of the Ukrainian crisis." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 52, no. 1 (January 22, 2019): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2019.01.001.
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This paper focuses on the use of Soviet-era symbols, myths, and narratives within groups on VKontakte social media site over the initial stage of the Ukraine crisis (2014–2015). The study is based on qualitative content analysis of online discussions, visual materials, and entries by group administrators and commentators. It also applies link-analysis in order to see how groups on social media are interrelated and positioned online. It reveals that these online groups are driven primarily by neo-Soviet myths and hopes for a new version of the USSR to emerge. Over time, the main memory work in these groups shifted from Soviet nostalgia and “pragmatic” discourse to the use of re-constructed World War II memories in order to justify Russian aggression and to undermine national belonging in Ukraine. Reliance on the wartime mythology allowed for the labelling of Euromaidan supporters as “fascists” that should be eliminated “once again.” This powerful swirl of re-created Soviet memories allowed effective mobilization on the ground and further escalation of the conflict from street protests to the armed struggle.
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Baumeister, Hannah. "Forced Marriage Real Simple." Journal of Human Trafficking, Enslavement and Conflict-Related Sexual Violence 1, no. 1 (September 10, 2020): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7590/266644720x15989693725685.
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The concepts of 'real rape' and 'real rape victim' play a key role in the reporting and prosecution of rape cases and strongly influence their outcomes. Similar biases and misconceptions obscure other acts of gender-based violence such as forced marriage in times of armed conflict. This paper analyses how the Special Court for Sierra Leone, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia and the International Criminal Court construct and reconstruct the concepts of a 'real' and 'simple forced marriage'. It argues that the difference lies in the elements of consent, coercion, duration and purpose. The paper highlights the gendered everyday realities in which myths surrounding conflict-related forced marriage are embedded and then taken for granted and accepted as normal, contributing to the denial, downplay or justification of acts of violence against women. It argues that by reinforcing these concepts, courts miss an opportunity to educate the legal community and the public about women's experiences in peace and wartime and to develop a definition of the crime of forced marriage that reflects women's realities.
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COOK, HARUKO TAYA, and THEODORE F. COOK. "A lost war in living memory: Japan’s Second World War." European Review 11, no. 4 (October 2003): 573–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798703000498.
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We examine the strata of memory in Japan’s recollections of the wartime experience and explore the shaping and releasing of memory in Japan, seeking to penetrate and recover individual Japanese experience. Individual memories that seemed tightly contained, when released were told with great emotional intensity and authenticity. That there has been little public discourse does not mean that individual Japanese have forgotten that war, but that the conflict – a war with no generally accepted name or firmly fixed start or end – seems disconnected from the private memories of the wartime generation. Japan was defeated thoroughly and completely, and in the history of memory we see no well-established narrative form for telling the tale of the defeated. In Japan's public memory of the war, War itself is often the enemy, and the Japanese its victims. Such a view is ahistorical and unsatisfactory to nations and peoples throughout Asia and the Pacific. The prevailing myths during Japan's war, developed and fostered over 15 years of conflict, and the overwhelming weight of more than three million war dead on the memories of the living forged a link between a desire to honour and cherish those lost and the ways the war is recalled in the public sphere. Enforced and encouraged by government policies and private associations, protecting the dead has become a means of avoiding a full discussion of the war. The memorials and monuments to the Dead that have been created throughout Japan, Asia, and the Pacific stand silent sentry to a Legend of the war. This must be challenged by the release into the public sphere of living memories of the War in all their ambiguity, complexity, and contradiction without which Japan’s Memory can have no historical veracity. Moreover, the memories of the Second World War of other peoples can never be complete without Japan’s story.
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Waters, Chris. "“Dark Strangers” in Our Midst: Discourses of Race and Nation in Britain, 1947–1963." Journal of British Studies 36, no. 2 (April 1997): 207–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386134.
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It has been more than a decade since Benedict Anderson urged us to consider the nation a particular kind of cultural artefact and to study national communities in terms of the style in which they are imagined. Anticipating Anderson's seminal work, Enoch Powell, the Biblical scholar, Ulster Unionist M.P., and 1960s advocate of the voluntary repatriation of people of color in Britain likewise suggested that the “life of nations … is lived largely in the imagination.” He also noted that the myths on which Britain's “corporate imagination” rested had, since 1945, become severely impoverished. Amidst the rubble produced by the collapse of many of those myths scholars have begun to problematize the various components of national identity that, customarily, have been taken for granted as “real” rather than invented. They have also begun to trace the manner by which the national community has constantly been imagined and reimagined in the past. Some of their more insightful work has considered the articulation of Englishness against other nationalities in the United Kingdom, particularly the Irish. This had led Linda Colley to suggest that national identity is always contingent and relational, the product of boundaries drawn up to distinguish between the collective self and the other.In this essay, I want to suggest that Britain's wartime sense of national unity, generated through the struggle against fascist Germany, began to crumble after 1945. This gradual erosion of national cohesion, coupled with Britain's failure to generate new narratives of national purpose through the rhetoric of the Cold War, led to a veritable crisis of national self-representation in the 1950s, a crisis compounded by domestic social dislocation and the rapid emergence of the political, military, and economic hegemony of the United States.
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Waśkiewicz, Andrzej. "The Polish Home Army and the Politics of Memory." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 1 (January 21, 2010): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409354556.
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Politics of memory makes use as well as abuse of history. As any kind of politics, politics of memory are not guided by truth—they are guided by utility in a broad sense of the term. Truth and utility may coincide, and yet they are not close friends at all. Politics are, as the political scientists say, an open-ended game, and so they are politics of memory. They do not deprive people of the freedom of thinking any more than politics sensu stricto deprive them of freedom of behaviour. Some politics of memory are necessary for uniting people as fellow citizens. The point is that these particular ones the author is referring to in this article were bad politics; they divided, not united. The present article outlines the history of how the Polish Home Army (Armia Krajowa) and particularly the Warsaw Rising of 1944 have been treated and mistreated in the legitimising myths of the regime imposed on Poland in 1945, in the political system the Poles freely elected in 1989, and in the propaganda of the so-called Fourth Republic of Poland in 2005—7. The author intends to show how this controversial wartime event has been entangled in the politics of memory and why its exploitation for political purposes has turned it into a black-and-white picture that has stifled more balanced and less passionate opinions on its meaning and significance.
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Fuhrmann, Aragorn. "De snelschrijver, oorlog en collaboratie. Traumaverwerking in de 'Nota's voor een Oostakkerse cantate' van Hugo Claus." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 77, no. 4 (December 11, 2019): 309–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v77i4.15694.
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Deze paper beoogt een nieuw licht te werpen op het vroege literaire werk van Hugo Claus, meer bepaald op De Oostakkerse gedichten (1955). Claus’ canonieke dichtbundel werd tot dusver hoofdzakelijk gelezen vanuit een klassiek structuralistisch paradigma. Dat betekent dat Claus’ gedichten steevast werden losgekoppeld van hun biografische en historische context. In dat verband opteert deze paper voor een alternatieve lezing. Uitgangspunt vormt het oorlogsverleden van de auteur: Claus was tijdens de Tweede Wereldoorlog lid van een nationaalsocialistische jeugdbeweging en groeide op in een milieu van collaborateurs en geradicaliseerde Vlaams-nationalisten. Nadat de schrijver dit verleden eerst probeerde te ontvluchten door naar Parijs te reizen en zich daar expliciet te profileren als een autonome en kosmopolitische kunstenaar, ging hij er vanaf 1952 toch steeds weer de confrontatie mee aan. In de zomer van dat jaar ging Claus gedurende enkele maanden op bezoek bij zijn familie in Lourdes-Oostakker. Tijdens zijn verblijf in het Oost-Vlaamse dorp en bedevaartsoord kwam hij niet alleen opnieuw in aanraking met de financiële en relationele problemen van zijn door de repressie getekende bloedverwanten, hij werd er ook geconfronteerd met een Vlaanderen dat zijn oorlogsverleden nog steeds niet kritisch had verwerkt. Lourdes-Oostakker bleek het decor te vormen van een van de vele ideologisch verre van onschuldige oostfrontherdenkingen die op dat moment op verschillende plekken in Vlaanderen werden georganiseerd. Tegen die achtergrond schreef Claus een eerste versie van zijn Oostakkerse gedichten: een scherpzinnig onderzoek naar de unheimliche parallellen tussen het nationaalsocialisme en het christelijke denken én zijn eerste, poëtische aanklacht tegen het naoorlogse, in rites en mythes verstrikte Vlaanderen.___________
The rapid-fire writer, war and collaboration. Trauma processing in Hugo Claus’s ‘Nota’s voor een Oostakkerse Cantate’
This paper aims to shed new light on Hugo Claus’s early work, in particular his De Oostakkerse gedichten (1955). Notwithstanding a few exceptions, this work has generally been analysed from a classic structuralist paradigm. Consequently, Claus’s poems have continuously been detached from their biographical and historical contexts. To address this issue, this paper will propose an alternative approach. It will stress the prevalence of Claus’s wartime experiences, when, in a context of collaborating and radicalized Flemish nationalists, he became a member of a National-Socialist youth organisation. After first discarding his wartime upbringing by travelling to Paris and proclaiming to be an autonomous and cosmopolitan artist, Claus would start to confront his past during the summer of 1952, when he visited his family in Lourdes-Oostakker for a couple of months. During this time, Claus would not only encounter destitute family members who were affected by the post-war repression, but also be struck by the fact that Flanders had still not critically addressed its role and involvement in the Second World War. Moreover, Lourdes-Oostakker was one of many sites in Flanders that commemorated those that had fought at the eastern front during the war in a highly partisan manner. It is in these circumstances that Claus would write his initial version of the De Oostakkerse gedichten, constituting an astute examination of the disquieting parallels beween National Socialism and Christian rationale as well as his first, poetical charge against the rites and myths that marked post-war Flanders.
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Omer-Sherman, Ranen. "“To Extract from It Some Sort of Beautiful Thing”: The Holocaust in the Families and Fiction of Nava Semel and Etgar Keret." Humanities 9, no. 4 (November 23, 2020): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h9040137.
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In literary narratives by Nava Semel (1954–2017) and Etgar Keret (b. 1967), both Israeli children of Holocaust survivors, readers encounter the kinds of searching questions about inheriting the burden of traumatic inheritance, witnessing, and postmemory frequently intrinsic to second-generation literature in other national contexts. However, their works are further distinguished by acute examinations that probe the moral fabric of Israeli society itself, including dehumanization of the enemy through slogans and other debased forms of language and misuses of historical memory. In addition, their fiction measures the distance between the suffering and pain of intimate family memory (what Semel once dubbed their “private Shoah”) and ceremonial, nationalistic forms of Holocaust memory, and the apartness felt by the children of survivors who sense themselves somehow at odds with their society’s heroic values. Semel’s numerous articles, and fiction as well as nonfiction books, frequently address second and third-generation trauma, arguably most impressively in her harrowing five-part novel And the Rat Laughed (2001) that spans 150 years but most crucially juxtaposes the experiences of a “hidden child” in a remote wartime Polish village repeatedly raped with that of her grandchild writing a dutiful report for her class in contemporary Israel. Elsewhere, in a distant future, a bewildered but determined anthropologist is set on assembling a scientific report with coherent meaning from the fragmented “myths” inherited from the barbaric past. Over the years, Keret (generally known more for whimsical and surreal tales) has often spoken in interviews as well as his memoir about being raised by survivors. “Siren”, set in a Tel Aviv high school, is one of the most acclaimed of Keret’s realist stories (and required reading in Israeli high schools), raises troubling questions about Israeli society’s official forms of Holocaust mourning and remembrance and individual conscience. It is through their portrayals of the cognitive and moral struggles of children and adolescents, the destruction of their innocence, and gradual awakening into compassionate awareness that Semel and Keret most shine, each unwavering in preserving the Shoah’s legacy as a form of vigilance against society’s abuses, whether toward “internal” or “external” others.
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Verdoodt, Frans-Jos. "Het oorlogsjaar 1917, de IJzersymbolen en de relativiteit van de IJzermythes." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 77, no. 3 (December 11, 2019): 269–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v77i3.15689.
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Oorlogsjaren zijn op zichzelf erg belangrijk, maar het oorlogsjaar 1917 was dat in het bijzonder, zowel internationaal als vanuit Vlaams perspectief. Voor de Vlaamsgezinden aan het front betekende 1917 een scharnierjaar: tegen de achtergrond van de eindeloos aanslepende stellingenoorlog enerzijds en de Vlaamsgezinde agitatie van activisme en frontisme anderzijds, werd het oorlogsoffer van een aantal Vlaamsgezinde soldaten nadrukkelijk een sterven-voor-Vlaanderen. Hun offerbereidheid voedde de hoop dat het politieke initiatief na de oorlog in de handen van de Vlaamsgezinden zou komen. Maar tegelijk groeide het gevoel van verlatenheid ten opzichte van de hoogste kerkelijke en politieke overheden, in de eerste plaats tegenover kardinaal Mercier en koning Albert, op wie men vruchteloos beroep had gedaan om de Vlaamsgezinde aspiraties in te wil-ligen. De aura van het sterven-voor-Vlaanderen ontwikkelde zich vooral rondom een aantal gesneuvelde Vlaamsgezinden: deze IJzer-helden werden IJzersymbolen. Onder hen verwierven vooral de (in 1917 gesneuvelde) gebroeders Edward en Frans Van Raemdonck en Renaat De Rudder een iconische en ten dele mythische betekenis.__________
The War Year 1917, the Symbols of the Yser and the Relativity of the Yser Myths
Years of war are very important on their own, but the year 1917 was unusually so, in an international as well as Flemish perspective. For Flemish-minded individuals on the front, 1917 was a turning point: against the background of the endlessly persistent war of position on the one hand, and the Flemish-minded agitation of Activism and the Front Movement on the other, the wartime sacrifice of a number of Flemish casualties was emphatically one of ‘dying for Flanders’. Their willingness to sacrifice fed the hope that the political initiative would come into the hands of the Flemish-minded after the war. But at the same time, a sense of abandonment grew regarding the highest ecclesiastical and political authorities, in the first place Cardinal Mercier and King Albert, to whom a fruitless appeal had been made to accede to Flemish demands. The aura of ‘dying for Flanders’ developed largely around a number of fallen Flemish-minded soldiers: these ‘Yser heroes’ became ‘Yser symbols’. Among these, the brothers Edward and Frans Van Raemdonck and Renaat De Rudder, who all died in 1917, developed a particularly iconic and partly mythical significance.
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Sladen, Chris. "Wartime Holidays and the ‘Myth of the Blitz’." Cultural and Social History 2, no. 2 (April 2005): 215–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/1478003805cs026oa.
Full textBooks on the topic "Wartime Myths"
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Phillips, Jason. Epilogue. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190868161.003.0008.
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This conclusion explains how American temporalities changed after the war and sketches how expectations and anticipations of the future have alternated as the dominant view in American culture through the twentieth century to today. This chapter also shows how the short war myth, the story that Civil War Americans expected a short, glorious war at the outset, gained currency with the public and consensus among scholars during the postwar period. It contrasts the wartime expectations of individuals with their postwar memories of the war’s beginning to show how the short war myth worked as a tool for sectional reconciliation and a narrative device that dramatized the war by creating an innocent antebellum era or golden age before the cataclysm. It considers why historians still accept the myth and showcases three postwar voices that challenged it.
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Markwick, Roger D. The Great Patriotic War in Soviet and Post-Soviet Collective Memory. Edited by Dan Stone. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199560981.013.0035.
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World War II has never ended for the citizens of the former Soviet Union. Nearly 27 million Soviet citizens died in the course of what Joseph Stalin declared to be the Great Patriotic War, half of the total 55 million victims of the world war. The enduring personal trauma and grief that engulfed those who survived, despite the Red Army's victory over fascism, was not matched by Stalin's state of mind, which preferred to forget the war. Not until the ousting of Nikita S. Khrushchev in October 1964 by Leonid Brezhnev was official memory of the war really resurrected. This article elaborates a thesis about the place of World War II in Soviet and post-Soviet collective memory by illuminating the sources of the myth of the Great Patriotic War and the mechanisms by which it has been sustained and even amplified. It discusses perestroika, patriotism without communism, the fate of the wartime Young Communist heroine Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya, the battle for Victory Day, the return of ‘trophy’ art, the Hill of Prostrations, and Sovietism without socialism.
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Harward, Grant T. Romania's Holy War. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501759963.001.0001.
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This book rights the widespread myth that Romania was a reluctant member of the Axis during World War II. In correcting this fallacy, the book shows that, of an estimated 300,000 Jews who perished in Romania and Romanian-occupied Ukraine, more than 64,000 were, in fact, killed by Romanian soldiers. Moreover, the Romanian Army conducted a brutal campaign in German-occupied Ukraine, resulting in the deaths of thousands of Soviet prisoners of war, partisans, and civilians. Investigating why Romanian soldiers fought and committed such atrocities, the book argues that strong ideology—a cocktail of nationalism, religion, antisemitism, and anticommunism—undergirded their motivation. The book integrates the Holocaust into the narrative of military operations to show that most soldiers fully supported the wartime dictator, General Ion Antonescu, and his regime’s holy war against “Judeo-Bolshevism.” The army perpetrated mass reprisals, targeting Jews in liberated Romanian territory; supported the deportation and concentration of Jews in camps or ghettos in Romanian-occupied Soviet territory; and played a key supporting role in S.S. efforts to exterminate Jews in German-occupied Soviet territory. The book proves that Romania became Nazi Germany’s most important ally in the war against the U.S.S.R. because its soldiers were highly motivated, thus overturning much of what we thought we knew about this theater of war. The book provides the first complete history of why Romanian soldiers fought on the Eastern Front.
Book chapters on the topic "Wartime Myths"
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Preston, P. W. "Foundation Myths: The War, Wartime and ‘Continuing Britain’." In Britain After Empire, 19–39. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137023834_2.
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Siebrecht, Claudia. "Martial Spirit and Mobilization Myths: Bourgeois Women and the ‘Ideas of 1914’ in Germany." In The Women's Movement in Wartime, 38–52. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230210790_3.
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Kuhlman, Erika. "Desertion: Emigrants’ Wartime Mobility, Their Transnational War Experience, and the Myths of War." In The International Migration of German Great War Veterans, 45–68. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50160-8_3.
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Kelsey, Darren. "London Responds: Wartime Defiance and Front-Line Heroism." In Media, Myth and Terrorism, 76–100. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137410696_5.
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Millar, Katharine M. "Introduction." In Support the Troops, 1—C1.P55. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197642337.003.0001.
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Abstract The introduction outlines the problematique of the book: Why do people support the troops fighting in wars they oppose? How has this come to be produced as common sense? It contextualizes this puzzle by laying out the apparent disconnect between cultural myths of “good wars” and the military service required of “good” masculine citizens on the one hand, and the contemporary liberal democratic experience of distant wars fought by small, professional armed forces on the other hand. The chapter establishes the support the troops phenomenon in the US and UK (2001–2010) as an instance of gendered civilian anxiety stemming from non-service in wartime. It also briefly outlines the logic of inquiry, case selection, and methodology, as well as the structure, of the book.
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Orzoff, Andrea. "Myth and Wartime." In Battle for the Castle, 23–56. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195367812.003.0002.
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Tsymbal, Evgeniy. "Tarkovsky’s Childhood: Between Trauma and Myth." In ReFocus: The Films of Andrei Tarkovsky, 15–29. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474437233.003.0002.
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This chapter focuses on the traumatic events in the director’s childhood that continued to haunt him throughout his life. Tarkovsky scholars often point out the autobiographical nature of his cinema and, more specifically, how the divorce of his parents influenced his cinematic representation of marital relationships. According to Helena Goscilo, for example, Tarkovsky’s personal trauma of paternal abandonment provides a clue to the narrative structure of his films. For Tsymbal, however, it is the director’s strained relationship with his mother, viewed in the context of André Green’s theory of the dead mother complex, that defines much of his artistic impulse. This chapter also discusses what hardships Tarkovsky experienced during the wartime and how his father’s influence inadvertently helped him choose his future profession.
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Keating, Ryan W. "Irish Americans in the Civil War: Myth and Memory." In Shades of Green. Fordham University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823276592.003.0010.
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For many soldiers, local communities were as important to their identity as their ethnic heritage. While their decision to serve in an Irish unit made them unique, the reality was that Irish regiments were themselves diverse manifestations of local and state communities, linked together only by a loose ethnic identity. This diversity among the regiments—in their wartime experiences, on the home front, and in the preservation and memorialization of their service—highlights the truly complex nature of ethnic service.
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Bulson, Eric. "Transatlantic immobility." In Little Magazine, World Form. Columbia University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/columbia/9780231179768.003.0003.
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Chapter Two dismantles the myth about magazine mobility by focusing on two failed transatlantic exchanges: the Little Review and The Egoist during and immediately after World War I and The Dial and The Criterion in the early 1920s. Though these two pairs of magazines regularly published many of the same writers and even swapped critics and reviews, neither could generate a substantial transatlantic reading community. If, in the first instance, wartime postal regulations and censorship laws were largely to blame, the second was the result of something else: a newly emerging little magazine culture that was entering “middle-age,” as Ezra Pound put it. One side effect of this aging process involved editors like Scofield Thayer, who wanted to enlarge a nation-based reading public by cutting ties with an international one.
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Whatmore-Thomson, Helen J. "Conclusion." In Nazi Camps and their Neighbouring Communities, 244–52. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198789772.003.0008.
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This Conclusion brings together the three cases, underlining the importance of locality and how it is has been lastingly tainted by KZ history. Across European borders, amidst diverging national war histories, different heritages of guilt and myth, and diverse paths of national remembrance each with its own timeline and combination of motivational factors, it highlights some of the common denominators in the histories of camps and their neighbouring communities. Local populations shared the physical fate of close proximity; but they also commonly espoused stories of interaction (wartime and post-war), as well as undergoing processes of realization and recognition of being intertwined KZ history, and attempting to justify and rationalize their coexistence with a KZ. The Conclusion accounts for the different nature of local involvement in KZ commemoration across the three locations, and closes with some of the broad distinctions this reveals about KZ memory more generally.