Journal articles: 'War Initiation'

1

Reiter, Dan, and Allan C. Stam. "Democracy, War Initiation, and Victory." American Political Science Review 92, no. 2 (June 1998): 377–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585670.

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How do nation-states' political institutions affect the relations between states? This article addresses that question by testing the predictions of different theories linking political institutions to war outcomes. Specifically, rent-seeking and regime legitimacy theories predict that all democratic belligerents are more likely to win wars because they fight more effectively. Alternatively, other theories focusing on the domestic political vulnerability of leaders and the marketplace of ideas predict that democracies are likely to be more careful about choosing when to start war. This would mean that only democratic initiators are more likely to win. Analyzing all interstate wars from 1816 to 1982 with a multivariate probit model, we find that democratic initiators are significantly more likely to win wars; democratic targets are also more likely to win, though the relationship is not as strong. We also find empirical support for several control variables, including strategy, terrain, and capability.

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Mayer, Thomas F. "Arms Races and War Initiation." Journal of Conflict Resolution 30, no. 1 (March 1986): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002786030001001.

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Djeriouat, Hakim, and Etienne Mullet. "People's Mental Models of War Initiation." Peace Review 25, no. 2 (April 2013): 227–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2013.785326.

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Rodman, David. "War initiation: The case of Israel." Journal of Strategic Studies 20, no. 4 (December 1997): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402399708437696.

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Alsharabati, Carole, and Jacek Kugler. "War Initiation in a Changing World." International Interactions 34, no. 4 (October 2008): 358–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050620802574960.

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Nevin, John A. "War Initiation and Selection by Consequences." Journal of Peace Research 33, no. 1 (February 1996): 99–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343396033001007.

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7

Ramsey, Michael D. "Constitutional War Initiation and the Obama Presidency." American Journal of International Law 110, no. 4 (October 2016): 701–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000763184.

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In 2007, presidential candidate Barack Obama argued that the U.S. president did not have independent constitutional authority to use military force except in response to an actual or imminent attack on the United States. Since 2008, President Obama has directed the use of U.S. military force in at least seven countries (Iraq, Syria, Libya, Yemen, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Somalia). Critics find inconsistency in these positions, contending that the Obama presidency will be remembered for expansion of the presidency's war powers. But when the administration's record is closely examined, these claims seem overstated. At least with regard to war initiation, the Obama presidency need not be regarded as materially enhancing the president's constitutional powers.This assessment begins by establishing two baselines. First, most war powers scholars agree that under the Constitution's original meaning, Congress’ power to “declare War” required the president to seek congressional approval prior to initiating war. This constitutional command had substantial grey areas, including responses to threats and attacks, relations with non-state actors, and low-level hostilities. Nonetheless, the basic proposition stated by candidate Obama appears well founded both in the Constitution's text itself and in early postratification practice. Second, in the modern (post-Vietnam War) era, most scholars agree that the practice has changed somewhat, with presidents asserting an expanded independent authority over uses of military force. This essay agrees with that description, although it contends that the change in actual practice is less dramatic than commentary sometimes claims.

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Nicholson, Michael. "Asymmetric conflicts: war initiation by weaker powers." International Affairs 70, no. 4 (October 1994): 763. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624565.

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Peterson, Susan, and T. V. Paul. "Asymmetric Conflicts: War Initiation by Weaker Powers." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 27, no. 1 (1996): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206490.

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10

Paul, T. V. "Time Pressure and War Initiation: Some Linkages." Canadian Journal of Political Science 28, no. 2 (June 1995): 255–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900018837.

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AbstractThis article examines the linkages by which time pressure influences national decision makers to initiate wars. It is argued that time pressure matters most significantly as an intervening variable at the decision-maker level in conjunction with system and subsystem level variables, such as changes in relative strike capability and alliance relationships, and state level variables like military strategy and doctrine. Most studies treat time pressure as having relevance during an acute crisis; in this article, time pressure is viewed as having an intermediate-term significance, that is, prior to the escalation phase or during the early phase of a crisis. It is shown that independent variables such as relative capability, alliance relationships and military doctrines are most likely to be associated with war initiation when they are mediated by time pressure. The article also distinguishes between immediate time pressure—that occurs during the escalation phase of a crisis—and intermediate time pressure, which can happen prior to, and at the onset phase of a crisis.

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Cohen, Eliot A., and T. V. Paul. "Asymmetric Conflicts: War Initiation by Weaker Powers." Foreign Affairs 74, no. 4 (1995): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047236.

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STEIN, RACHEL M. "War and Revenge: Explaining Conflict Initiation by Democracies." American Political Science Review 109, no. 3 (July 24, 2015): 556–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055415000301.

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While we know much about what differentiates the conflict behavior of democracies from autocracies, we know relatively little about why some democracies are more belligerent than others. In contrast to existing studies, I argue that it is public opinion and not institutions that drives these differences. All democratic leaders have an incentive to take public opinion into account, but public opinion is not the same everywhere. Individuals’ attitudes towards war are shaped by core beliefs about revenge, which vary across countries. Leaders with more vengeful populations will be more likely to initiate conflicts because they generate popular support for war more effectively. Using retention of capital punishment as a proxy for broad endorsement of revenge, I find that democracies that have retained the death penalty for longer periods of time are significantly more likely to initiate conflicts. This research has important implications for existing theories of democracy and war.

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Paul, T. V. "Nuclear Taboo And War Initiation in Regional Conflicts." Journal of Conflict Resolution 39, no. 4 (December 1995): 696–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002795039004005.

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14

Renshon, Jonathan. "Status Deficits and War." International Organization 70, no. 3 (2016): 513–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818316000163.

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AbstractDespite widespread agreement that status matters, there is relatively little in the way of focused research onhowandwhenit matters. Relying on the assumption that it “matters” has provided few extant theories of variation in states’ concern for status and little understanding of its specific implications for international conflict. I introduce a theory of status dissatisfaction (SD) that clarifies who forms the basis for status comparisons in world politics, when status concerns should be paramount, and how they are linked to international conflict. I demonstrate the viability of conflict as a strategy for status enhancement: both initiation and victory bring substantial status benefits over both five- and ten-year periods. Using a new, network-based measure of international status, I demonstrate that status deficits are significantly associated with an increased probability of war and militarized interstate dispute (MID) initiation. Even internationally, status is local: I use “community detection” algorithms to recover status communities and show that deficits within those communities are particularly salient for states and leaders.

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15

Chan, Steve. "Major-power intervention and war initiation by the weak." International Politics 47, no. 2 (February 19, 2010): 163–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ip.2010.6.

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Daxecker, Ursula E. "Rivalry, Instability, and the Probability of International Conflict." Conflict Management and Peace Science 28, no. 5 (November 2011): 543–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894211418591.

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This article addresses the effect of political instability and domestic conflict on the probability of militarized interstate disputes. Existing research on the subject has produced inconsistent findings. I hypothesize that the effect of political instability on international disputes is conditional on states’ involvement in civil conflict. More specifically, I argue that while political instability provides leaders with the willingness to use force, civil war creates the necessary opportunities for initiating conflict abroad. A directed-dyad analysis of international rivals for the 1816–2000 time period shows that instability coupled with civil war increases the probability of militarized interstate dispute initiation among rival states. Results are consistent for alternative indicators of political instability and civil war.

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Hansik Kim. "The Character and Background of Post-War Urban Initiation Novel." Studies in Korean Literature ll, no. 43 (December 2012): 397–425. http://dx.doi.org/10.20881/skl.2012..43.012.

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18

Perrot, Jean, and Margaret Higonnet. "War and the Compulsion of Signs: Maurois's Rite of Initiation." Children's Literature 15, no. 1 (1987): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/chl.0.0262.

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Cheibub, José A., and Jude C. Hays. "Elections and Civil War in Africa." Political Science Research and Methods 5, no. 1 (August 20, 2015): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.33.

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The view that multiparty elections in changing authoritarian regimes should be held sooner rather than later has been increasingly under attack. Critics argue that, under conditions of low institutional development, multiparty elections may lead to violence and civil war, rather than to the peaceful allocation of authority that everyone desires. Starting from the premise that elections are strategically timed and endogenous in transitioning authoritarian regimes, that is, more likely to be held when violence is imminent, we show that for Africa, the continent with the lowest levels of political institutionalization, elections do not increase the probability of a civil war initiation. In fact, for the post-Cold War period, the holding of multiparty elections is actually associated with a substantial reduction in the probability of civil war onset. To account for this pattern, we develop an informational theory of elections held under conditions that prevail in the post-Cold War, when foreign powers are reluctant to provide direct support for dictators (or their opponents) and elections are more reflective of the true level of a leader’s strength. We argue that, under these conditions, elections may prevent the eruption of a civil war that is already imminent, through two mechanisms: they may deter a weak opposition from initiating a war they are likely to lose or they may induce a weak dictator to offer ways to share power with the opposition.

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20

Bennett, D. Scott. "War and Punishment; The Causes of War Termination and the First World War. By Hein E. Goemans. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000. 355p. $49.50 cloth, $19.95 paper." American Political Science Review 95, no. 2 (June 2001): 517–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401792027.

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Hein Goemans develops and tests a rationalist model of war termination that incorporates domestic politics, focusing on leader tenure and survival in expected postwar political environments. The book is one of a growing number of works that look beyond the initiation of conflict to its conclusion, examine the dynamics of conflict over time, and incorporate domestic political factors through a multimethod analysis.

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Goldsmith, Benjamin E., Dimitri Semenovich, Arcot Sowmya, and Gorana Grgic. "Political Competition and the Initiation of International Conflict." World Politics 69, no. 3 (March 8, 2017): 493–531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000307.

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Although some scholars claim that the empirical evidence for the very low instance of interstate war between democracies is well established, others have raised new challenges. But even if democratic peace is observed, its theoretical explanation remains unresolved. Consensus has not emerged among competing approaches, some of which are criticized for offering monadic logic for a dyadic phenomenon. This article synthesizes recent literature to advance a simple, but distinct, explicitly dyadic theory about institutionalized political competition, leading to expectations that it is the most important source of democratic peace. While the authors are far from the first to consider political competition, their approach stands out in according it the central role in a dyadic theory focused on the regime type of initiators and target states. They argue that potential vulnerability to opposition criticism on target-regime-specific normative and costs-of-war bases is more fundamental than mechanisms such as audience costs, informational effects, or public goods logic. Incumbents in high-competition states will be reluctant to initiate conflict with a democracy due to anticipated inability to defend the conflict as right, necessary, and winnable. The authors present new and highly robust evidence that democratic peace is neither spurious nor a methodological artifact, and that it can be attributed to high-competition states’ aversion to initiating fights with democracies.

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22

Levy, Jack S. "The Initiation and Spread of the First World War: Interdependent Decisions." Foreign Policy Analysis 7, no. 2 (April 2011): 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1743-8594.2011.00130.x.

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23

Burba, Vasyl, and Oleksandr Suvorov. "Corruption Risks as a Constituent of Terrorist Forms within the Framework of Hybrid War." Information Security of the Person, Society and State, no. 27 (2019): 87–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.51369/2707-7276-2019-3-9.

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The article deals with the reasons and conditions of initiation and development of corruption risks in the hybrid war with the Russian Federation, their combination with terrorist forms, and analyzes the implantation of corruption in Russia’s political and economic relations with the European environment. Key words: corruption, national secu-rity, terrorist forms, hybrid war.

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24

Butler, Christopher K. "Superpower Dispute Initiation: An Empirical Model of Strategic Behavior." International Area Studies Review 14, no. 3 (January 1, 2011): 61–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386591101400303.

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A method is presented for empirically modeling simultaneous decisions using the estimation technique of bivariate probit. This technique is used to examine the directed dispute-initiation behavior of the superpowers during the Cold War. Power-transition concepts of satisfaction and rates of capability change can be used to explain directed dispute-initiation behavior. In particular, the international influence of the rival translates into a superpower's dissatisfaction, making dispute initiation by that superpower more likely, ceteris paribus. Additionally, a rapid strengthening of the challenger, ceteris paribus, increases the likelihood of dispute initiation in either direction. Changes in the hegemon's capabilities, though consistent with power-transition theory, have no effect on dispute-initiation behavior. These effects hold even while controlling for various domestic conditions in each country.

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Greig, J. Michael, and James D. Meernik. "To Prosecute or Not to Prosecute: Civil War Mediation and International Criminal Justice." International Negotiation 19, no. 2 (June 26, 2014): 257–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341278.

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The International Criminal Court (icc) came into force in July 2002 with the potential to drastically alter both the war fighting and peacemaking behavior of states. Theiccis designed to try and subsequently punish those found guilty of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. Supporters of theicchave argued that its establishment will erode the norm of impunity that state and military leaders have historically enjoyed. Yet, another logic suggests that the initiation of aniccinvestigation or the issuance of an arrest warrant for individuals embroiled in an ongoing dispute may make matters worse. Such individuals may see little reason to stop fighting and reach a settlement if conflict resolution results in their detention in The Hague. Indeed, suspected war criminals and their patrons may wish to escalate their violence in order to avoid showing any sign of weakness or possibility of capitulation lest their enemies press the fight or their rivals seek to undermine their authority. In this article, we explore the potential impact of theiccon the likelihood of peace by examining the impact of actions by theicc– the initiation of investigations into conflict situations and the issuance of arrest warrants for those suspected of committing violations of international law – on the likelihood of mediation. Our findings suggest that whileiccarrest warrants can encourage mediation, the initiation of investigations by theicccan actually undermine the occurrence of mediation.

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Geller, Daniel S. "Status Quo Orientation, Capabilities, and Patterns of War Initiation in Dyadic Rivalries." Conflict Management and Peace Science 18, no. 1 (February 2000): 73–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/073889420001800103.

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Ashary, Nancy, Abhishek Tiwari, and Deepak Modi. "Embryo Implantation: War in Times of Love." Endocrinology 159, no. 2 (January 8, 2018): 1188–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1210/en.2017-03082.

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Abstract Contrary to widespread belief, the implantation of an embryo for the initiation of pregnancy is like a battle, in that the embryo uses a variety of coercive tactics to force its acceptance by the endometrium. We propose that embryo implantation involves a three-step process: (1) identification of a receptive endometrium; (2) superimposition of a blastocyst-derived signature onto the receptive endometrium before implantation; and finally (3) breaching by the embryo and trophoblast invasion, culminating in decidualization and placentation. We review here the story that is beginning to emerge, focusing primarily on the cells that are in “combat” during this process.

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Park, Pil-hyeon. ""The study of Han Mal-sook's The cliff of Myth -Social system after the war in the 1950s and initiation-"." Society Of Korean Language And Literature 72 (January 31, 2022): 201–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.15711/wr.72.0.7.

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Kępiński, Marcin. "American war movies. David Ayer’s Fury as mythologisation of war and soldiers." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Sociologica, no. 73 (June 30, 2020): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-600x.73.02.

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Both pop culture and modern Hollywood cinema are mainly intended for entertainment. American war films are not free from this vice. A researcher of culture should shun attempts to find hidden symbols, myths and flashes of meanings from distant traditional culture in such films. Contemporary popular mythologies do not represent the same mythical pattern that Eliade wrote about. Popular culture consists of ideas on various topics, borrowings, quotations and fragments of meanings, all patched together. In my view, however, Fury goes beyond pop culture and entertainment. After all, there is also good American war cinema and films that are not mindless borrowings or calques of carelessly patchworked pieces of pop culture. One can look at them and find certain cultural tropes and motifs known to specialists in humanities, such as an initiation journey, the symbolic language of eternal myths or archetypal figures of cultural heroes, all in a version transformed by popular culture, of course. The aim of my article is therefore to analyse David Ayer’s film from the perspective of a culture researcher who seeks cultural tropes and sources of the war hero myth in this cinematic work.

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Bradley, Curtis A. "President Obama's War Powers Legacy." American Journal of International Law 110, no. 4 (October 2016): 625–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000763135.

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The five essays in this Agora, written by Jack Goldsmith and myself, Ashley Deeks, Ryan Goodman, Rebecca Ingber, and Michael Ramsey, consider the legal legacy of the Obama administration concerning the use of military force, with respect to both domestic law and international law. Prominent developments during the Obama administration relating to war powers include the administration's defense in habeas litigation of its authority to detain members of Al Qaeda and associated groups in military custody; its increased use of targeted killing outside of active combat areas, in part through frequent missile attacks carried out by drones; its use of military force in 2011 against the regime of Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi, pursuant to a United Nations Security Council resolution; its deliberations in 2013 about the use of military force against Syria in response to the use of chemical weapons by the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad; and its initiation of a long-term conflict against the Islamic State in 2014. This Agora touches on these and other developments and offers a range of perspectives.

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Szabó, Balázs. "Initiation to the art of War: A preliminary text of the Takenouchi school." Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 66, no. 1 (March 2013): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aorient.66.2013.1.6.

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Anthony, David W., and Dorcas R. Brown. "The dogs of war: A Bronze Age initiation ritual in the Russian steppes." Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 48 (December 2017): 134–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2017.07.004.

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Kieling, Michał. "Katechumenat i chrzest na podstawie "Konstytucji Apostolskich"." Vox Patrum 52, no. 1 (June 15, 2008): 439–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.8873.

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Die Apostolische Konstitutionen sind um 380 in Antiochien entstanden. Sie sind ein Zeugnis fur das Leben der Kirchengemeinde in der antiken Kirche. Unter vielen Themen, welche in diesem Werk zu finden sind, befindet sich auch das Problem des Katechumenats und der Taufe. Diese Untersuchung ist in vier Teilen gegliedert: im ersten Teil wurden die Bediengungen zum Aufname in den Katechumenat dargestellt, im zweiten die Formation der Erwachsenen zur Taufe, im dritten Teil wurden die Vorschriften und Symbolik im Bezug auf dieses Sakrament dargestellt und im letzten das Problem der Taufe der Heratiker besprochen. Die Analyse des Textes der Apostolischen Konstitutionen ftihrt zum Ergebniss, dass die Vorbereitung und Formation zum christlichen Leben eine wichtige und verantwortliche Aufgabe war. Die Kandidaten zum Katechumenat miissten wah- len, ob sie bei ihrem „alten Leben bleiben” oder zum Christus gehóren wollen. Diese Entscheidung war sehr konkret und eindeutig. Dann haben sie die dreijahrige Katechese bekommen, die Theologie der Taufe kennengelernt und vor allem durch seine Lebensweise die Reife zur christlichen Initiation gezeigt.

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ASSELIN, PIERRE. "Hanoi and Americanization of the War in Vietnam." Pacific Historical Review 74, no. 3 (August 1, 2005): 427–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2005.74.3.427.

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The spring 1965 deployment of U.S. ground forces to South Vietnam and initiation of sustained aerial and naval bombardments of the North by the U.S. military marked a turning point in the history of the Vietnamese Revolution. Until recently, Western scholars only vaguely understood Hanoi's attitude toward those developments and what they meant for the revolution it spearheaded. Newly available materials from Vietnam provide a clearer picture of the concerns of North Vietnamese policymakers in the period immediately before and after the American intervention. Based on such materials, this article demonstrates that, when it committed the North to a wider war with the United States, Hanoi did so reluctantly. Having made the commitment, however, it stopped at nothing to guarantee the ultimate success of its efforts.

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Mundy, L. "Men's Heterosexual Initiation: Sexual Agency and Empowerment in Post-World War II American Culture." Journal of Men's Studies 14, no. 2 (January 1, 2006): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3149/jms.1402.173.

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Shirkey, Zachary C. "Which wars spread? Commitment problems and military intervention." Conflict Management and Peace Science 37, no. 2 (November 30, 2017): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894217740875.

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This article argues that wars caused by commitment problems are more likely to experience outside military intervention than are wars with other causes. Wars caused by commitment problems are more likely to draw in outside states because they tend to be more severe and produce larger war aims. These larger stakes create both threats and opportunities for non-belligerent states thereby prompting military intervention. The greater stakes also generate incentives for belligerent states to seek outside aid. This relationship between commitment problems and intervention implies that while certain types of wars may be more likely to experience intervention, the same causes can explain both intervention and war initiation. The argument is tested on the Correlates of War Interstate War dataset using logit-based generalized linear models. The findings support the commitment problem hypothesis and have implications for the bargaining framework and for theories about the causes of multilateral and general wars.

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Spaniel, William, Peter Bils, and Gleason Judd. "Stall Wars: When Do States Fight to Hold onto the Status Quo?*." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 3 (June 16, 2020): 523–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa037.

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Abstract In many wars, fighting allows states to hold onto some of the disputed good until the conflict is over. Indeed, war may look attractive to some actors for that purpose even if they will likely lose and incur substantial costs in the process. How does this incentive to stall alter the likelihood of conflict onset? We develop a model in which a delay exists between war’s initiation and termination. During that time, states maintain a division of the disputed good. If states value the future at different rates, no mutually preferable settlement may exist. War is more likely when a more patient state is powerful but holds a smaller share during the dispute. In addition, we show that the parameters for war are non-monotonic in the length of conflict: fighting only occurs when the delay falls in a middle range.

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Kure, Henning Haglskær. "Frigg’s Cunning." Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift 74 (March 25, 2022): 17–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rt.v74i.132096.

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SUMMARY: This article applies the initiation model, developed by Jens Peter Schjødtas a tool to identify themes of initiation in Old Norse myths, to the prose introductionof the eddic poem Grímnismál. After having introduced Schjødt’s initiation model, thearticle contextualises the prose introduction within the themes of the myth found in thepoem; then, it applies the initiation model to the prose text’s figures of Geirrøðr andAgnarr; and, lastly, it focusses on the cunning role of Frigg in the prose. This leads tothe suggestion that the myth that frames Grímnismál may be a story aboutcontextualizing war and warrior ways in a society of peace, with initiation as an idealtool of 'civilizing' the ruling powers. RESUME: Denne artikel anvender initiationsmodellen, udviklet af Jens Peter Schjødtsom et værktøj til at identificere initiationstematikker i norrøne myter, påprosaintroduktionen af eddadigtet Grímnismál. Efter at have introduceret Schjødtsinitiationsmodel, kontekstualiserer artiklen prosaintroduktionen inden for de mytisketemaer, der findes i digtet, dernæst anvender den initiationsmodellen på prosatekstensfigurer Geirrøðr og Agnarr og slutteligt fokuserer den på Friggs listige rolle i teksten.Dette leder til forslaget, at myten, der omrammer Grímnismál, kan være en fortællingom at kontekstualisere krig og krigeres adfærd i et samfund bygget på fred medinitiation som et ideelt værktøj til at ‘civilisere’ de herskende magter.

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Shanks, G. Dennis, and Michael Waller. "Malaria Relapses Following Parasite-Free Blood Transfusions in the U.S. Army during the Korean War." American Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 106, no. 4 (April 6, 2022): 1237–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.4269/ajtmh.21-1274.

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ABSTRACT. Latent Plasmodium vivax parasites in the liver known as hypnozoites activate causing malaria relapses months after the original infection. The putative initiation signal is unknown. Plasmodium falciparum infections appear to trigger P. vivax relapses and initiation of relapse may be triggered by hemolysis or fever. The U.S. Army hospital records from the Korean War (> 500,000 individual records) were used to determine whether there was an association between blood transfusion and vivax malaria relapse. Importantly, blood for transfusion was collected in the United States, so the risk of transmission of malaria parasites was minimal. Blood transfusion (largely for combat trauma) was a risk factor for subsequent vivax malaria (relative risk 2.54, 95% CI 2.15–2.99, P < 0.0001). As expected, blood transfusion was not a risk factor for subsequent dysentery, but transfusion was a risk factor for subsequent hepatitis. Blood transfusion causing an increased heme delivery to the liver and a subsequent redox signal within hepatocytes may partially explain hypnozoite activation leading to relapses of vivax malaria.

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Rodman, David. "Patterns of war initiation in the Arab‐Israeli conflict: A note on the military dimension." Israel Affairs 6, no. 3-4 (March 2000): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537120008719575.

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Ray, James Lee. "The abolition of slavery and the end of international war." International Organization 43, no. 3 (1989): 405–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300032987.

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Slavery and war have both historically been considered inevitable consequences of human nature. Yet slavery has been abolished, and moral progress may have contributed to slavery's disappearance. Both realists and Marxists are skeptical about the impact of ethical constraints on political decisions, while idealists as well as at least some regime analysts emphasize the role of those constraints. However, elements of all of these approaches support the proposition that moral progress may bring an end to international war.Some historical trends do not support the idea that international war is on the verge of disappearance, but there has not been a war between major powers since 1945. In addition, norms against colonialism are strong. No war has occurred between democratic states, nor does a war appear likely among the rather sizable number of industrialized democratic states in the international system today. Explanations of these pockets of peace based on caution induced by nuclear weapons or on economic interdependence, for example, are certainly not beyond question. Therefore, it may be that norms inhibiting the initiation of international war have already made obsolete not only wars between the richest and most powerful states in the world but also some forms of depradation by the strong against the relatively weak states.

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Semchynskiy, K. "Comparative Analysis of Concepts of War and Peace in Muslim and Christian Traditions." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 27-28 (November 11, 2003): 32–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2003.27-28.1461.

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Theologians have repeatedly addressed the issues of the common and different in Islam and Christianity. With respect to the concepts of war and peace, despite some differences, there is a great deal in common in how they view conflict with violence and how they limit the harmful effects of such a conflict. Both religious traditions rate war as evil. Emphasis is placed on the need for peace as a basis for human existence. The commandment "do not kill" in one form or another is given both in the Bible and in the Qur'an: "Jesus said to him, '... you know the commandments: do not kill ...'; "Whoever killed even one soul - except for the punishment for killing or spreading disobedience on earth - is like killing all mankind." The use of military force is an inevitable evil and is only allowed as a last resort. Both traditions agree that there should be no forced conversion to religion, and that there should be restrictive conditions to limit the use of force, violence and war. These restrictions are traditionally divided into those relating to the initiation of war (ad bellum conditions) and war (conditions in bello).

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Puskar, Natasa. "Becoming a Pioneer in an Initiation Ceremony in Serbian ABC Book (1974)." Филолог – часопис за језик књижевност и културу 22, no. 22 (December 30, 2020): 143–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21618/fil2022143p.

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This article analyses visual representation of becoming a pioneer in a Serbian ABC book (1974) by using the social semiotics approach. The analysis deals with visual representations of pioneers with Tito and the ceremony of becoming a pioneer. Narrative representations are determined as action process with separately analysed actors, interactors, vectors, goals and means. The Modality analysis showed that ceremony of becoming a pioneer is a kind of initiation, a way of stepping into the world of adults. Pioneer’s hats are represented by the colour green, instead of blue, which serves as a connection with partisans who liberated the country in the Second World War. This sends the message that every pioneer is a partisan descendant and also a potential member of the Jugoslav People’s Army.

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Frolova, Tatiana, and Alexander Gatilin. "Social Projects by Local Media as a Tool for the Development of Local Communities: Starting Points." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 10, no. 3 (September 21, 2021): 500–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2021.10(3).500-513.

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Despite the widespread concepts of “civic journalism”, “social journalism”, “community-centered journalism”, “citizens journalism”, social projects implemented by the local media remain insufficiently studied. Journalists initiate and organize public discussions on hot issues, defend the rights of low-income families and World War II veterans, raise money for operations. The current research conducted at the School of Journalism at Lomonosov Moscow State University examined the phenomenon of journalists’ participation in solving social issues of local communities. We analyzed the descriptions of 126 social projects by local media and 25 questionnaires. The article discusses the factors that influence decision-making on the implementation of social projects. The authors present the themes, aims of social projects, and 15 types of initiation of social projects, give examples of constructive and nonconstructive relations between journalists and representatives of authorities, business, NGOs in initiation and implementation of social projects. The authors noted that journalists and citizens, to a greater extent than representatives of local authorities, business, NGOs, are initiators of solving social problems and developing the local community. The findings appear to demonstrate that by initiating and realizing social projects, local media are fulfilling the meta-function of the development of civil society. The authors highlight the necessity of supporting journalistic initiatives.

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Safi, Louay M. "War and Peace in Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 5, no. 1 (September 1, 1988): 29–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v5i1.2879.

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Introduction Although the rules and principles pertaining to relations between Islamic and non-Islamic states date back to the early Madinan period, the Islamic classical doctrine of war and peace was developed by Muslim jurists (fuqaha) during the Abbasi era. The tenets of the doctrine can be found either in general law corpora under headings such as jihad, peace treaties, aman, or in certain special studies such as al Kharaj (land tax), al Siyar (biography/history), etc. The work of the Muslim jurists consists mainly of rules and principles concerning the initiation and prosecution of war, rules and principles that have been predicated on a specific perception of the role and objectives of the Islamic state in respect to other states. The purpose of this paper is twofold. On the one hand, the paper attempts to rebut the propositions of the classical doctrine of jihad, showing that these propositions were predicated on a set of legal rulings (ahkam shar'iyyah) pertaining to specific questions which arose under particular historical conditions, namely, the armed struggle between the Islamic state during the Abbasi era, and the various European dynasties. The paper further attempts to demonstrate that classical jurists did not intend to develop a holistic theory with universal claims. The paper aspires, on the other hand, to introduce a more comprehensive perception of war and peace which takes into account the Qur'anic and Prophetic statements in their totality. This new perception is then used to establish the fundamental objectives of war as well as the basic conditions of peace. To address the forgoing concerns, two approaches have been used. One is legalistic, deductively based on the principles of Islamic jurisprudence (usul al fiqh), comparable to that used by classical jurists. The other approach is historical, inductively concerned with examining the chronology of the ...

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de Mesquita, Bruce Bueno. "The War Trap Revisited: A Revised Expected Utility Model." American Political Science Review 79, no. 1 (March 1985): 156–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956125.

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The expected utility framework developed in The War Trap is revised to correct several deficiencies. Risk-taking orientations are now treated as an integral part of the model by introducing concavity or convexity into the utility functions. The zero-sum properties of the theory are largely eliminated, and the tendency toward interpersonal comparisons of utility is removed. Several earlier results are replicated with the new model, and with annual capabilities data. New propositions are deduced that identify important limitations on conflict initiation, and relationships resulting from differences in perceptions are tested. Support is found for the contention that the revised version of the theory, of which the original model is a special case, is a powerful tool for integrating many extant hypotheses about conflict and for explaining a substantial portion of the tendency for some threats to escalate to violence or warfare and for others to be resolved peacefully.

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Lazarev, Alexander F., and Igor V. Vikhlyanov. "75th Anniversary of Altai oncological service. Current diagnostic and treatment capacities of neoplastic diseases in Altai region." Russian Journal of Oncology 26, no. 2 (October 6, 2022): 65–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/1028-9984-2021-26-2-65-71.

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Initiation of oncological services in the Altaiskiy Kray began simultaneously with the creation of the Russian anti-cancer service. It was in that difficult post-war period, when the country was in dire need of population restoration, that the fight against cancer increased by the order of the USSR council On measures to improve oncological care for the population. This most crucial historical decision served as a catalyst not only for the technological development of the oncology service but also for the scaling of its key achievements, tools, and algorithms for including the population (prevention, oncology registration, etc.) into the regional oncology network. Thus, in 1946, among the first in the country, an oncology office was opened in post-war Barnaul.

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Narang, Neil, and Rupal N. Mehta. "The Unforeseen Consequences of Extended Deterrence: Moral Hazard in a Nuclear Client State." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 1 (September 27, 2017): 218–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002717729025.

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Do “nuclear umbrellas” create a moral hazard that can increase the risk of war? In this article, we investigate whether situations of extended deterrence in which a nuclear patron makes a defensive commitment to a nonnuclear client state can inadvertently increase the likelihood that a client will initiate a crisis with another state. Using data on the crisis behavior of states from 1950 to 2000, we estimate the impact of a nuclear umbrella on various crisis outcomes, including the initiation and escalation of militarized conflict. Interestingly, we find no evidence that such commitments increase the risk of war or even two-sided violence at lower levels. However, consistent with both the moral hazard logic and bargaining theories of war, we show that this appears to be because potential target states offer increased policy concessions to client states to avoid costly fighting. Thus, the link between nuclear umbrellas and moral hazard appears to be real, but it is reflected in the division of benefits rather than a greater likelihood of war. The results have important policy implications as the US contemplates extending its nuclear umbrella.

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Buraselis, Kostas. "Valerie M. Warrior, The Initiation of the Second Macedonian War. An Explication of Livy Book 31." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 117, no. 1 (August 1, 2000): 807–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.2000.117.1.807.

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Donii, N. Ye. "STATE AND WAR: HISTORICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL INTERRACTION REFLECTION." Scientific Herald of Sivershchyna. Series: Law 2022, no. 3 (December 14, 2022): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.32755/sjlaw.2022.03.007.

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Defining a person as “Zoon politikon”, Aristotle actually indicated the factor of existence and survival of humanity: a person must be and function in a social group – that is the state, and, accordingly, it must look for relatively acceptable options for his interaction within various situations. However, despite such an unwritten law, humanity unleashes and engages in wars continuously. Based on this fact, the determination of war and the initiation of active participation in it by certain groups of people, as well as the legitimacy of their actions, is reproduced in public opinion and social practice throughout the history of mankind and is a useful basis for considering views on the relationship between the state and war. The purpose of the article is to present a concise analysis of the opinions of the wise men of the past on the essence of the relationship between the state and war. From the ancient Greek philosopher Heraclitus, we can trace the idea that war, as the most characteristic manifestation of “fight” in its dialectical sense, is the driving force of the development of history and the state, a means of knowledge, a law of existence. The majority of liberals express the opinion that war creates and conditions law, especially positive law, which is the result of the activity of the state and power, therefore, through war, states are also created, and therefore, no nation has developed without war (M. Revon). It is noted that war, on the one hand, is welcome and necessary for the state, on the other, it kills the state and brings disaster, no matter what “scientific tools” are used to conduct it. It is concluded that war as one of the politics means is a function of the state and a conflict of interests, primarily due to the essence of state power itself in all its manifestations. War is support for the existence and content of the state. Key words: war, state, classical concept of war, malignant war, power of the state.

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Journal articles on the topic 'War Initiation'

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