Academic literature on the topic 'War of the (1792-1797) fast'

On 27 January 1806, in a house of commons newly integrating the momentous events of Trafalgar, Nelson's death, and Napoleon's victory at Austerlitz, the obsequies of William Pitt commenced. Lord Lascelles proposed that the late prime minister be honoured as had been his father twenty-eight years before, with a public funeral. The motion eventually passed but the inter-party wrangle that it caused was unseemly. William Windham, who had served as Pitt's Secretary at War between 1794 and 1801, wondered why such unusual honours were proposed for Pitt, given both the precarious situation of the current war (so unlike the Great Commoner's contribution to British glory) and the fact that Edmund Burke's death in 1797 had elicited no such designs. ‘In every point of comparison that could be made,’ said Windham, ‘Mr Burke stood upon the same level with Mr Pitt, and I do not see the reason for the difference.’ In retrospect, it may appear odd that any leading politician thought Burke was entitled to a state funeral. He had been neither war leader nor prime minister, the usual recipients of public funerals. Few others in the political nation in 1797, whig or Pittite, shared Windham's judgement on this matter. That Windham thought the Pittitesshouldhave shared his judgement was the source of his bitterness in his speech to the House. If Burke's acknowledged enemies, the Foxite whigs, had opposed public honours for Burke, Windham would not have been surprised,But that was not the case; it was not from them that the objection came, but from gentlemen on the other side of the house [Pittites], who took Mr Burke as the leader of their opinions, who cried him up to the skies, who founded themselves upon what he had done, but who were afraid, that if they consented to such honours, it would appear as if they approved of all the sentiments of that great man some of which were, perhaps, of too high a tone for them to relish.

Abstract In 1792 foreigners flocked to France to participate in the new republican regime, redefining the nation as the conduct of popular sovereignty. A number of American, British, and Irish foreigners formed a club in Paris, the Society of the Friends of the Rights of Man (Société des Amis des Droits de l'Homme), among whom Irish republicans were a key component. Eager to “revolutionize” Britain and Ireland, they contributed to the rise in tensions and, ultimately, to the outbreak of war between France and Britain. The author argues that these Irish, because of their colonial experience, were a crucial factor in the redefinition of and opposition between British imperial and French republican models of nation and citizenship. Their defense of a cosmopolitan citizenship ideal was violently rejected in Britain and was severely tested by the “Terror” in France. En 1792, de nombreux étrangers vinrent en France pour participer à l’élaboration du nouveau régime républicain, redéfinissant la nation comme le vecteur de la souveraineté populaire. Plusieurs Américains, Anglais, Irlandais et Ecossais formèrent un club à Paris, la Société des amis des droits de l'homme (SADH), parmi lesquels les Irlandais furent une composante clé. Désireux de « révolutionner » la Grande-Bretagne et l'Irlande, ils contribuèrent à la montée des tensions et à l’éclatement du conflit entre la France et la Grande-Bretagne. Cet article cherche à démontrer que ces Irlandais, du fait de leur expérience coloniale, jouèrent un rôle central dans la redéfinition et l'opposition entre le modèle impérial britannique et le modèle français républicain de la nation et de la citoyenneté. Leur défense d'un idéal cosmopolite de citoyenneté suscita un violent rejet en Grande-Bretagne et fut mise à rude épreuve pendant la « Terreur » en France.

The aftermath of civil strife, note some historians, can change perceptions of gender. Particularly for males, the effect of exhaustive internal wars and the ensuing collapse of the warrior ideal relegates the soldier/hero to a marginal iconological status. Linda L. Carroll has persuasively argued, for instance, that, following the Italian wars, one finds the “damaged” images of males in Renaissance art: bowed heads, display of stomach, presentation of buttocks. In fact, male weakness and “effeminacy” can, notes Linda Dowling, follow on the military collapse of any collective state. Arthur N. Gilbert argues, in contrast, that historically in wartime, male weakness in the form of “sodomites” was rigorously persecuted. From 1749 until 1792, for instance, there was only one execution for sodomy in France, while, during the Napoleonic Wars, the period of 1803–14, seven men were executed. Such analysis suggests that, in the aftermath of civil wars, cultural attitudes toward effeminate or homosexual men shifted from suppression or persecution during martial crisis to one of latitude and perhaps tolerance in periods following the breakdown of the military collective.The aftermath of America's Civil War, the decades of the 1870s and 1880s, provides a testing ground to examine attitudes toward the soldier/hero and toward the effeminate male in a time of social and cultural disarray. At this time, an art “craze,” the Aesthetic Movement, captured popular culture. Aestheticism, seen in the eighteenth century as a “sensibility,” had, by the nineteenth century, an institutional base and a social reform ideology.

Abstract Based on continued archive and literature research, the fantastic tale of the acquisition of what was to become the type specimen of Mosasaurus hoffmanni Mantell, 1829 –the first mosasaurid specimen to be named– told by the geologist B. Faujas de Saint-Fond (1741–1819) in his book Histoire naturelle de la Montagne Saint-Pierre de Maestricht issued in ten parts between 1798 and 1803, is retold and demystified. Significantly, Faujas ‘forgot’ to mention the real reason for his stay at Maastricht, namely his appointment as one of the four commissioners charged with inventory and confiscation of objects of science and art in the conquered countries. Faujas arrived at Maastricht about two months after the fortress had been taken by French troops on 4 November 1794, while the mosasaur skull was confiscated four days later; so that he never was a direct witness of the story he told. The decree issued by the Convention Nationale announcing the fossil’s destination to be the Muséum national d’Histoire naturelle (MNHN) in Paris was enacted on 12 November 1794. It appears that the representative of the people A.-L. de Frécine (1751–1804) was involved in the confiscation and withdrawal of the Grand animal de Maestricht from its legal owner, the clergyman Th. J. Godding (1722–1797). In a reclamation request (written c. 1815), his single heiress, R. Godding, stated that six soldiers appeared with a carriage to collect the ‘petrified crocodile’ by force of arms at Godding’s country house, acting under orders of Frécine. The definite proof of Faujas’s unreliability is given by his co-commissioner, the botanist A. Thouin (1747–1824). In Thouin’s memoirs, Faujas is depicted as a great liar and storyteller, fond of embellishing stories. Obviously, Faujas falsified the truth to disguise the fact that looting from a private person had occurred, which was unlawful, even in wartime. Faujas also used to make propaganda for the French army, which is typical of the spirit of those revolutionary years. Besides, he was rather inaccurate, his book containing a lot of mistakes that were easy to check. Finally, it seems that J. L. Hoffmann (1710–1782), a famous local fossil collector presented by Faujas as the legal owner of this particular skull specimen, never actually owned it. Here we summarise our previous findings and include a few additional ones, which lead to the conclusion that it must have been patriotism as well as his great fancy for story telling that induced Faujas to falsify the facts. In 2009, the famous war trophy temporarily returned to Maastricht, on loan from the MNHN to the Natuurhistorisch Museum Maastricht, within the framework of an exhibit during the international Darwin Year, entitled, Darwin, Cuvier et le Grand Animal de Maestricht. Of course, the mosasaur owes its great scientific value to G. Cuvier (1769–1832), who stated that, “above all, the precise determination of the famous animal from Maestricht seems to us as important for the theory of zoological laws, as for the history of the globe”. However, by embellishing the story, Faujas added a substantial supplementary cultural value to the fossil.

Two maps documenting the capture of Khotyn, which took place during the Russian-Turkish war fought in 1787-1792, have been preserved in Polish archival collections. One was made by Adam Dłuski, the other is anonymous. A comparison of the details of the two maps and the plan of the Kamianets-Podilskyi fortress made by Jan Bakałowicz shows that the author of the anonymous map was the commanding officer of the Kamianets-Podilskyi fortress – Józef de Witte. Due to the fact that his wife, Zofia, maintained too close relationships with General Saltykov, who commanded the Russian army, he was accused of treason. Probably in order to regain the favor of the Polish King Stanisław August Poniatowski, Józef de Witte made a map of the siege of Khotyn.

SCULLY: I said, I got the lab to rush the results of the Szczesny autopsy, if you're interested.MULDER: I heard you, Scully.SCULLY: And Szczesny did indeed drown, but not as the result of the inhalation of ectoplasm as you so vehemently suggested.MULDER: Well, what else could she possibly have drowned in?SCULLY: Margarita mix, upchucked with about 40 ounces of Corcovado Gold tequila which, as it turns out, she and her friends rapidly consumed in the woods while trying to reenact the Blair Witch Project.MULDER: Well, I think that demands a little deeper investigation, don't you?SCULLY: No, I don't.— The X-Files, “All Things” (0717) IntroductionMikel J. Koven argues that “The X-Files [1993-2002, films 2005, 2010, revived 2016-2018] was the American television series that defined the zeitgeist of the 1990s” (337) by tapping into “pre-millenium paranoia and the collapse of traditional beliefs” (338). In each episode, “True Believer” and FBI agent Fox Mulder (David Duchovny) and his partner, the skeptical and rational Dr Dana Scully (Gillian Anderson), travel through a post-Cold War American landscape that is manifesting varying levels of anxiety about the century to come. The series is preoccupied with a series of questions that have, by the second decade of the twenty-first century, come to be answered fairly definitively. Have aliens visited Earth? (Well, if you believe a team of Harvard scientists, maybe [see Freeman], but there is no evidence of alien colonisation just yet.) Does the US government have its citizens’ best interests at heart? (In its current incarnation, no.) Will climate change have monstrous consequences? (Yes, we’re seeing them.) What do we do about the shady forces operating in post-Soviet Union Russia? (God knows, but they seem to be doing a good job of changing the shape of “democracy” in an increasing number of countries.)These broader socio-political aspects of The X-Files have been explored in a number of studies (see Koven; Moses; Wildermuth). In this article, I focus in more closely on some of the ways in which the character of Scully can be read as a complex engagement with a particularly 1990s version of third-wave feminism. I suggest that the type of feminism embodied in the character of Scully taps into the zeitgeist of the 1990s, a decade characterised not only by a growing media-driven “backlash” against feminism (see Faludi), but also by emergent third wave of feminism driven by movements such as “Riot Grrrl” (centred on openly feminist bands like Bikini Kill and Huggy Bear) and the various, and often contested, feminisms endorsed by a new generation of writers like Susan Faludi, Naomi Wolf, and even Katie Roiphe. Part of Scully’s longevity as a feminist icon can be attributed to the fact that while she is not without her own contradictions and complexities, she emerged from a televisual landscape dominated by particularly insipid representations of professional women. Scully, with her combination of lively wit and serious scientific mind, represented a radical imagining of professional femininity in the 1990s.Working against the Backlash: Scully and the Power of ProfessionalismBy the late 1980s, the political gains made by the second-wave feminism in the 1960s and early 1970s had come increasingly under fire in a “backlash” that “worked to revoke the gains made by the feminist movement” (Genz and Brabon 53). L.S. Kim argues this backlash is reflected in the fact that while strong female characters had always been a feature of US television (e.g. Mary Tyler Moore), in the 1990s televisual landscape feminism was often made popular in a type of “postfeminist discourse in which it is acceptable to be pro-woman but not to be feminist” (319). The quintessential example of this trend was David E. Kelley’s series about a Boston lawyer, Ally McBeal (1997-2002), in which McBeal’s primary dilemma is presented as being that she has “too many choices, too much freedom, and too much desire” which leads to “never-ending searching and even to depression and dysfunction” (Kim 319). McBeal’s professional success never seems to compensate for her various romantic disappointments and these remain the focal point of Kelley’s series.Part of what sets Scully apart from a character like McBeal is her unerring professionalism, and her strong commitment to equality in her relationship with Mulder. Scully displays none of McBeal’s neuroses, and she is unapologetically feminist in her disposition. She also understands implicitly the pivotal role she plays in the partnership at the heart of the X-Files. Scully is, then, a capable, professional woman who not only remains professional at all times, but who also works as a powerful grounding force to her partner’s more outlandish approaches and theories. As series creator Chris Carter has been forced to concede on numerous occasions, without the rational and practical figure of Scully in the morgue to (usually) prove and (sometimes) disprove Mulder’s theories, The X-Files as we know them would cease to exist. In fact, and somewhat paradoxically, in order to best understand Scully as a character, one needs to recognise the significance of the relationship between Scully and Mulder that lies at the heart of the series. The sheer force of Scully’s professionalism, and its resistance to being conscripted straightforwardly into a traditional romantic plot, becomes an important contributor to the powerful sexual tension between Mulder and Scully that came to define the series. Scully also, as critics and commentators were quick to point out, takes on the traditionally masculine role of skeptical scientist on the series, with Mulder positioned in the typically feminine role of intuitive “believer” (in, among other things, aliens, Chupacabra, big foot, and psychic powers). There are, of course, problems with this approach, but for now it is enough to simply point out that this positioning of Mulder and Scully is an important feature of the internal structure of The X-Files and speaks to an awareness of, and desire to challenge, the traditional association of women with intuition and men with rationality. Indeed, Linda Badley points out that the relationship between the two agents is “remarkably egalitarian, challenging traditional gender roles as portrayed on television” (63).Scully and Mulder’s relationship, a relationship that is at once personal and professional, is also grounded in genuine equality and respect. Mulder never undermines Scully, he (occasionally) knows when to bow to her superior scientific reasoning, and his eventual love for his partner is based in his understanding that Scully’s skepticism offers the perfect counterpart to his openness to the paranormal. In fact, one might say that Mulder, at least in part, falls in love with Scully’s professionalism and with her commitment to scientific reasoning. Mulder admits as much himself in the film The X-Files: Fight the Future (1998): “as difficult and frustrating as it’s been sometimes, your goddamn strict rationalism and science have saved me a thousand times over. You kept me honest. You made me a whole person.” In this calculation, Scully is not only Mulder’s equal, she is his missing piece. While she might sometimes grumble about merely playing Watson to Mulder’s Holmes (see “Fight Club” [0720]), Scully’s role is much more important than this, and Mulder (and the viewer) knows it.In the context of the televisual landscape of the 1990s, this representation of Scully as a character who is every bit as intelligent and as integral to the action of the series as her male partner, was incredibly powerful. It marked Scully as a third-wave feminist character in an era dominated by women who seemed to conform to the kind of problematic post-feminism embodied by Ally McBeal. In a recent interview, Gillian Anderson acknowledged the significant role Scully played in opening up possibilities for the representation of women on television in the 1990s. She observed, “a lot of women felt that they saw something recognisable for the first time [in Scully and] there were a lot of young women whose eyes were opened to feeling like they were finally represented in some way on television” (Anderson in Idato n.p.) Many women saw themselves in this character, and there can be little doubt The X-Files spearheaded a shift towards a more representative approach to the writing of female roles in US television in which layered and complex characters such as Scully became the norm rather than the exception. Rosalind Gill, for example, notes that “quality television” has “evolved since the 1990s into a site of rich and complex representations of gender including Homeland, Veep, House of Cards, Orange is the New Black, Transparent, and The Good Wife” (620).One of the other pervasive positive effects associated with the character of Scully is that she functioned, and indeed continues to function, as a role model for women in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics). A recent report commissioned by 21st Century Fox, the Geena Davis Institute on Gender in Media, and J. Walter Thompson Intelligence found that “Scully’s media depiction of a high-achieving woman in STEM asked a generation of girls and women to imagine new professional options… Scully also influenced a generation of young women to study and pursue careers in STEM” (3). Although this report is not entirely impartial (21th Century Fox owns The X-Files), it found that “among women who are familiar with Scully’s character, 91% say she is a role model for girls and women” (5). This finding tallies with those of a variety of earlier online observers who noticed Scully had become a touchstone character “who inspired an entire generation of young women to pursue medical, scientific, and law enforcement degrees as positions” (Consalvi). To an extent not seen before in the history of television, Scully became an important role model for young women in the STEM professions. Scully’s fictional professionalism helped to create a new generation of real-life female STEM professionals.But it is worth remembering that in other respects, Scully is a complicated feminist heroine. This is largely because The X-Files’ production team’s own feminist credentials were often less-than-inspiring. The series was created by a man, and was written and directed predominantly by men in all of its various filmic and televisual incarnations. As Anderson herself pointed out on her Twitter feed for 29 June 2017, of the 207 episodes of X-Files produced, only 2 were directed by women (fig. 1). Famously, when the X-Files began in the early 1990s, Anderson was paid far less than her co-star Duchovny and was even asked to stand behind him on camera. The actor agitated successfully for equal pay after three years in the role, and for the right to stand beside her televisual partner, rather than behind him, even if, somewhat astonishingly, Twenty First Century Fox also offered Anderson less than Duchovny to reprise her famous role in 2016. (Anderson eventually received equal pay for equal billing.)Fig. 1: Gillian Anderson tweet, 29 June 2017.It ought to be remembered, then, that Scully’s feminism is predominantly a construction of men, overlaid with the undoubted feminine empowerment brought to the role by Anderson. As far back as 1998, Linda Badley noticed that for Scully/Anderson “the transference of ‘feminist’ characteristics between character and star is unusually strong—to the extent that a discussion of one must refer to the other. And Anderson/Scully is instantly recognisable as an icon of popular feminism” (62). But in more recent years, Anderson has made even clearer her own feminist leanings. She has done this through the publication (with Jennifer Nadel) of the explicitly feminist We: The Uplifting Manuel for Women Seeking Happiness (2017); by taking up more explicitly feminist roles, such as that of Stella Gibson in the acclaimed BBC series The Fall (2013-present); and through her Twitter feed. The significance of Anderson’s online feminist presence is highlighted by Lauren Modery, who notes: “the next time you’re having a day where you’re not sure if you’re being the best feminist you can be, just ask yourself “what would Gillian Anderson do?” and go to her Twitter account” (Modery). Scully’s 1990s Feminism in a Twenty-First Century ContextFor much of the series, Scully’s feminism can be viewed as a form of the “New Feminism” that Stephanie Genz and Benjamin Brabon associate with the late 1990s and with Natasha Walter’s book The New Feminism (1998). This “New Feminism” attempts to break from second-wave feminism by decoupling the personal from the political (64). Badley, for example, points out that Scully’s feminism is strictly based on individual empowerment: “rather than challenge patriarchy directly or join forces with women activists, Scully channels her anger/ambition into fitting into the system” (70). But equally, Scully’s feminism could be seen as a prototype of the kind of “neo-liberal” feminism that theorists such as Angela McRobbie associate with the present moment, a feminism which “discards the older, welfarist and collectivist feminism of the past, in favour of individualist striving” (4). Certainly, over the course of the 25 years, The X-Files has been in existence, we have seen little evidence that Scully has female friends (or indeed, that she interacts with anyone much outside of Mulder and her family).When other women do enter the picture, such as when Mulder’s one-time lover and co-founder of the X-Files, Diana Fowley appears in the fifth season of the series (see “The End” [0520]), Scully is often positioned in an antagonistic relationship with them. In this context, it is notable that “All Things,” a seventh-season episode directed and written by Anderson, places Scully’s interaction with Colleen Azar, a woman from the American Taoist Healing Centre, at the centre of the narrative. Azar’s exhortations to Scully to “slow down” are presented as the wise words of a female ally in this episode, and Scully does well to heed them. This episode, consciously I think, works as a counter to the more typical representation of Scully as being in competition with women for Mulder’s interest, evident in episodes like “Alpha” (0616) and “Syzygy” (0313). In this respect, Anderson appears to be aligning Scully with a feminism that is much more inclusive than it appears in other, male-written, episodes.From the vantage point of the second decade of the twenty-first century, one of the more problematic elements The X-Files has to do with its representation of sex and sexuality. Sex, in the world of The X-Files, is very 1990s in orientation. In fact, it echoes the way in which sex operated in the Clinton impeachment: denial, denial, denial, even in the face of clear evidence it took place. We see this most obviously in “All Things,” which begins with a shot of Scully getting dressed in front of a mirror, that pans to a shot of an undressed Mulder in bed. This opening seems to suggest the two had spent the night together, but nothing overtly sexual actually takes place in the episode. Indeed, any sexual activity that ever takes place in the X-Files happens off camera, but it is nonetheless worth pointing out that while the equally solitary Mulder is repeatedly characterised in the series by his porn fetish, Scully’s sexuality is repeatedly denied or diminished in the series. Moreover, any overt expression of Scully’s sexuality (such as in “Milagro,” [0618] where she falls for a writer living next door to Mulder) typically ends badly, with Scully placed in peril by her sexual desires.Scully’s continued presence in the twenty-first century, however, means that while her character is rooted in what we might call a “1990s feminist disposition” (she prides herself on being a “woman in a man’s world”; she demonstrates little interest in stereotypically feminine pursuits such as shopping or make up; her focus is on work, rather than romance), she has also been allowed the room to grow and develop. Perhaps most notably, the 2018 Scully is allowed to embrace her sexuality. Sexual activity still appears off screen, of course, but in “Plus One” (1103), we see her actively pursue sex with Mulder (twice!), while her vibrator makes an unapologetic cameo appearance in “Rm9sbG93ZXJz” (1107). Given that we live in a decade saturated in sexual imagery, it makes no sense for 2018 Scully to be as chaste and buttoned up as she was in the 1990s.Finally, in a series in which the wild speculation of the conspiracy theories is almost always true, Scully’s feminist commitment to rationality, science and the power of logic might appear to be undermined at every turn. Badley, for example, reminds us that while Scully may “have medicine and the law on her side ... Mulder’s vision is validated by Chris Carter, as the prologue to nearly every episode reminds us” (67). This is highlighted in “Field Trip” (0621) when Scully wonders, “Mulder, can’t you just for once, just ... for the novelty of it, come up with the simplest explanation, the most logical one instead of automatically jumping to UFOs or Bigfoot or…” Mulder simply counters with:Scully, in six years, how … how often have I been wrong? No seriously, I mean, every time I bring you a case we go through this perfunctory dance. You tell me that I’m not being scientifically rigorous and that I’m off my nut, and then in the end who turns out to be right like 98.95 of the time? I just think I’ve ... earned the benefit of the doubt here.Interestingly enough, however, it is Scully who solves the mystery at the heart of this particular episode of X-Files—Mulder and Scully are indeed trapped inside a giant fungus, being slowly digested by its gooey secretions.And while Mulder’s viewpoint is most often endorsed in the series, the chaos of the Trump administration illustrates perfectly the dangers behind the valorisation of the irrational over the rational. In a decade in which rationality itself is coming under increasing threat—by “fake news”; through a hostility towards the science of climate change; in the desire to wind back further the gains of the feminist movement—we need to remember the importance of the strong and abiding relationship between rationality and feminism. This is a relationship that goes at least as far back as Mary Wollstonecraft’s (1759-1797) Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792), is at the heart of the feminist gothic writings of women like Ann Radcliffe (1764-1823) and Mary Shelley (1797-1851). This commitment to the power of rationality lives on in the character of Dana Scully.Conclusion: Scully as Twenty-First-Century Feminist IconI have argued throughout this article that there are limitations of the kind of feminism embodied in Scully, but it is clear that she has come to represent a type of woman who refuses to let men dictate her behaviour, and who maintains her professionalism even under the most difficult of circumstances. A host of Scully memes now circulating on the web celebrate the character’s competence, intelligence, and compassion (figs. 2, 3, and 4). The character of Scully now exists far beyond the confines of the television screen and the imaginations of her predominantly male authors. Scully’s continuing relevance to twenty-first century feminists is reflected in this meme recently placed by Anderson on her Twitter account in response to the allegations of sexual misconduct directed at US Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanagh (fig. 5). Rarely have the 1990s seemed so relevant to the present moment.Fig. 2: Scully meme, Meme Generator.Fig. 3: Rustnsplinters, “Scully Motivational.” Deviant Art.Fig. 4: E.H. Redlum, “Scully: Meme Style.” Deviant Art.Fig. 5: Gillian Anderson tweet.ReferencesBadley, Linda. “Scully Hits the Glass Ceiling: Postmodernism, Postfeminism, Posthumanism, and The X-Files.” Fantasy Girls: Gender in the New Universe of Science Fiction and Fantasy Television. Ed. Elyce Rae Helford. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2000. 61-90.Consalvi, Sydney. “The Scully Effect Continues: How The X-Files’ Dana Scully Changed Television Forever.” Odyssey. 9 Aug. 2016. 1 Dec. 2018 <https://www.theodysseyonline.com/scully-effect>.Faludi, Susan. Backlash: The Undeclared War against Women. London: Vintage, 1991.Freeman, David. “Scientists Say Mysterious ‘Oumuamua’ Object Could Be an Alien Spacecraft: Harvard Researchers Raise the Possibility That It’s a Probe Sent by Extraterrestrials.” NBCNews.com. 6 Nov. 2018. 1 Dec. 2018 <https://www.nbcnews.com/mach/science/scientists-say-mysterious-oumuamua-object-could-be-alien-spacecraft-ncna931381>.Genz, Stéphanie, and Benjamin A. Brabon. Postfeminism: Cultural Texts and Theories. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2009.Gill, Rosalind. “Post-Postfeminism? New Feminist Visibilities in Postfeminist Times.” Feminist Media Studies 16.4 (2016): 610-30.Idato, Michael. “Gillian Anderson on Why She’s Closing The X-Files after 25 Years.” The Sydney Morning Herald. 15 Jan. 2018. 1 Dec. 2018 <https://www.smh.com.au/entertainment/tv-and-radio/times-up-gillian-anderson-on-why-shes-closing-the-xfiles-after-25-years-20180115-h0iapf.html>.Kim, L.S. “‘Sex and the Single Girl’ in Postfeminism: The F Word on Television.” Television and New Media 2.4 (Nov. 2001): 319-334.Koven, Mikel J. “The X-Files.” Essential Cult TV Reader. Ed. David Lavery. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 2010. 337-343.McRobbie, Angela. “Notes on the Perfect: Competitive Femininity in Neoliberal Times.” Australian Feminist Studies 30:83 (2015): 3-20.Modery, Lauren. “Gillian Anderson Is the Feminist Twitter Hero We Need Right Now.” Birth. Movies. Death. 25 Jan. 2018. 1 Dec. 2018 <https://birthmoviesdeath.com/2018/01/25/gillian-anderson-is-the-feminist-twitter-hero-we-need-right-now>.Moses, Michael Valdez. “Kingdom of Darkness: Autonomy and Conspiracy in The X-Files and Millenium.” The Philosophy of TV Noir. Eds. Steven M. Sanders and Aeon J. Skoble. Lexington: U. of Kentucky P., 2008. 203-228.21stCentury Fox, the Geena Davis Institute on Gender in Media, and J. Walter Thompson Intelligence. The ‘Scully Effect’: I Want to Believe… in STEM. 2018. <https://impact.21cf.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2018/03/ScullyEffectReport_21CF_1-1.pdf>.Wildermuth, Mark E. Gender, Science Fiction Television, and the American Security State: 1958-Present. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.X-Files: Fight the Future. Dir. Rob Bowman. Perf. Gillian Anderson and David Duchovny. 20th Century Fox. 1998.

One of the main tasks of structural biology is comparing the structure of proteins. Comparisons of protein structure can determine their functional similarities. Multigraph alignment is a useful tool for identifying functional similarities based on structural analysis. This article proposes a new algorithm for aligning protein binding sites called ACOTS-MGA. This algorithm is based on the memetic scheme. It uses the ACO method to construct a set of solutions, then selects the best solution for implementing Tabu Search to improve the solution quality. Experimental results have shown that ACOTS-MGA outperforms state-of-the-art algorithms while producing alignments of better quality.KeywordsMultiple Graph Alignment, Tabu Search, Ant Colony Optimization, local search, memetic algorithm, SMMAS pheromone update rule, protein active sitesReferencesE. Todd, C. A. Orengo, and J. M. Thornton, “Evolution of function in protein superfamilies, from a structural perspective,” J. Mol. Biol., vol. 307, no. 4, pp. 1113–1143, Apr. 2001.S. F. Altschul et al., “Gapped BLAST and PSI-BLAST: a new generation of protein database search programs,” Nucleic Acids Res., vol. 25, pp. 3389–3402, 1997.R. C. Edgar, “MUSCLE: multiple sequence alignment with high accuracy and high throughput,” Nucleic Acids Res., vol. 32, no. 5, pp. 1792–1797, Mar. 2004.J. D. Thompson, D. G. Higgins, and T. J. Gibson, “CLUSTAL W: improving the sensitivity of progressive multiple sequence alignment through sequence weighting, position-specific gap penalties and weight matrix choice,” Nucleic Acids Res., vol. 22, no. 22, pp. 4673–4680, Nov. 1994.M. Larkin, G. Blackshields, N. Brown, … R. C.-, and undefined 2007, “Clustal W and Clustal X version 2.0,” academic.oup.com.C. Notredame, D. G. Higgins, and J. Heringa, “T-coffee: a novel method for fast and accurate multiple sequence alignment,” J. Mol. Biol., vol. 302, no. 1, pp. 205–217, Sep. 2000.K. Sjolander, “Phylogenomic inference of protein molecular function: advances and challenges,” Bioinformatics, vol. 20, no. 2, pp. 170–179, Jan. 2004.T. Fober, M. Mernberger, G. Klebe, and E. Hüllermeier, “Evolutionary construction of multiple graph alignments for the structural analysis of biomolecules,” Bioinformatics, vol. 25, no. 16, pp. 2110–2117, 2009.M. Mernberger, G. Klebe, and E. Hullermeier, “SEGA: Semiglobal Graph Alignment for Structure-Based Protein Comparison,” IEEE/ACM Trans. Comput. Biol. Bioinforma., vol. 8, no. 5, pp. 1330–1343, Sep. 2011.D. Shasha, J. T. L. Wang, and R. Giugno, “Algorithmics and applications of tree and graph searching,” in Proceedings of the twenty-first ACM SIGMOD-SIGACT-SIGART symposium on Principles of database systems - PODS ’02, 2002, p. 39.R. V. Spriggs, P. J. Artymiuk, and P. Willett, “Searching for Patterns of Amino Acids in 3D Protein Structures,” J. Chem. Inf. Comput. Sci., vol. 43, no. 2, pp. 412–421, Mar. 2003.D. Conte, P. Foggia, C. 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Yang, “TreePi: A Novel Graph Indexing Method,” in 2007 IEEE 23rd International Conference on Data Engineering, 2007, pp. 966–975.A. E. Aladag and C. Erten, “SPINAL: scalable protein interaction network alignment,” Bioinformatics, vol. 29, pp. 917–924, 2013.S. Schmitt, D. Kuhn, and G. Klebe, “A New Method to Detect Related Function Among Proteins Independent of Sequence and Fold Homology,” J. Mol. Biol., vol. 323, no. 2, pp. 387–406, Oct. 2002.M. Hendlich, A. Bergner, J. Günther, and G. Klebe, “Relibase: Design and Development of a Database for Comprehensive Analysis of Protein–Ligand Interactions,” J. Mol. Biol., vol. 326, no. 2, pp. 607–620, Feb. 2003.N. Weskamp, E. Hüllermeier, D. Kuhn, and G. Klebe, “Multiple graph alignment for the structural analysis of protein active sites,” IEEE/ACM Trans. Comput. Biol. Bioinforma., vol. 4, no. 2, pp. 310–320, 2007.T. N. Ha, D. D. Dong, and H. X. Huan, “An efficient ant colony optimization algorithm for Multiple Graph Alignment,” in 2013 International Conference on Computing, Management and Telecommunications (ComManTel), 2013, pp. 386–391. F. Neri, Handbook of memetic algorithms, vol. 379. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2011.M. Gong, Z. Peng, L. Ma, and J. Huang, “Global Biological Network Alignment by Using Efficient Memetic Algorithm,” IEEE/ACM Trans. Comput. Biol. Bioinforma., vol. 13, no. 6, pp. 1117–1129, Nov. 2016.J. M. Caldonazzo Garbelini, A. Y. Kashiwabara, and D. S. Sanches, “Sequence motif finder using memetic algorithm,” BMC Bioinformatics, vol. 19, 2018. L. Correa, B. Borguesan, C. Farfan, M. Inostroza-Ponta, and M. Dorn, “A Memetic Algorithm for 3-D Protein Structure Prediction Problem,” IEEE/ACM Trans. Comput. Biol. Bioinforma., pp. 1–1, 2016.H. Tran Ngoc, D. Do Duc, and H. Hoang Xuan, “A novel ant based algorithm for multiple graph alignment,” in 2014 International Conference on Advanced Technologies for Communications (ATC 2014), 2014, pp. 181–186. H. X. Huan, N. Linh-Trung, H.-T. Huynh, and others, “Solving the Traveling Salesman Problem with Ant Colony Optimization: A Revisit and New Efficient Algorithms,” REV J. Electron. Commun., vol. 2, no. 3–4, 2013. D. Do Duc, H. Q. Dinh, and H. Hoang Xuan, “On the Pheromone Update Rules of Ant Colony Optimization Approaches for the Job Shop Scheduling Problem,” 2008, pp. 153-160.

After conquering Belgium and the Rhineland in 1794, the French Army of the Sambre and Meuse faced severe logistical, disciplinary, and morale problems that signaled the erosion of its capabilities. The army’s degeneration resulted from a revolution in French foreign policy designed to conquer the natural frontiers, a policy often falsely portrayed as a diplomatic tradition of the French monarchy. In fact, the natural frontiers policy – expansion to the Rhine, the Pyrenees, and the Alps – emerged only after the start of the War of the First Coalition in 1792. Moreover, the pursuit of natural frontiers caused more controversy than previously understood. No less a figure than Lazare Carnot – the Organizer of Victory – viewed French expansion to the Rhine as impractical and likely to perpetuate war. While the war of conquest provided the French state with the resources to survive, it entailed numerous unforeseen consequences. Most notably, the Revolutionary armies became isolated from the nation and displayed more loyalty to their commanders than to the civilian authorities. In 1797, the Sambre and Meuse Army became a political tool of General Lazare Hoche, who sought control over the Rhineland by supporting the creation of a Cisrhenan Republic. Ultimately, troops from Hoche’s army removed Carnot from the French Directory in the coup d’état of 18 fructidor, a crucial benchmark in the militarization of French politics two years before Napoleon Bonaparte’s seizure of power. Accordingly, the conquest of the Rhine frontier contributed to the erosion of democratic governance in Revolutionary France.

On 1 February 1793, the National Convention of Revolutionary France declared war on Great Britain and the Netherlands, expanding the list of France's enemies in the War of the First Coalition. Although British Prime Minister William Pitt the Younger had predicted fifteen years of peace one year earlier, the French declaration of war initiated nearly a quarter century of war between Britain and France with only a brief respite during the Peace of Amiens. Britain entered the war amid both a nadir in British diplomacy and internal political divisions over the direction of British foreign policy. After becoming prime minister in 1783 in the aftermath of the War of American Independence, Pitt pursued financial and naval reform to recover British strength and cautious interventionism to end Britain's diplomatic isolation in Europe. He hoped to create a collective security system based on the principles of the territorial status quo, trade agreements, neutral rights, and resolution of diplomatic disputes through mediation - armed mediation if necessary. While his domestic measures largely met with success, Pitt's foreign policy suffered from a paucity of like-minded allies, contradictions between traditional hostility to France and emergent opposition to Russian expansion, Britain's limited ability to project power on the continent, and the even more limited will of Parliament to support such interventionism. Nevertheless, Pitt's collective security goal continued to shape British strategy in the War of the First Coalition, and the same challenges continued to plague the British war effort. This led to failure in the war and left the British fighting on alone after the Treaty of Campo Formio secured peace between France and its last continental foe, Austria, on 18 October 1797.

In 1793, Great Britain embarked on a war against Revolutionary France to reestablish a balance of power in Europe. Traditional assessments among historians consider British war planning at the ministerial level during the First Coalition to be incompetent and haphazard. This work reassesses decision making of the leading strategists in the British Cabinet in the development of a theater in the Mediterranean by examining political, diplomatic, and military influences. William Pitt the Younger and his controlling ministers pursued a conservative strategy in the Mediterranean, reliant on Allies in the region to contain French armies and ideas inside the Alps and the Pyrenees. Dependent on British naval power, the Cabinet sought to weaken the French war effort by targeting trade in the region. Throughout the first half of 1793, the British government remained fixed on this conservative, traditional approach to France. However, with the fall of Toulon in August of 1793, decisions made by Admiral Samuel Hood in command of forces in the Mediterranean radicalized British policy towards the Revolution while undermining the construct of the Coalition. The inconsistencies in strategic thought political decisions created stagnation, wasting the opportunities gained by the Counter-revolutionary movements in southern France. As a result, reinvigorated French forces defeated Allied forces in detail in the fall of 1793.

Abstract One might expect that the outbreak of war would at least restore France’s importance in international politics.1 Ultimately this happened with a vengeance, but not for a while; both France and the war against France continued for some time to be international sideshows. One reason for this, as will be seen, was that at first, despite the radical Revolution, France’s foreign policy continued along traditional lines. A more important reason was that none of the members of the first coalition fought mainly to overthrow the Revolution, and some were loath to fight at all. Their main reaction to the discovery that it would be more difficult than expected to defeat France and restore order was not to fight harder, but to attempt to end the war, coexist with Revolutionary France, and pursue other goals-which some found possible, others not. The problem is not to explain how the War of the First Coalition started, which is fairly easy, but why it persisted and proved difficult or impossible to end. The basic answer is that the same kind of traditional politics that got both sides into war also kept them from ending it.

William Pinch explores Padmakar Bhatt’s Himmatbahādurvirudāvalī, an account of the ascetic warlord Anupgir Gosain’s victory over the Bundelkhandi prince Arjun Singh Parmar in 1792. Acknowledging that Padmakar occasionally subordinates historical fact to considerations of genre and politics, he asks whether realism is necessarily the best mode to represent the enormity that such a battle represents, its polysemous and elusive ‘truth.’ As Pinch posits, truth-telling is more than mere attention to factual detail. He explains how political theory and sociological transformation are implicit in Padmakar complex political and moral yet ever literary manoeuvres

Recruitment for the armed services formed a central part of wartime policies, and this chapter addresses the recruitment which took place in Scotland, comparing this with England. The chapter addresses all the different types of armed units which were raised in the 1790s, ranging from regular forces such as the Army and the Royal Navy, to the different kinds of forces for ‘internal defence’ that were set up, the Fencibles, Volunteer Corps and Auxiliaries. Most attention has, however, been given to the raising of a Scottish Militia in 1797, and the main argument presented with respect to this is that – while the militia riots were not doubt serious and widespread – Scottish responses to the Militia Act were more varied that has often been allowed. There were many Scots who either supported the measure, or demonstrated their opposition in more constructive ways than to stage riots.

Abstract In his very popular poem The Minstrel James Beattie upbraids those spirits vouchsafed ‘a portion of celestial fire’: and in the story of Edwin, the minstrel, he illustrates the sentiment. To the indulgent eye of Dorothy the fact that ‘the whole character of Edwin resembles much what William was when first I knew him after my leaving Halifax’ just gave her brother added charm. To his guardians, however, the identification, had they recognized it, could only have given cause for further anxiety. This was not the time for high-souled rejection of the world of men, but for diligent attention in Cambridge to whatever was necessary to secure a career and independence. Happily there was no real reason to doubt that Wordsworth would be successful in worldly terms. Hawkshead was a good school which had prepared him as well as any of its numerous pupils already welcomed in the University. He had, in addition, connections who could ease the way to academic and Church preferment. But within five years it was clear that Wordsworth had thrown away every advantage. After an excellent start he had abandoned serious academic competition, taking only a pass degree. He had alienated relatives and seemed determined not to accept the proffered opening of a career in the Church. He had marked his coming of age by fathering a child on a Frenchwoman without the means to support the child or marry the mother. Just as important for his future prospects, he had been infected by the virulent contagion of radicalism, becoming one of’that odious class of men called democrats’3 just at the time when authority was not discriminating too subtly between shades of political principle but dividing up citizens into simple categories, the ‘loyal’ and the ‘seditious’.

Abstract Wagner’s intense preoccupation with Goethe’s Faust during the 1870s was connected not least with the fact that he believed he had found in it a dramatic form which, unlike the structured model of ancient Greek tragedy, was particularly well adapted to his idea of fixed improvisation. Again and again in conversation with Cosima we find him referring to the ‘barbarian advantages’1 and ‘barbarian style of composition’ which, according to his letter to Schiller of 26 June 1797, Goethe had actively espoused in writing Faust, although he knew that, in doing so, he had offended against the ‘highest demands’ of artistic form as prescribed by the Greek classical ideal.2 When, on 8 February 1872, Cosima once again mentioned those barbarian advantages ‘on which Goethe says we must courageously insist’, Wagner’s reply was: ‘Yes, Faust, the Ninth, Bach’s Passions are barbarian works of that kind, that is to say, works of art which cannot be compared with a Greek Apollo or a Greek tragedy.’ And to these he added his conception of ‘the art-work of the future’.

Abstract Stanzas Written in Dejection Near Naples The sun is warm, the sky is clear, The waves are dancing fast and bright, Blue isles and snowy mountains wear The purple noon’s transparent might, The breath of the moist earth is light, Around its unexpanded buds; Like many a voice of one delight The winds, the birds, the ocean floods, The city’s voice itself, is soft like Solitude’s. I see the deep’s untrampled floor With green and purple seaweeds strown; I see the waves upon the shore, Like light dissolved in star-showers, thrown: I sit upon the sands alone,— The lightning of the noontide ocean Is flashing round me, and a tone Arises from its measured motion, How sweet! did any heart now share in my emotion. Alas! I have nor hope nor health, Nor peace within nor calm around, Nor that content surpassing wealth The sage in meditation found, And walked with inward glory crowned— Nor fame, nor power, nor love, nor leisure, Others I see whom these surround— Smiling they live, and call life pleasure;— To me that cup has been dealt in another measure. Yet now despair itself is mild, Even as the winds and waters are;

Abstract This chapter opens with Nikolai Repnin’s order for Mikhail Kutuzov to start preparing for an early campaign should Sultan Selim III refuse to negotiate. It details how the new instructions required Kutuzov to raze Izmail’s fortifications, fill in the moat, and search for as many of the cannonballs that the Russian army had fired at the fortress during the storming as possible. Due to a lack of ammunition in the army, Kutuzov was also told to strip the roofs of the local mosque and residences and melt them down to make cartridges. The chapter talks about how stripping the roofs of mosques is an order Kutuzov could not comply with fully, as he knew that local Muslims would be enraged. Sultan Selim III, dismayed as he was by the fall of Izmail, was disinclined to negotiate with the Russians in light of the fast-evolving international situation.

Abstract IT is not known precisely at what age Beethoven started making sketches for compositions, but it was probably almost as soon as he started composing; he once referred to ‘the bad habit I formed in childhood of feeling obliged to write down my first ideas immediately’. No actual sketches for finished works have survived from before about 1787,’ but certainly by the time he left Bonn for Vienna in November 1792 he was sketching extensively, for no fewer than twenty-one leaves devoted exclusively to sketches are known to date from his Bonn period,3 as well as a number of leaves which contain other material but which have sketches in the empty spaces. When he left for Vienna in 1792 he took with him a portfolio of manuscripts that included both finished works and also these sketches, and the fact that so much early material survives indicates how central the sketching process was to his creativity even at an early age, and how highly he regarded his sketches throughout his life.

The ruler of Dahomey from 1797 (up until possibly 1818) was Adandozan. But his reign has been erased from oral memory and the local tradition. Why this is so, constitutes another mystery in Dahomean history. In any case, his reign and that of his successors saw the official but slow and tortuous disentanglement of the European and American powers from slavery, the slave trade, and the Slave Coast (until the colonial conquest). As the locals were opposed to the abolition of the slave trade, the result was for a while a moderately thriving so-called illegal slave trade with the connivance of the Brazilian authorities. In addition, a trade in palm-oil developed. If we add the final collapse of Oyo and the subsequent eruption of the Yoruba wars, we could say that prospects looked fairly promising for Dahomey. Dahomey was eclipsed, and in fact defeated at times, by the polities (some new) of the Yoruba in the east, principally Lagos and Abeokuta.

Abstract Sex determination in mammals is important for understanding their ecology and population biology. In large mammals, sexual dimorphism is expressed by the fact that males are bigger than females and have strongly developed secondary sex features, such as horns, or enlarged canines or incisors. In recent African elephants, Loxodonta africana (Blumenbach 1797), the males are taller than females, (males may reach 4.0 m in height, as distinguished from females that range from 2.0 to 3.0 m). Tusks of males are also thicker and longer that those of females (Sikes 1971). Direct sex determination in extinct animals is possible only in exceptionally rare cases, as in frozen carcasses of Pleistocene mammals with preserved genitalia. The sexes of three individual woolly mammoths, Mammuthus primigenius (Blumenbach 1799), all males, were determined in this manner. They are: the Adams’ mammoth (1799; Fig. 26.la, b), the Berezovka mammoth (1901; Fig. 26.2a, b), and the Magadanian mammoth calf (1977; Fig. 26.3). The sex of the Adams’ mammoth (ZINN 71911; Fig. 26.la, b), discovered in 1797 by a Tungusian hunter, Osip Schumachov, and a merchant, Roman Boltunov, (Tilesius 1815), was easily determined because the carcass contained preserved identifiable tissues and organs. The penis of the Berezovka mammoth (ZINN 77340; Fig. 26.2a, b) can be observed on the mounted specimen at the Zoological Museum in St. Petersburg. On the other hand, the penis of ‘Dima’ (ZIN N 70188; Fig. 26.3) was separated from the carcass (fig. 18 of Vereshchagin 1981).