Journal articles on the topic 'War of the Reform'

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1

Keels, Eric, and T. David Mason. "Seeds of peace? Land reform and civil war recurrence following negotiated settlements." Cooperation and Conflict 54, no. 1 (January 17, 2018): 44–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836717750201.

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Land reform has been depicted by some as an effective element of counterinsurgency strategy in nations experiencing peasant-based civil conflict. While some studies have argued that land reform reduces civilian support for insurgency, other research has demonstrated that these reforms are often undermined by brutal state repression. The study of land reform has also been driven largely by qualitative case study research, which has limited what we know about the cross-national efficacy of these reforms. This study contributes to the current literature by looking at the efficacy of land reform as part of the post-civil war peace process. Specifically, we examine whether land reform provisions included in comprehensive peace agreements reduce the risk of renewed civil war. Measuring the risk of civil war recurrence in all comprehensive peace agreements from 1989–2012, we find that the inclusion of land reform provisions in the post-war peace process substantially reduces the risk of renewed fighting.
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Strasheim, Julia. "No ‘end of the peace process’: Federalism and ethnic violence in Nepal." Cooperation and Conflict 54, no. 1 (January 22, 2018): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836717750199.

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How does the reform of territorial state structures shape prospects for peace after war? Existing research on the institutional causes of peace often focuses on how institutional designs, as the outcomes of reform processes, reduce post-war violence and promote peace. The literature does less frequently address how the politics that characterise reform processes affect the legitimacy of institutions and whether or not violent protest ultimately takes place: this risks omitting key explanations of how institutional reforms contribute to peace and the mechanisms by which this occurs. By examining the case of Nepal, where clashes between protesters and security forces over constitutional provisions for federalism have killed more than 60 people since August 2015, this study shows that three factors of the territorial reform process contributed to the onset of post-war ethnic violence. These included: (1) elite control of decision-making; (2) tight deadlines that promoted backtracking on previous commitments; and (3) the embedding of single territorial reforms in a ‘concert’ of institutional reforms that, as a whole, sparked fear of discrimination among ethnic minorities.
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3

Bagratyan, Hrand. "Economic Reform and War." Demokratizatsiya: The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization 14, no. 2 (March 1, 2006): 184–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/demo.14.2.184-192.

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4

SMITH, TIMOTHY B. "THE SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION OF HOSPITALS AND THE RISE OF MEDICAL INSURANCE IN FRANCE, 1914–1943." Historical Journal 41, no. 4 (December 1998): 1055–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98008164.

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This article explores the impact of the First World War on the social reform movement in France, emphasizing hospital policy and medical insurance. I argue that the war gave birth to a concerted reform movement which succeeded in bringing about fundamental changes to health care policy. During the inter-war years, the French embarked on a mission to replace the traditional hospital, the maison des pauvres, with modern facilities designed to cater to the middle class as well as to the poor. In 1928, a landmark law was passed which extended medical insurance to workers and the lower middle class. By 1940, over one half of the population was covered by medical insurance, and dozens of modern hospitals had been constructed. The impetuses to this national reform legislation were the numerous local experiments, whose stories I examine in some detail. Despite the image of Third Republic ‘decadence’, the success of health policy reform during the 1920s and 1930s shows that France was indeed capable of important domestic reforms. Under Vichy, these reforms were consolidated and after the Liberation, Vichy's efforts were saluted and affirmed by French politicians.
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5

Luts-Sootak, Marju, and Karin Visnapuu. "The Aims and Discussions of the Foundation of Land Reform in Estonia After the WWI." Journal of the University of Latvia. Law 14 (2021): 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/jull.14.07.

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The land reform was one of the most important tasks of independent Estonia after World War I. The groundwork started even before gaining its independence which shows the significance of this extensive reform. Similar reforms were carried out in other Eastern- and Middle-European countries after World War I, but the Estonian land reform was considered to be among the most radical ones at that time period. The decisions about the scope, intensity and the radicality of a reform would influence the later outcome, therefore it is important to understand the legislative discussions in the beginning and during the reform. In the article we will examine the legislative discussions of Estonian Constituent Assembly and Parliament about the expropriation of largescale estates in Estonia, the legal solutions and, consequently, the reasons why the question about compensation and redistribution of the expropriated land was left unregulated in the Land Reform Act.
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6

Jefferys, Kevin. "British Politics and Social Policy during the Second World War." Historical Journal 30, no. 1 (March 1987): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00021944.

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This article sets out to examine the relationship between party politics and social reform in the Second World War. The issue of government policy towards reform was raised initially by Richard Titmuss, who argued in his official history of social policy that the experience of total war and the arrival of Churchill's coalition in 1940 led to a fundamentally new attitude on welfare issues. The exposure of widespread social deprivation, Titmuss claimed, made central government fully conscious for the first time of the need for reconstruction; the reforms subsequently proposed or enacted by the coalition were therefore an important prelude to the introduction of a ‘welfare state’ by the post-war Labour administration. These claims have not been borne out by more recent studies of individual wartime policies, but as a general guide to social reform in the period the ideas of Richard Titmuss have never been entirely displaced. In fact the significance of wartime policy, and its close relationship with post-war reform, has been reaffirmed in the most comprehensive study of British politics during the war – Paul Addison's The road to 1945. For Addison, the influence of Labour ministers in the coalition made the government the most radical since Asquith's Liberal administration in the Edwardian period. The war, he notes, clearly placed on the agenda the major items of the post-war welfare state: social security for all, a national health service, full employment policies, improved education and housing, and a new system, of family allowances.
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7

Baumann, Robert F. "Universal Service Reform and Russia's Imperial Dilemma." War & Society 4, no. 2 (September 1986): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/war.1986.4.2.31.

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8

CALL, CHARLES T. "Democratisation, War and State-Building: Constructing the Rule of Law in El Salvador." Journal of Latin American Studies 35, no. 4 (November 2003): 827–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x03007004.

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After long neglecting issues of citizen security and justice, democratisation theorists have recently begun to recognise the importance of the rule of law. Yet theorising the construction of state institutions of security and justice has tended to be piecemeal and divorced from broader theoretical debates. Using the case of post-war El Salvador, this article first argues that justice and security are tremendously important for the survivability and everyday relevance of democracy, given that crime is the chief threat to support for democracy.Second, the article explores competing views of institutional reform. It finds support for path-dependent ‘mode-of-transition’ approaches that postulate heightened agency to adopt new rules and reform institutions during uncertain transition periods. However, more sceptical cultural and institutional theorists are right insofar as the formal removal of authoritarian structures and personnel is easier than the informal transformation of state practices and of society's attitudes about state services. The article also finds that security (i.e., military, intelligence and police) reforms operate differently to judicial reforms, which were more difficult and were less tied to the country's peace process. The interaction of these reform processes with a post-war crime wave helps explain why international observers consider El Salvador's reforms a success story, but many Salvadoreans do not.
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9

Chowdhury, Tanzil. "Taming the UK's war prerogative: the rationale for reform." Legal Studies 38, no. 3 (July 19, 2018): 500–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lst.2018.12.

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AbstractThis paper assesses the current state of the war prerogative, specifically focusing on deployment decisions. It outlines the constitutional position over troop deployments, scrutinises recent reform efforts and problematises the rationale underpinning those reforms. The paper proceeds along one simple normative claim: that against the backdrop of frequent interventions, the publication of theIraq Inquiryand a series of Bills that have sought to statutorise deployment decisions, less use-of-force is better than more use-of-force, and constitutional arrangements ought to reflect this. The paper begins with an exegesis of the most recent attempt to bring deployment decisions onto a statutory footing, focusing on: (a) the difficulties and concomitant problems in defining ‘conflict decisions’; and (b) whether it could make deployment decisions reviewable. The paper then seeks to examine the rationale for reform, arguing that the main impetus behind the series of efforts has been to democratise the process of troop deployments when instead they should focus on use-of-force reduction.
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10

Ottaway, Marina. "Economic Reform and War in Mozambique." Current History 87, no. 529 (May 1, 1988): 201–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1988.87.529.201.

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11

Jamali, Dima. "Post‐war telecommunications reform in Lebanon." info 5, no. 2 (April 2003): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/14636690310480180.

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12

Wcislo, Francis W. "bureaucratic Reform Before World War I." Russian History 16, no. 1 (1989): 377–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633189x00185.

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13

Kryvytskyi, Y. V. "The role of legal reform in ensuring legal development in the war and postwar periods." ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF THE LEGAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE CONDITIONS OF WAR AND THE POST-WAR RECONSTRUCTION OF THE STATE, no. 13 (October 1, 2022): 241–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/2524-017x-2022-13-39.

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Theoretical and methodological knowledge about the importance of legal reform in ensuring legal development in the war and postwar periods is generalized and expanded. It is substantiated that the relationship between legal development and legal reform is one of the important theoretical and practical problems of modern jurisprudence and legal life, without the solution of which it is difficult to properly navigate the prospects of legal change in the future. Key words: development, legal development, reform, legal reform, war, war in Ukraine.
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14

Wheeler, Arthur. "War and Reform: British Politics during the Second World War." History: Reviews of New Books 23, no. 3 (April 1995): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1995.9951112.

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15

B. Kapstein, Ethan. "Success and Failure in Counterinsurgency Campaigns: Lessons from the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 1 (January 2017): 125–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00720.

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Why did U.S.-assisted counterinsurgency (COIN) efforts succeed in the Philippines in the 1950s yet falter in Vietnam a decade later? Why were counterinsurgents able to score a quick victory in Venezuela in the early 1960s but confronted by a long and bloody conflict in El Salvador in the 1970s and 1980s? In seeking to answer these questions, this article provides theoretical motivation for the oft-made claim that U.S. counterinsurgency strategy has been most effective in countries in which the local government engaged in meaningful political and economic reforms to address a population's grievances. What determines whether a government is likely to engage in a reform process? The article proposes that reform is a function of the economic structure of elite assets. When assets are immobile and highly concentrated in one sector, as in heavily agricultural societies like Vietnam or El Salvador, redistributive reforms will prove more difficult, and counterinsurgency efforts will struggle as a result. Conversely, in countries in which the structure of elite assets is more diversified, reforms will prove more feasible, making it easier to undermine an insurgency's popular appeal.
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16

Jastrzębski, Robert. "Currency Reforms in the Polish State After 1945. Legaleconomic Issues." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 35, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sho-2017-0007.

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Abstract The subject of the article are currency reforms that were carried out after the Second World War in the Polish state. The first legal regulations from 1944 - 45 concerned the unification of the money circulation, which in practice meant the exchange of occupation money for the new currency. However, the repayment of financial claims made before the outbreak of the war was regulated by a decree of 1949. Another monetary reform concerned the new, socialist economic policy of the Polish state. The basis for it was the Act of October 28, 1950 on the change of the monetary system. After this reform, periodic changes in prices and wages were introduced, which were not based on strictly legislative solutions. In practice, these ordinances were in the nature of new monetary reforms. The Act of 1950 was repealed by the Act of 7 July 1994 on the denomination of the zloty.
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17

Aryal, Saroj Kumar. "The Interconnectedness between Institutional Quality, Civil War and Institutional Reform: A Case Study of Nepalese Maoist Civil War." Journal of Geography, Politics and Society 11, no. 3 (November 29, 2021): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/jpgs.2021.3.06.

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Various factors trigger civil war, depending on the society and stages of political development. But analyzing it through the quality of an institution or some provisions of institutions may lead to a possible cause of a civil war. Thus, the primary objective of this article is to investigate institutional quality and its role in triggering a civil war. This paper argues that there is interconnectedness between institutional quality, civil war, and institutional reforms, which occurs as a series of events. Although the article provides many examples, in the second section, the case study of Nepalese decade-long civil war and post-civil war institutional reform has been presented to back the argument made in the paper. By discussing various dynamics of historical institutionalism, the paper mainly analyzes the primary and secondary sources.
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18

Weiß, Jens, and Dino Schubert. "Doppelte Reform mit geteiltem Erfolg: Zur Wirkung der DOPPIK-Reform auf Haushaltsführung und Verwaltungssteuerung in den Kommunen." der moderne staat – Zeitschrift für Public Policy, Recht und Management 13, no. 1-2020 (June 25, 2020): 143–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/dms.v13i1.01.

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Die DOPPIK-Reform war für die kommunalen Verwaltungen in Deutschland eines der zentralen Modernisierungsprojekte der letzten 20 Jahre. Dieser Beitrag untersucht den aktuellen Stand der Implementierung des doppischen Rechnungswesens und managerialistischer Steuerungsinstrumente. Auf Basis einer Sichtung der internationalen Literatur zur Implementierung managerialistischer Formen der Steuerung wird vertiefend untersucht, in welchem Umfang Ansätze des Performance Managements und des Strategischen Managements in Kommunen implementiert wurden und welche Faktoren hierfür relevant sind. Empirische Grundlage ist eine Befragung der Kommunen in Niedersachsen, Nordrhein-Westfalen und Sachsen-Anhalt. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Umstellung auf eine doppische Rechnungsführung weitgehend vollzogen ist. Eine managerialistische Form der Steuerung wurde dagegen nur in sehr wenigen der untersuchten Kommunen eingeführt. Gleichzeitig ist festzustellen, dass die derzeit verfügbaren theoretischen Modelle zur Erklärung der Implementierung managerialistischer Instrumente in deutschen Kommunen nicht ausreichen.
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19

Jastrzębski, Robert. "Reforma rolna po drugiej wojnie światowej. Ustawodawstwo państwa polskiego." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 70, no. 1 (October 12, 2018): 111–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2018.1.3.

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Agrarian reforms in Central Europe date back to the 19th century. They were connected with the abolition of personal serfdom, socage as well as of rentification, and ultimately granting the peasants land which they farmed previously. These reforms were carried out on the Polish lands during the partition period. As a result, the course of the changes and the resulting agrarian structure was significantly different in the territory of the Polishstate that was created after the First World War. Later, a land reform was carried out in the Second Polish Republic. Initially, it was done on the basis of the Act of 15 July 1920 which announced the implementation of the land reform. Subsequently, the land reform issued was associated with the implementation of the Act of 17 March 1921 of the Polish Constitution.Its provisions deviated from those in the act of 1920. In particular, it concerned the amount of indemnity paid to landowners. The implementation of the land reform was mainly impeded during the Great Depression. This economic depression also resulted in a substantial fall in the profitability of the agricultural farms. As a consequence, the land reform did not result in significant changes in the agrarian structure of the Second Polish Republic.During the Second World War in 1944, the Polish Committee of National Liberation issued a manifesto in which, inter alia, it announced the introduction of an agrarian reform. Subsequently, on the 6th of September 1944, the Polish Committee of National Liberation issued a decree on the land reform. According to the aforementioned document, the purpose of the reform was to pass agricultural holdings exceeding a certain size to theownership of the state. Moreover, this process was carried out without any compensation to the previous owners. As a result of the implementation of the land reform, the National Land Fund was established in order to manage the land holdings collected in this manner. The proceedings concerning the reform were administrative in character which effectively prevented the former landowners from filing a court case at the time. Furthermore, the agricultural reform in the so-called “Recovered Territories”, which were attached to thePolish state as a result of the Potsdam Conference in 1945, was carried out in a different way. It was not until the 6th of September 1946 that a decree was issued on the agricultural system and settlement on the lands of the Recovered Territories and the former Free City of Danzig. The decree was a special regulation relating to the Decree on Agrarian Reform. Its primary purpose was to enable the settlement of those lands as quickly as possible.Therefore, a different procedure was implemented for transferring land to the settlers in those areas. The land reform period after World War II, from a legal standpoint, ended with the release of legal acts between 1957 and 1958. It is also worth mentioning that during that period the forests and the real estate belonging to the church were separately nationalized (respectively by the 1944 decree and by the Church Estate Act of 1950). The agrarian reform, announced in the Manifesto of the Polish Committee of National Liberation, significantly changed the agrarian and social structure of the Polish state after the Second World War. It is estimated that 30% of the land made available to peasants came from the land reform. At the same time, it resulted in the decrease of the importance of the landowners. It should also be noted that the aforementioned legal regulations pertaining to the land reform remain in force in the currently binding law.
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20

Gerster, Florian. "Systemüberwindende Reform." kma - Klinik Management aktuell 15, no. 03 (March 2010): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0036-1575520.

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Alle Beteiligten im Gesundheitswesen warten auf den großen Wurf des Gesundheitsministers Philipp Rösler hin zu einem marktwirtschaftlichen Gesundheitssystem auf Grundlage der Bürgerpauschale. Die staunende Öffentlichkeit kann im täglichen koalitionären Kleinkrieg auch beobachten, wie der ehemalige Bundesgesundheitsminister Horst Seehofer den Amtsinhaber Philipp Rösler quält. So ist scheinbar der Status quo die beste aller gesundheitspolitischen Welten; vor allem sozial gerecht. Damit macht sich kurioserweise die CSU zum Erbwalter der sozialdemokratischen Gesundheitsministerin Ulla Schmidt. So viel „S“ im Namen der bayerischen C-Partei war nie.
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21

Zverev, Grigorjevic. "Monetary reform in Rusia 1922-1924." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 140 (2012): 401–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1240401z.

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The article offers a chronological and analytic review of the monetary reform in the Soviet Russia in the period 1922-1924. The author thoroughly discusses the economic and monetary situation in Russia before the reform, starting with the period before the First World War, during the war, the revolution and the civil war that followed. A special emphasis is given to the representatives of the new, Bolshevik government headed by Lenin. The article offers a detailed description how the new government managed to cope with such a monetary chaos, with several currencies of different value and stability, and introduce a monetary reform with a hard currency as one of the most important preconditions of the stability of entire economy and economic development.
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22

Cremaschi, Sergio. "MALTHUS’S WAR ON POVERTY AS MORAL REFORM." CRIS - Bulletin of the Centre for Research and Interdisciplinary Study 2013, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cris-2013-0009.

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Abstract The paper aims at finding a way out of deadlocks in Malthus scholarship concerning his relationship to utilitarianism. The main claim is that Malthus viewed his own population theory and political economy as Hifsdisziplinen to moral and political philosophy, that is, empirical enquiries required in order to be able to pronounce justified value judgments on such matters as the Poor Laws. On the other hand, Malthus’s population theory and political economy were no value-free science and his policy advice - far from being ‘utilitarian’ - resulted from his overall system of ideas and was explicitly based on a set of traditional moral assumptions. These in turn were justified by a peculiar meta-ethical theory, which has been named in a somewhat improper way ‘theological utilitarianism’ and which I propose to name instead ‘consequentialist voluntarism’. The theoretical item that has misled interpreters is mention of the ‘test of Utility’ as a way of discovering whether a principle is a moral law or a ‘law of nature’. The point is that for Malthus, the test of utility is just a way for discovering the will of the Creator, and accordingly the laws of nature that he has ‘imposed’ to his creatures. The test is not, unlike Bentham and his followers, a standard for establishing what is right and wrong in itself. The issue of poverty and its remedies is the one where Malthus’s peculiar approach, once applied to a real-world issue, displays it potentialities, yielding a kind of policy-advice that is softer and more flexible than the one that may be drawn from Benthamite utilitarianism. The reconstruction shows how, through subsequent approximations and under pressure of critics, Malthus yields finally a kind of institutional approach to policies concerning poverty, making room for generalised basic education, free markets for labour and (from a certain date on) for corn, colonies, and allowing for a subsidiary role for private beneficence. The goal to be aimed at by such a mix of policies is bringing about “circumstances which tend to elevate the character of the lower classes of society”, so that they will no more accept to deprive “themselves and their children of the means of being respectable, virtuous and happy”.
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23

Doig, Kathleen Hardesty. "War in the Reform Programme of theEncyclopédie." War & Society 6, no. 1 (May 1988): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/106980488790304968.

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24

Jenkins, D. "Efficiency and Accountability in War Powers Reform." Journal of Conflict and Security Law 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcsl/krp012.

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25

Gottlieb, Jody. "Welfare Reform and the War on Poverty." Social Work 34, no. 3 (May 1989): 283–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sw/34.3.283-a.

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26

Benda, V. N. "Russian Arms Industry During the Period of Military Reforms of the 60s–70s of the XIX Century." Prepodavatel XXI vek, no. 2, 2020 (2020): 221–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2073-9613-2020-2-221-235.

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The article states that the Crimean War of 1853–1856 showed the imperfection of the Russian army’s weapon. The growth of weapons in European countries in the post-war period urged Russia to eliminate the backlog of the Russian army in the field of weapons and to carry out fundamental reform in this field. The article considers the issues related to military reforms in Russia in the second half of the 19th century, which covered all the main areas of military construction such as recruitment and organization of troops, principles of troop management, rearmament of infantry, artillery and cavalry, a system of combat training of troops and officers. The study focuses on the fact that one of the most important and difficult problem of military reform was the rearmament of the army. The scientific novelty lies in the interdisciplinary consideration of issues related to the results of the activities of the weapons industry in manufacturing new samples of small arms and their supply to the army with the involvement of the works of domestic historians. It is concluded that although during the period of military reforms of the 1860–1870s significant success was achieved in the development of the arms industry; its production capacities were not enough to fully satisfy the army’s needs for weapons. Keywords: XIX century, Crimean war, Russian army, reforms, weapons industry, new samples of small arms, production, rearmament of the army.
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Sudarsih, Sri. "REFORMASI KEBUDAYAAN MASYARAKAT JEPANG." KIRYOKU 2, no. 2 (June 20, 2018): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/kiryoku.v2i2.78-82.

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The nation of Japan have experienced a slump since its defeat in World War II. The State of the community are truly of concern. The nation of Japan immediately first settled in many ways especially the cultural reform. The method used is a description and the interpretation. The success of the nation of Japan to build his country with cultural reforms. They change the mental attitude through the reform of customs that are no longer in accordance with the changing times. Consistency and continuity into the keyword success of the Nation of Japan. The process of reform for hundreds of years was able to change the character of the nation of Japan to reach its zenith.Key words: reformation; culture; character
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Düppe, Till. "WAR AFTER WAR: WILHELM KRELLE, 1916–2004." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 42, no. 3 (September 2020): 307–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837219000464.

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Wilhelm Krelle (1916–2004) had two careers: one before 1945 as an officer in the German army (Wehrmacht), and a second after 1945 as an economist in West Germany. After retirement, he was honored as the economist who brought modern modeling techniques, Lawrence Klein’s macroeconometrics in particular, from the US to West Germany. After his engagement in the reform of East German economics, however, he was discredited as his early career became public. This essay reconstructs Krelle’s career in his attempt and struggle to maintain moral integrity in and between the various domains of his troubled life as officer, economist, political adviser, father, and husband.
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Ruddat, Claudia. "Eine überraschende Reform?" Zeitschrift für Sozialreform 57, no. 2 (June 1, 2011): 221–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zsr-2011-0206.

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Die nachhaltige Residenz des deutschen Sozialstaats gegenüber sozio-ökonomischen Herausforde­rungen war politikwissenschaftlich so überzeugend erklärt worden, dass die nach Peter Hartz benannten Reformen und hier insbesondere das Vierte Gesetz für moderne Dienstleistungen am Arbeitsmarkt (Hartz IV) ein echtes Erklärungsdilemma darstellen. Dieser Bericht systematisiert die vorliegenden politikwissenschaftlichen Interpretationen und Erklärungsversuche zu Hartz IV. Zu Beginn werden diejenigen Arb eiten diskutiert, die die (pfadabweichende) Qualität der Reform bewerten. Danach wird die Literatur systematisch aufgearbeitet, die sich der politikwissenschaftlichen Erklärung der Reform widmet. Forschungsdesiderata runden das Bild ab.
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Majd, Mohammad Gholi. "SMALL LANDOWNERS AND LAND DISTRIBUTION IN IRAN, 1962–71." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2000): 123–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800021073.

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During the Cold War years following World War II, the U.S. government and international agencies such as the World Bank and FAO strongly advocated and pushed for land reform (distribution) in countries under U.S. influence. Examples of American-sponsored land reforms included the land-distribution programs in Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, South Vietnam, Iran, the Philippines, and El Salvador. Land reform in practice consisted of giving the ownership of land to the cultivating tenants and sharecroppers. By giving land to the tenants, it was believed that a communist revolution or takeover could be avoided. The modern theoretical basis for land reform can be found in the writings of such Marxist scholars as Alain de Janvry, the non-Marxist writers Albert Berry and William Cline, and the World Bank economists Hans Binswanger and Miranda Elgins.1 Marxist writers had stressed the political aspects of “anti-feudal” reforms. Such reforms were said to promote political stability as well as strengthen capitalism. How the abrogation of private-property rights was supposed to “strengthen” capitalism was not really explained. Non-Marxist writers concentrated on increased efficiency and increased output that was expected from land redistribution. Berry and Cline showed that in labor-surplus underdeveloped dual economies with a bi-modal farm structure (where large commercial and small subsistence farms existed side by side), a land reform that redistributed land from large farms to small farms increased agricultural production and rural welfare, and brought about economic growth and development. In addition, land reform was seen to result in greater social equity (taking land from wealthy landowners and giving it to poor farmers). It was an article of faith among the proponents of land reform that “the hated class of absentee landlords” did not fulfill any useful socio-economic function, at least none that could not be performed equally well by some government agency. They also believed that sharecropping and tenancy did not fulfill any useful social and economic functions. It was implicitly assumed in the theoretical writings that the rights of a small number of individuals were to be sacrificed for the benefit of the many. In none of the theoretical literature was the possibility of expropriating a large number of individuals advocated or even considered.
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Citino, Nathan J. "THE OTTOMAN LEGACY IN COLD WAR MODERNIZATION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 4 (November 2008): 597a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808081890.

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This article examines Americans' uses of the Ottoman-Turkish past to justify different approaches to “Third World” development. Such invocations exposed tensions within American liberalism and projected them onto Middle Eastern history. One interpretation criticized Tanzimat land reform to emphasize agrarian democracy as the impetus for the development process. Another, reflecting postwar liberals' predilection for elite authority, relegated democracy to the end of that process by embracing Kemalism as its model. The article concludes by arguing that Ottoman historians influenced the modernization paradigm as much as it did them. H. A. R. Gibb and Harold Bowen transmitted Ottoman reform discourses to social scientists through Islamic Society and the West, which the authors based on reform-era writings at a time when archival research was just beginning to transform Ottoman studies. Cold War intellectuals and bureaucrats appropriated their Ottoman predecessors' temporal and spatial perspectives in the effort to manage Third World change
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32

Legault, Albert. "Maintien de la paix et réforme des Nations Unies." Études internationales 27, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 325–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703599ar.

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Even though substantial administrative and financial changes have been introduced in the United Nations since the early 1980s, the end of the Cold War has brought about a turning point in its process of reform. The impressive growth of UN peacekeeping operations has tipped the balance in favor of major transformations in this field. Indeed, since the publication of the Secretary General’s (Agenda for Peace) many changes have been undertaken and improvements achieved. However much still needs to be done. This paper addresses three particular issues: institutional reforms, organizational reforms and reforms through adjustments. While little will be said on the first two issues, since they are relatively well known and treated elsewhere, this paper will focus on UN'S peacekeeping operations and their actual evolution as a way of assessing the continuing process of reform in the United Nations.
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33

watson, Andrew, Christopher Findlay, and Du Yintang. "Who Won the “Wool War”?: A Case Study of Rural Product Marketing in China." China Quarterly 118 (June 1989): 213–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000017793.

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The absence of a systematic programme has been a distinctive feature of China's economic reform process. The Chinese did not set out to develop a step-by-step plan of reform to be phased in over a period of years. Instead they adopted a number of strategic goals, and in 1978 launched incremental and pragmatic changes aimed at realizing them. Essentially the strategy adopted had four main aspects: a shift from economic growth expressed mainly through statistical targets towards an emphasis on satisfying the consumption needs of the population; a change from extensive development based on new investment towards intensive development through greater efficiency; an acceptance of greater economic autonomy for producers, with a broader mix of methods of economic management and types of ownership; and the adoption of a much more open economy. The reforms adopted over the succeeding years have all been consistent with these objectives, but they have not been implemented through a carefully planned series of stages. Overall the process has been marked by different rates of reform across sectors, by occasional pauses and even retreats, and by problems generated by the interaction of the differing rates of reform. Enterprise managers, for example, have found that plan controls over their production or sales have disappeared at a faster rate than controls over their supply of inputs. Given the dual price system and the continuing role of the central government in the supply of strategic materials and energy, the impact of the uneven pace of change on managers’ behaviour has therefore been very complex.
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Vasil Khizanishvili, Vasil Khizanishvili. "The Japanese economic miracle and the role of government in the process of its achievement." New Economist 16, no. 03 (January 28, 2022): 48–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/nec62-6303-042021-48.

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The Japanese economic miracle is known as the record period of Japanese economic growth between the end of World War II and the end of the Cold War (1945–1991). One of the reasons for Japan's rapid recovery from post-war trauma was the government's successful economic reform. The government institution that dealt mainly with industrial policy in Japan was the Ministry of Industry. One of the most important economic reforms was the introduction-adaptation of the "Inclined Production Mode". This success has been largely ensured to the interventionist policy of the Government of Japan and, in part, to the assistance provided by the United States in the form of the ,,Marshall Plan“. Keywords: role of government, protectionism, reconstruction, US aid ("Marshall plan"), Japanese economic miracle.
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35

Lord, Carnes. "NSC reform for the post–cold war era." Orbis 44, no. 3 (June 2000): 433–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0030-4387(00)00036-3.

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36

Ermakov, Vyacheslav Alekseevich. "Concept of terrorist war in russia during after-reform period." Interactive science, no. 6 (40) (June 21, 2019): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21661/r-497050.

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The work carried out a historiographic reconstruction of the conceptual justification of the terrorist war in Russia of the post-reform period. The concept of a terrorist war is seen as an alternative to the concept of the Russian liberation movement. On the basis of historical evidence of the «Russian Right», objective preconditions for the formation of the concept of a terrorist war are analyzed. It is shown that the Black-Hundred literature contained the basic definitions of revolutionary terror as a total war aimed at the destruction of the Russian national state. The psychodiagnostic characteristics of terrorists by Russian psychiatrists are given. The historiographic works of modern authors of the patriotic direction are reviewed, in which the concept of a terrorist war developed in black-hundred journalism has been rethought and supplemented. The author analyzed the statistical data and historical evidence of contemporaries about the leading role of revolutionary Jewry in a terrorist war. The reveals the issue of the formation of active participants and leaders of terrorist organizations from the the Jewish Pale, as well as the problem of sponsorship and ideological support of anti-Russian terror by the special services of Western countries. The author raised a topic concerning the ways and methods of resistance of the Russian people to revolutionary gangs. Given the main characteristics of the concept of a terrorist war as an anti-Russian, anti-state, criminal activity. As a result, the author comes to the conclusion that the concept of the Russian liberation movement is palliative, ideologically one-sided, Russophobic and does not reflect the objective processes of anti-Russian terror. Conversely, the concept of a terrorist war allows researchers to uncover historically accurate facts and approach an objective study of the causes and specifics of the phenomenology of terrorism in Russia.
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Priou, Alex. "The Knights-Errant of the Culture War." Academic Questions 34, no. 4 (December 20, 2021): 33–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.51845/34.4.9.

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David Bolotin’s attempt to provoke individual reflection rather than reform the political community, may moderate our ambition, ease our despair, and temper our expectations while stiffening our resolve.
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38

Joffe, Ellis. "“People's War under Modern Conditions”: A Doctrine for Modern War." China Quarterly 112 (December 1987): 555–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000027119.

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The 60th anniversary of the founding of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) finds it in the throes of a dramatic reform process that has discarded the principles and practices advocated by its founder. Necessitated by the sorry state of the PLA at the end of the Maoist period and facilitated by the sweeping political changes that have occurred since then, this process seeks to convert the Chinese army into a modern and professional force. Although large-scale weapons updating has been ruled out for economic and technological reasons, nevertheless considerable progress has been made, while in other areas the changes have been fundamental and far-reaching.
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39

Dall'Agnol, Augusto. "From Offsetting to Emulation: A Neoclassical Realist Analysis of Russia’s Internal Balancing Strategies." URVIO. Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios de Seguridad, no. 33 (May 31, 2022): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.17141/urvio.33.2022.5365.

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In 2008, Russia began to implement its largest military reform since the creation of the Red Army in 1918. Previous attempts at reforms in 1992, 1997, and 2003 did not result in fundamental transformations to the country’s military. Why was the 2008 military reform successful while others were not? This article uses the comparative-historical method to identify the causal mechanisms between Russia’s level of external threat, state capacity, and internal balancing strategies adopted since 1991. It advances Neoclassical Realism’s systemic and unit-level variables by building on the long-established contributions from Strategic Studies and Historical Sociology instead of relying on other International Relations theories. It concludes that the success of Russia’s military reforms in the post-Cold War period depended on the simultaneous existence of three conditions: the possibility of disrupting strategic stability, its ability to extract and mobilize societal resources, and the presence of some event of proven ineffectiveness. Under scenarios in which only one or two of these conditions were present, Russia carried out only partial military reforms. The article sheds light on three often-neglected drivers of Russia’s military reform by Western analysts: its enduring emphasis on interstate competition, strategic stability, and mid-to-high intensity conventional warfare.
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40

Herrera, Linda. "Education and Empire: Democratic Reform in the Arab World?" International Journal of Educational Reform 17, no. 4 (October 2008): 355–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/105678790801700403.

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Democracy and related concepts—human rights, active learning, civic participation, gender empowerment, and global citizenship—have become the international policy mantras of the post–Cold War era, or what many have labeled a neoimperial order. These bedrock principles of global educational reforms are supposed to contribute to processes of democratization and the forging of a cosmopolitan citizenry that will value pluralism, prosperity, and peace. Yet it is often not evident when these principles are being used to support neoliberal economic reforms, geopolitical aspirations, and security objectives or when they reflect more genuine progressive, universal, and emancipatory methodologies for change. These issues are examined through an interrogation of international development interventions in Egypt since the 1990s, in the spheres of privatization, the growth of educational markets, and curriculum reform for citizenship and moral education.
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Salmoni, Barak A. "Turkish Nationalist Educational Thinking in the Last Ottoman Decade: Run-Up to Republican Pedagogy." New Perspectives on Turkey 31 (2004): 39–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600004003.

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At the end of World War I, senior Ottoman military officers and bureaucrats led the Turkish Muslim inhabitants of Anatolia in a struggle for national independence against invading European armies, under the command of Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) and his deputy, İsmet İnönü. Emerging victorious in the war, Atatürk and his associates had garnered sufficient national legitimacy and prestige to end the Ottoman sultanate and caliphate, establish a Turkish Republic, and embark on a series of interventions in politics and society known in Turkish parlance as the Kemalist Reforms/Revolutions. Recrafting the ethos, substance, and goals of schooling into a properly national education (millî terbiye) was one of the central components of this reform.
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42

Unruh, Jon. "Property Restitution Laws in a Post-War Context: The Case of Mozambique." African Journal of Legal Studies 1, no. 3 (2005): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221097312x13397499736183.

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AbstractPost-war reconstruction environments involve particular contexts within which legal reform must operate in order to facilitate the peace process, recovery, and development. Land and property restitution after a war is an important but difficult issue for the integrity of the process, given the chaotic rights environment created by war and the limited financial, personnel, and institutional resources of governments recovering from war. This article examines Mozambique's experience with the creation of a land and property restitution legal regime within a post-war context that includes: a) strong restitution desires by very divided segments of the population that differ markedly in literacy, access to the state, allegiance during the war, attachment to legitimate authority, and tenure system; b) a history of changing and failed land policy; and c) the extreme lack of state capacity needed to manage a formal restitution program. After setting out the history of the war and land policy in Mozambique, the article examines restitution claims, and describes how the land law reform has attempted to produce a legal environment whereby many complex restitution cases could be 'self managed.'
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43

Rehm, Moritz. "Tug of War over Financial Assistance: Which Way Forward for Eurozone Stability Mechanisms?" Politics and Governance 9, no. 2 (May 27, 2021): 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i2.3887.

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This article analyses the development of financial assistance in the Eurozone since 2010. It argues that reforms to instruments and bodies, notably the European Financial Stability Facility, the European Stability Mechanism, and the current Covid-19 recovery fund, are best explained by a re-occurring pattern of negotiations between potential creditors and debtors based on common Eurozone interests and national cost-benefit considerations. Building on a liberal intergovernmentalist approach, this article shows how this pattern influenced the step-by-step reform of financial assistance in the Eurozone. The threat to Eurozone stability served as a constant factor encouraging member states to expand and deepen the assistance formula. Creditors’ cost-benefit considerations were key for retaining disincentives, a limited liability for common debt, and intermediary borrowing and lending within the financing design. However, on the back of common Eurozone interests, debtors were able to push for an increase in assistance, an expansion of assistance into areas of banking sector support, and a softening of moral hazard elements in the more recent Covid-19 pandemic. Due to creditors’ continuous insistence on safeguards and limited burden-sharing, reform outcomes were repeatedly unable to resolve the difficulties at hand.
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44

Köksal, Yonca. "Imperial Center and Local Groups: Tanzimat Reforms in the Provinces of Edirne and Ankara." New Perspectives on Turkey 27 (2002): 107–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003824.

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The Tanzimat reform period, initiated with the Gülhane edict of 1839 and continuing up until the Ottoman-Russian war of 1876, was an important stage in the reorganization of the provincial administration of the Ottoman Empire. In order to increase state control, the modernizing and centralizing Tanzimat reforms addressed several areas of administration including the formation of a central bureaucracy, regulation of tax collection, and the pursuit of social and economic development in the Ottoman provinces.
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45

Greenspan, Ezra, and Gregory Eiselein. "Literature and Humanitarian Reform in the Civil War Era." American Literature 70, no. 3 (September 1998): 680. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2902722.

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46

Storchi, Alessandro. "Sexual Slavery as a War Crime: A Reform Proposal." Michigan Journal of International Law, no. 42.2 (2021): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.36642/mjil.42.2.sexual.

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For the first time in the history of international criminal law, the ICC Elements of Crimes included a statutory definition of sexual slavery as a war crime and as a crime against humanity. Such definition is derived from, and in fact almost identical to, the definition of enslavement in the same text. In July 2019, that language for the first time was adopted and applied in the conviction of general Bosco Ntaganda, the first ever conviction for sexual slavery as a war crime and as a crime against humanity at the ICC, as part of the situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo. This note argues for a reform in the language of the crime of sexual slavery as present in the ICC Elements of Crimes. The present formulation of such crime fails to correctly provide an independent standing for sexual slavery: that is, it does not adequately characterize the sexual nature of the crime as opposed to the broader category of enslavement. The note will focus on the drafting history that led to the present language, as well as on the problems arising from the Ntaganda decision. The note highlights the theoretical and practical limits of the present formulation, and it will address the academic critiques the language already received. It will then provide for an alternative wording for the first element of the crime, a wording that is more reflective of the purpose arising from the negotiating history at Rome and that emphasizes the sexual nature of the offense.
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Schmitt, Günther H. "Agrarian Reform in Eastern Europe after World War II." American Journal of Agricultural Economics 75, no. 3 (August 1993): 845–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1243606.

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48

Mulherin, Peter E. "War‐Power Reform in Australia: (Re)considering the Options." Australian Journal of Politics & History 66, no. 4 (December 2020): 633–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12705.

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49

Leaver, Richard. "The ‘oil war’ and the reform of Australian policy." Australian Outlook 40, no. 2 (August 1986): 69–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718608444904.

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50

Cassell, Ronald D. "Reform and Reconstruction. Britain after the War, 1945–51." History: Reviews of New Books 25, no. 1 (July 1996): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1996.9952605.

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