Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'War crime tribunals'

International criminal law is at a crucial juncture in its history and progression. The year 2019 marks 26 years since the creation of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (‘ICTY’) and the commencement of the modern international criminal law project. In surveying the expanse of international criminal law at this time, it is clear that this project is at a crossroads, marked by a sense of transition and crisis. This stands in stark contrast to the jubilation and optimism that accompanied the creation of the ICTY. This thesis seeks to examine, analyse, and ultimately account for the forces that have driven international criminal law to this point. It does so using a unique methodological framework, which centres around an understanding of justice as a process. This process involves taking abstract beliefs about what is just (which we might term ‘justice beliefs’), focusing these into concrete aims for a particular international criminal tribunal (‘justice aims’), and embodying those aims in particular models and techniques to deliver justice (‘justice models’ and ‘justice techniques’), in order to deliver practical outcomes that ensure lasting legacies of justice (‘justice legacies’). Analysing the purposes and practices of the international criminal tribunals (‘ICTs’) through the lens of this ‘justice progression’, by examining the operation of the ICTs at each stage of this process, offers new insights into the operation of the ICTs, and reveals some of the hidden causes of the systemic problems they face. In particular, it reveals that at each stage of this ‘justice progression’ the ICTs fail to live up to the standards (beliefs, aims, models, techniques and legacies) that they set for themselves. This is due both to practical difficulties in implementation and, perhaps more significantly, flaws and assumptions implicit in those standards themselves, which skew the operation of the ICTs in particular, often problematic, ways.

The development of joint criminal enterprise at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) has been controversial since the doctrine was first created in 1997. For the judgments rendered by the ICTY to be perceived as legitimate, the doctrines used to bring charges against defendants must also be perceived as legitimate. The purpose of my thesis is to study the application of joint criminal enterprise at the ICTY and examine how the doctrine has influenced the length of sentences given. I find that joint criminal enterprise may be influencing longer sentences and the three categories of joint criminal enterprise are being used differently on defendants of different power levels. By empirically analyzing the patterns developing at the ICTY, I can see how joint criminal enterprise is influencing sentencing and the fairness of trials.

The principal aim of this thesis is the articulation of an overarching conceptual framework for the formulation and evaluation of procedural rules for war crimes tribunals of all kinds. As such, it examines an area of international procedural criminal law largely neglected by scholars and researchers. In setting out this framework, the thesis carries out three functions. The first is to highlight the anomaly consisting in the co-existence of, on the one hand, a coherent and uniform body of substantive war crimes law and, on the other, an incoherent and inconsistent body of procedural war crimes law. The second is to expose the negative practical consequences flowing from this anomaly. The third, and most fundamental, is to show how the articulation of an overarching conceptual framework for war crimes tribunals takes the important first step in removing the anomaly and eliminating its negative practical consequences.

A presente dissertação de mestrado analisa a atuação do Tribunal Penal Internacional para Ruanda, corte com sede na Tanzânia, criada sob os auspícios da ONU e encarregada de processar as pessoas responsáveis por sérias violações ao Direito Internacional Humanitário cometidas durante o genocídio da população tutsi organizado por membros do governo e do exército de Ruanda em 1994, e que vitimou mais de 800.000 civis. Estuda-se a evolução do Direito Internacional Penal ao longo do século XX até a criação do Tribunal e a história e a organização política de Ruanda até a eclosão da guerra civil e do genocídio. Apresenta-se a estrutura, a competência e a dinâmica dos julgamentos, promove-se o estudo de quatro casos paradigmáticos julgados, e verificam-se os resultados concretos alcançados pelo Tribunal para impedir a impunidade, apontando este órgão judicial como importante precursor do Tribunal Penal Internacional criado pelo Estatuto de Roma em 1998. O trabalho também ambiciona perpetuar a lembrança de um dos maiores massacres da história, comparável ao próprio Holocausto, e o tratamento dado pelo Direito e pela comunidade internacional ao episódio
This dissertation examines the performance of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Tanzania-based court, created under the auspices of the UN, in charge of prosecuting people responsible for serious violations of International Humanitarian Law committed during the genocide of the Tutsi population, organized by members of the government and the army of Rwanda in 1994, which killed over 800,000 civilians. It is studied the evolution of International Criminal Law over the twentieth century until the establishment of the Court, and also the history and the political organization in Rwanda until the outbreak of civil war and genocide. This dissertation presents the structure, competence and dynamics of the trials, promotes the study of four paradigmatic cases tried, and verifies the concrete results achieved by the Court to prevent impunity, pointing this judicial body as an important forerunner of the International Criminal Court created by the Rome Statute in 1998. The study also aspires to perpetuate the memory of one of the greatest massacres in history, comparable to the Holocaust itself, and treatment given by the law and by the international community to the episode

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, March 1998.
"March 1998." Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-98). Also available online.

This thesis explores the relationship between international war crimes tribunals and peacebuilding in post-conflict societies. The aim of the present study was to examine how the role and function of international tribunals has changed since the establishment of the Nuremberg tribunal in the early years after World War II. Due to the evolving nature of international law and the international criminal legal system, international tribunals have become increasingly recognized as an integral component of peacebuilding processes in the aftermath of conflict. As the first international tribunal mandated to restore international peace and security, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) set a new precedent for international tribunals. Beginning with its establishment, there appeared to be a new trend of using international judicial mechanisms to promote peace and reconciliation in the aftermath of conflict. One important element of change was the increased tendency of international tribunals to engage in public outreach and help build the capacity of national justice sector institutions. As the first international tribunal to succeed the Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals and the first UN tribunal of its kind, the ICTY has shown the extent to which international tribunals facilitate societal reconciliation is, and will be, understood within the context of the legacies they leave behind. Institutions such as the ICTY will not be judged solely on the merits of the ideals on which they were established, but instead on their concrete successes in the domestic arena and their ability to fortify domestic judicial capacity.

This research paper is an analysis of the case United States v Flick et al which took place in 1947 in Nuremberg, Germany. Friedrich Flick, a powerful German industrialist, and several high ranking officials of his firm were tried by a United States military tribunal for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during the Third Reich. The 
proceedings and the decision itself are the subject of a critical examination, including an investigation of the factual and legal background. The trial will be regarded in the historical context of prosecutions against German industrialists after World War II. Seen from present-day perspective, the question will be raised whether any conclusions can be drawn from the Flick case in respect of the substance of present-day international criminal law.
 

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
This dissertation seeks to analyze how sexual violence in armed conflicts and in widespread or systematic attacks has become an international crime, and is criminalized especially by the International Criminal Court (ICC), responsible for characterizing it as a crime against humanity and a war crime, in addition to allowing it to be understood as a form of genocide. For a long time, sexual violence has been seen as an inevitable part of war, notion that will change with the new forms of global accountability — such as individual criminal accountability, contemplated by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Courts that contributed to bring sexual violence in armed conflict to prominence, as well as opening important precedents for what would later be understood by the ICC — together with the construction of a solid normative basis, which strengthened the legal foundations that culminated in the formation of the Rome Statute of the ICC
A presente dissertação busca analisar de que maneira a violência sexual em conflitos armados e em ataques generalizados ou sistemáticos tornou-se um crime internacional, sendo criminalizada sobretudo pelo Tribunal Penal Internacional (TPI), responsável por caracterizá-la como um crime contra a humanidade e como crime de guerra, além de possibilitar que fosse entendida como uma forma de genocídio. Durante muito tempo a violência sexual foi considerada como uma parte inevitável da guerra, concepção que vai se alterar a partir das novas formas de prestação de contas global — como a responsabilização penal individual, observada no Tribunal Penal Internacional para a antiga Iugoslávia (TPII) e no Tribunal Penal Internacional para Ruanda (TPIR), Cortes que contribuíram para que a violência sexual em conflitos armados fosse colocada em evidência, além de abrir precedentes de grande relevância para o que mais tarde seria entendido pelo TPI — em conjunto com a construção de uma base normativa sólida, que fortificou os fundamentos legais que culminaram na formação do Estatuto de Roma do TPI

Thesis (J.S.M.)--Stanford University, 2009.
Submitted to the Stanford Program in International Legal Studies at the Stanford Law School, Stanford University. "April 2009." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 78-82). Abstract available online.

La thèse porte sur le travail effectué par la justice belge, après la Seconde guerre mondiale, face aux crimes commis par les Allemands contre les Juifs. L'étude porte d'abord sur la mise en place du cadre juridique international et national. Ensuite, elle tente de montrer à travers une étude de cas comment, malgré un cadre juridique trop étroit, les juridictions militaires belges ont tenté de poursuivre et condamner les responsables allemands des persécutions raciales.
Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis analyses the processes through which the United States sought to influence the political and social reconstruction of occupied Japan and Germany in the aftermath of the Second World War. An important aspect of this was debate within the US over what kind of peace settlement to be imposed on the defeated states. The debate over whether this settlement should be harsh or more moderate involved different visions of the political and social reconstruction and futures of Japan and Germany. While both arguments shared the same basic aims of democratisation, deradicalisation, and demilitarisation, they different substantially on how to achieve these aims. One aspect of moderate plans was the establishment of international criminal tribunals to try the leadership of the defeated regimes deemed responsible for the atrocities committed. An important part of the prosecution arguments was the idea of the victimisation of the Japanese and German people by their own governments. This was an important part of moderate peace arguments and extended into the political and social reforms implemented during the occupations. This idea of victimisation was not only held by the Japanese and German people, but by the occupiers as well.

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Universidade Federal de Sao Carlos
This work focuses on the State of Espírito Santo in the 30 and 40 decades in the 20th century and aims to analyze the conflicts that took place in the meeting of two relevant events of this period: the repression to the Integralism and the consequences of the Second World War. It is important to stand out that the State of Espírito Santo, as well as other Brazilian States, had its history marked by European immigration in the 19th century. At that time the state received, mainly, Pomeranian/German and Italian immigrants. Part of these immigrants and descendants, in the decade of 30, acted in Brazilian Integralist Action (AIB), a right extreme party and influenced by European Nazi-fascism. Some conflicts that imbricated ethical issues and the acting of AIB, officially forbidden since the coup of the New State, became more visible and resulted in criminal proceedings. It was ascertained that AIB had strong presence in Espírito Santo, especially, in the regions of Pomeranian/German and Italian settlement. Also, it was verified that ethical conflicts did not seem to be so prominent as it was expected to. It seemed that the major conflicts were marked by a nationalistic feeling and confrontations that still had AIB as an explanation. It can also be suggested that differentiated cultural practices of the immigrants and descendants were not understood as so dangerous by the government since they were followed of economic and politic status, for instance, case of the South of Brazil. Originated criminal proceedings in the State of Espírito Santo, which were presented at the court of National Security (TSN), were used as privileged sources. Some paper was analyzed such as: documents and photographs apprehended by the Espírito Santo police from AIB nucleus, official letters from the Education and Justice department, newspaper and magazines, besides interviews with inhabitants of Domingos Martins city (ES). The historical event reported starts with AIB National Congress in Vitória (1934) and it closes up with the Second World War end (1945). Key words: Brazilian Integralist Action. Second World War. Immigrants. Criminal Proceedings. National Security Court.
Este trabalho focaliza o Estado do Espírito Santo nas décadas de 30 e 40 do século XX e objetiva analisar os conflitos que se situaram no encontro de dois acontecimentos marcantes desse período: a repressão ao integralismo e as consequências da Segunda Guerra Mundial. É importante ressaltar que o Estado do Espírito Santo, assim como outros Estados brasileiros, teve sua história marcada pela imigração europeia no século XIX recebendo, principalmente, imigrantes alemães/pomeranos e italianos. Parte desses imigrantes e descendentes, na década de 30, atuou na Ação Integralista Brasileira (AIB), um partido de extrema direita e com influências do nazifascismo europeu. Com a entrada do Brasil na guerra, em 1942, vários conflitos que imbricaram questões étnicas e a atuação da AIB que, oficialmente, estava proibida de funcionar desde o golpe do Estado Novo, tornaramse mais visíveis e resultaram em processos criminais. Constata que a AIB teve uma forte atuação no Espírito Santo, especialmente, nas regiões de colonização italiana e alemã/pomerana. Verifica também que conflitos étnicos não se mostraram tão relevantes como se esperava, parecendo que os maiores conflitos estavam marcados por um sentimento nacionalista e por confrontos que ainda tinham a AIB como explicação. Sugere também que, para o governo, as práticas culturais diferenciadas dos imigrantes e descendentes não eram entendidas como tão perigosas do que quando acompanhadas de representatividade econômica e política, caso do Sul do País. Utiliza, como fontes privilegiadas, os processos criminais originados no Estado do Espírito Santo que chegaram ao Tribunal de Segurança Nacional (TSN). Analisa também a documentação e fotografias apreendidas pela polícia capixaba dos núcleos da AIB, os ofícios da Secretaria de Educação e Justiça, jornais e revistas, além de entrevistas com moradores do município de Domingos Martins (ES). O recorte temporal efetuado tem início com o Congresso Nacional da AIB em Vitória (1934) e encerra-se com o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial (1945).

Alors même que se déroulaient à Nuremberg et dans les zones d’occupation britannique et américaine des procès passés à la postérité, se tenaient en zone française d’occupation nombre de procès demeurés longtemps confidentiels. Toutefois ce furent un peu plus de 2100 présumés criminels de guerre, hommes et femmes, qui furent déférés de 1946 à 1956 devant les tribunaux de Gouvernement militaire puis les tribunaux de la Haute-Commission alliée. Accusés sur le fondement de la loi n°10 du Conseil de contrôle, ils eurent à répondre principalement de crimes de guerre et de crimes contre l’humanité mais également, et ce de manière exceptionnelle, de crime contre la paix. Couvrant un spectre large de responsabilité, allant de celle de simples citoyens à celle de dignitaires du parti national-socialiste et de membres des camps de concentration en passant par celle d’industriels mais également de professionnels de santé ou du droit, la riche jurisprudence des tribunaux de Gouvernement militaire de la zone française d’occupation, empreinte de naturalisme juridique, a permis de définir un certain nombre de standards devant impérativement être respectés par les individus, y compris dans un Etat totalitaire et quel qu’ait été l’état du droit interne, sous peine d’engager leur responsabilité pénale
Even if the trail in Nuremberg and the British and American occupation zones passes into posterity, those in the French Zone rested confidential for a long time. However, there were over 2100 presumed war criminals, men and women, who appeared from 1946 to 1956 before the military government courts and then the Allied High Commission courts. Charged under the Control Council Law Number 10, they were held liable for war crimes, crimes against humanity and in an exceptional case, for crimes against peace. Covering a wide range spectrum of responsibility, ranging from that of ordinary citizens to that of the National Socialist Party officials and members of concentration camps through to that of industrialists, as well as, that of legal and healthcare practitioners, the rich case law of Military Government Courts in the French zone of occupation, marked by the natural law, allowed to define a number of standards that all should respect, even a totalitarian State and what ever was the state of the internal law, otherwise, under penalty of criminal responsibility

L’objet de cette recherche est d’analyser le principe de complémentarité, de montrer la spécificité de la notion et d’en étudier la mise en œuvre à la lumière de la pratique de la Cour Pénale Internationale (CPI) afin de mettre en évidence les obstacles juridiques et politiques. Selon l’article 1er du Statut de Rome, la Cour est complémentaire des juridictions pénales nationales pour le crime de génocide, les crimes contre l’humanité, les crimes de guerre et le crime d’agression. Dans le cadre de ce principe, les juridictions nationales ont la priorité mais la compétence de la Cour prend le relais lorsqu’un État ne dispose pas des moyens techniques ou juridiques nécessaires pour juger et punir les auteurs desdits crimes ou bien s’il mène un procès truqué. Dès lors, le régime de complémentarité vise à mettre fin à l’impunité à l’égard des personnes impliquées dans les crimes les plus graves qui touchent l’ensemble de la Communauté internationale. Le Statut de Rome, notamment par les dispositions de son article 17, indique comment mettre en œuvre la complémentarité selon les critères de recevabilité qui sont l’incapacité, le manque de volonté et la gravité. Les articles 18 et 19, pour leur part, fournissent le mécanisme de décision préjudicielle sur la recevabilité et la contestation. Par ailleurs, le rôle du Conseil de sécurité face à la complémentarité est aussi considéré comme un élément essentiel pour bien comprendre l’effectivité et l'impact juridique de cette Cour. En effet, les pouvoirs que le Statut de Rome et le chapitre VII de la Charte des Nations Unies confèrent au Conseil lui permettent de saisir la CPI, de suspendre son activité, d’imposer aux États de coopérer avec la Cour, ou encore de qualifier un acte de crime d’agression, et ceci bien que l'indépendance de l’enquête et du procès soit l’épine dorsale de toute la justice pénale, si celle-ci veut être efficace
The purpose of this research is to analyse the principle of complementarity, to show the specific character of the notion and to study its implementation in the light of the practice of the International criminal court (ICC) in order to highlight the political and legal obstacles. In accordance with Article 1, the Court is complementary to national criminal jurisdictions for crime of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crime of aggression. Under this principle, national jurisdictions have priority over ICC but the Court’s jurisdiction takes over when a State lacks the technical or legal means, which are necessary to try and punish the perpetrators of such crimes, or if a rigged trial took place. Therefore, complementarity aims to bring an end to impunity for those responsible for the most serious crimes of international concern. The Rome Statute, namely with the provisions of Article 17, indicates how to implement complementarity according to the criteria for admissibility which are inability, unwillingness and seriousness. Articles 18 and 19, for their part, provide the mechanism of preliminary ruling regarding admissibility and challenge. Furthermore, the role of the Security Council regarding complementarity is also considered as essential to understand the effectiveness and the legal impact of this Court. Powers which are conferred under the Rome Statute and chapter VII of the United Nations Charter allow the Security Council to refer a situation to the ICC, to suspend an ICC investigation, to require States to cooperate with the ICC, or to qualify a crime as aggression, and this despite the fact that the independence of the investigation and of the trial is the backbone of criminal justice ensuring it is efficient

Face aux atrocités perpétrées par les armées allemandes et japonaises, les Alliés en viennent à la même conclusion durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale : la meilleure réponse à la barbarie se situe dans une justice exemplaire. Châtier les plus hauts dignitaires nazis et japonais est jugé de la plus haute importance. Ces idéaux élevés de justice se trouvent pourtant être vite compromis avec les réalités d’après-guerre. Invitée par les États-Unis à juger les grands criminels de guerre japonais, la France accepte de participer au Tribunal militaire international pour l’Extrême-Orient. De mai 1946 à décembre 1948, vingt-huit prévenus comparaissent devant un collège de juges de onze nationalités différentes pour répondre de leurs responsabilités dans la guerre du Pacifique. La présence de la France à ce procès est motivée par des enjeux politiques : le nouveau gouvernement français espère reconquérir l’Indochine ; ce procès international lui offre une scène inattendue pour affirmer son prestige en Extrême-Orient. Mais les délégués français vont se comporter de manière imprévisible à Tokyo. À partir de sources inédites, cette thèse se propose de suivre leur engagement en faveur d’une justice internationale. Elle apporte ainsi une nouvelle perspective sur le procès de Tokyo et sur l’histoire de la justice transitionnelle
Alarmed by the magnitude of the atrocities perpetrated in Europe and in Asia, the Allies demonstrated their resolve to punish those responsible for such acts in 1945. From 1945 to 1948, prominent members of Nazi Germany and the Japanese Empire were prosecuted at the Nuremberg and the Tokyo International Military Trials. In Japan, the United States invited France to participate in the Tokyo trial. This trial offered her an unexpected opportunity to build prestige in the Far East; during World War II, France had lost her richest colony, Indochina, and hoped to regain it. France wanted to prove that she was a nation of rights in Asia where decolonization was gaining ground. But it is hardly surprising that her delegates did not protect the national interest. On the contrary, they just wished to improve the fairness of the Tokyo trial. Based on unpublished sources, this thesis aims to understand their commitment to international justice. It sheds new light on the Tokyo trial and on the history of transitional justice

The trials of a comfort woman was never revealed after the conclusion of WWII. More than half a century has passed before the name was uttered on the international stage. Why the sudden break of silence? What is the response of the Japanese government. In this paper, we discuss the issue of the comfort women and the the political implications it holds on Japan. Japan's failure to accept wartime reparation, largely due to Allied intervention, has resulted in the widening gap between Japan and Asia. This paper focuses on the combination of increased US influence as a result of the San Francisco Treaty of 1951 and Japan’s fervent nationalistic identity served to widen the gap between Japan and other East and Southeast Asian nations, making reconciliation over the issue of comfort women a problem that remains unresolved to this day.

A rebours de la croyance populaire qui veut que le temps efface les blessures, le constat s'impose de l'omniprésence de la mémoire comme matrice des orientations décidées par nos gouvernants. Soixante-dix ans après la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, elle occupe l'espace public dans toutes ses composantes et pousse à l'adoption de lois de reconnaissance des victimes et de sanction des discours de négation. Parallèlement, le législateur doit répondre à ses engagements conventionnels et satisfaire aux exigences de la justice pénale internationale. Mais ici encore, les contingences politiques sont fortes, qui sclérosent la réflexion juridique et conduisent à l'élaboration de dispositions controversées. Ce phénomène, ostensible en France, l'est moins chez notre voisin allemand, pourtant tributaire d'un lourd héritage mémoriel. Cette observation peut surprendre celui qui ne tient pas compte des évolutions conjointes mais divergentes des deux Etats depuis 1945, quant à la « gestion » des crimes internationaux par nature et de leurs suites ; d'où l'utilité d'une approche transversale, historique et comparative de ces questions
Contrary to the popular belief that the time clears injuries, the finding must be made of the omnipresence of the memory as a matrix of guidelines decided by our leaders. Seventy years after the World War II ended, it occupies public space in all its components and drives the adoption of laws recognizing victims and punishing speech of negation. Meanwhile, the legislature must meet its conventional obligations and the requirements of international criminal justice. But again, the political contingencies are strong, which block legal thinking and lead to the creation of controversial provisions. This phenomenon, striking in France, is less at our german neighbor, yet reliant on a heavy legacy memorial. This observation may surprise those who do not consider the joint but divergent evolutions of the two states since 1945, on the « treatment » of international crimes by nature and their consequences ; hence the usefulness of a transverse, historical and comparative approach to these issues

La giustizia penale internazionale di fronte ai tribunali domestici. Proposte per l’adeguamento della legislazione italiana in materia di crimina iuris gentium. La tesi si concentra sulla proposta di soluzioni per l’adeguamento dell’ordinamento italiano alle disposizioni sostanziali dello Statuto della Corte penale internazionale (Cpi), la cui incorporazione domestica risulta, allo stato attuale, ancora assente. L’indagine si è, in particolare, sviluppata intorno a tre direttrici principali. La prima sezione ha delineato i confini entro i quali deve attestarsi l’elaborazione delle proposte di introduzione di una disciplina domestica dei crimini internazionali, con particolare riferimento, innanzitutto, alla ricostruzione del complesso sistema delle fonti del diritto penale internazionale e al ruolo della consuetudine, alla luce delle tensioni che questa pone nel rapporto con il principio di legalità (internazionale e costituzionale). La verifica delle esperienze dei tribunali internazionali e, in particolare, dei limiti che queste presentano, ha imposto di spostare il campo di indagine alla attuazione indiretta del diritto penale internazionale, al fine di delineare soluzioni maggiormente efficaci per la realizzazione di un sistema integrato di giustizia penale internazionale, secondo la prospettiva descritta dal principio di complementarietà (artt. 1, 17 Statuto Cpi). In questa cornice, ci si è interrogati sulla estensione degli obblighi di introduzione di disposizioni domestiche sui crimini internazionali, nonché, in prospettiva comparata, sulle modalità degli interventi normativi stranieri, alla luce dell’ampio margine di discrezionalità che lo Statuto Cpi concede ai legislatori nazionali. La seconda parte è stata dedicata alla verifica della estensione delle giurisdizioni nazionali ai crimini internazionali commessi oltre i limiti territoriali degli ordinamenti domestici. L’analisi si è concentrata, in primo luogo, sulla ricostruzione della nozione e delle criticità strutturali che hanno caratterizzato, a partire da secondo dopoguerra, le applicazioni del principio di universalità nel sistema di giustizia penale internazionale. Così ricostruiti i tratti fondamentali del principio di giurisdizione universale, ci si è, quindi, proposti di verificare la controversa estensione ‘tendenzialmente universale’ della legge penale italiana, secondo l’interpretazione fornita dalla giurisprudenza di legittimità alle ipotesi di cui agli artt. 7 – 10 c.p., in riferimento a fattispecie di fatto sussumibili nella definizione dei crimini internazionali. Il cuore della ricerca è costituito, infine, dalla terza sezione, dedicata alla valutazione di compatibilità delle disposizioni attualmente in vigore nell’ordinamento penale domestico con il diritto penale internazionale e della conseguente introduzione di una disciplina specifica, laddove siano riscontrate lacune e contraddizioni rispetto allo Statuto Cpi. La verifica di compatibilità della disciplina italiana in vigore è stata condotta, innanzitutto, in riferimento alla parte speciale del diritto penale, al fine di indagare la rispondenza delle fattispecie ordinarie alla definizione dei crimini internazionali contenuta negli artt. 5 e seguenti Statuto Cpi (genocidio, crimini contro l’umanità, crimini di guerra e aggressione). Per quanto concerne, invece, l’analisi della parte generale, si è vagliata, da un lato, l’adeguatezza dei criteri ordinari di attribuzione della responsabilità penale e, dall’altro lato, la necessità di introdurre contestualmente una disciplina ad hoc, laddove richiesto dalle istanze specifiche della giustizia penale internazionale. Il riferimento è, in particolare, alle ipotesi di responsabilità del superiore civile e del comandante militare, di responsabilità delle persone giuridiche, di irrilevanza delle immunità funzionali, nonché di estinzione del reato o della pena per il decorso della prescrizione e di provvedimenti, generali o individuali, di clemenza. L’indagine ha voluto, in ultima istanza, verificare se l’adozione delle disposizioni sostanziali di diritto penale internazionale consenta all’ordinamento italiano di aderire ad un sistema integrato di giustizia penale internazionale, nonché, in senso più ampio, di contribuire allo sviluppo del diritto penale internazionale. La tardiva attuazione dello Statuto Cpi nell’ordinamento domestico costituisce infatti, secondo le conclusioni alle quali l’analisi è pervenuta, una occasione per ampliarne le disposizioni, nel superamento dei compromessi imposti in sede negoziale e al fine di ottemperare ai più recenti sviluppi del diritto penale internazionale. Una simile conclusione consentirebbe, in questo modo, di rilanciare il ruolo dell’ordinamento italiano nel sistema di giustizia penale internazionale e di renderne l’intervento legislativo, nonché le sue future applicazioni giurisprudenziali, un modello di riferimento sullo scenario internazionale.
International criminal justice before domestic courts. Proposals for the implementation of Italian provisions on crimina iuris gentium. The thesis aims at proposing solutions for the incorporation into the Italian legal system of International Criminal Court (ICC) Statute’s substantive provisions, whose domestic implementation is, at the moment, still lacking. The research develops, in particular, along three main sections. The first part sketches the main features of the indirect implementation of international criminal law by domestic legal systems. It deals, first of all, with the complex system of sources of international criminal law, as well as with the role of customs, in light of its tensions with the (international and constitutional) principle of legality. The analysis of international courts’ shortcomings leads to shift the scope of enquiry to the indirect implementation of international criminal law, in order to shape effective solutions for an integrated system of international criminal justice, under the complementarity principle (articles 1 and 17 ICC Statute). Within this framework, the extent of positive obligations to adopt domestic provisions on international crimes effects, in a comparative perspective, different solutions implemented by national legislators, considering the wide margin of discretion granted them by the ICC Statute. The second part outlines the extension of national jurisdictions to international crimes committed beyond their traditional territorial borders. The research focuses, firstly, on the notion and the structural shortcomings that characterize the principle of universal jurisdiction in the enforcement of international criminal justice since the Second World War. The section further sets out to verify the controversial 'tendential universality' of Italian criminal law, according to the interpretation of articles 7 - 10 Italian Criminal Code favored by the Italian jurisprudence, regarding in particular cases amounting to international crimes. The third section represents the heart of the research, dedicated to the evaluation of the compliance of provisions currently in force in the Italian criminal system and international criminal law. The research further proposes the introduction of a specific discipline, whenever gaps and shortcomings with respect to the ICC Statute are found. The analysis moves from the special part of criminal law, in order to investigate the conformity of criminal provisions already in place with the definition of international crimes contained in articles 5 et seq. ICC Statute (genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and aggression). The general part is examined with the aim to investigate, on the one hand, the adequacy of ordinary criteria for the attribution of criminal responsibility and, on the other hand, the need to introduce an ad hoc discipline where required by specific instances of international criminal law. The reference is, in particular, to the hypotheses of command and superior responsibility, legal entities liability, irrelevance of functional immunities, as well as statutes of limitations. The research ultimately seeks to ascertain whether the adoption of substantive provisions on international crimes enables the Italian legal order to adhere to an integrated system of international criminal justice and, in a broader sense, to contribute to the development of international criminal law. Indeed, the late implementation of the ICC Statute into the domestic legal system constitutes, according to the conclusions reached by the analysis, an opportunity to expand its provisions in order to overcome its possible shortcomings and to comply with the most recent developments of international criminal justice. Such conclusion would enable to relaunch the role of the Italian legal system in the international criminal justice system and make its legislative intervention, as well as its future jurisprudential applications, a model on the international scene.

La thèse analyse la contribution de la France au procès des grands criminels de guerre devant le Tribunal militaire international (TMI) de Nuremberg en 1945/46 sur le plan politique ainsi que juridique
The dissertation examines the French contribution to the Trial of the Major German War Criminals before the International Military Tribunal (IMT) at Nuremberg in 1945/46 in its political and judicial dimension

Cette thèse a pour objet d’examiner les tribunaux ad hoc en analysant leur définition en droit international public, leurs principes juridiques fondateurs, leur compétence face aux crimes internationaux et leurs objectifs pour déterminer s’il existe un statut international commun pour ces tribunaux. La mise en œuvre des premiers tribunaux ad hoc sur la scène internationale après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les TMI de Nuremberg et de Tokyo, était due à l’incapacité ou à l’absence de volonté du système judiciaire interne des pays intéressés pour traduire en justice les auteurs des crimes de guerre. Par la suite, neuf tribunaux ad hoc ont été créés (soit unilatéralement par le Conseil de sécurité, soit par un accord international) en vue de juger les crimes internationaux les plus monstrueux, tels que les crimes de génocide, les crimes contre l’humanité et les crimes de guerre. Nous pouvons dire à cet égard que les tribunaux ad hoc bénéficient de tous les mécanismes nécessaires pour être efficaces, comme la responsabilité pénale individuelle, la primauté sur les juridictions nationales et l'obligation des Etats de coopérer, et ils ont réussi à satisfaire l'objectif de justice. Toutefois, ces tribunaux s'étaient vu attribuer, outre leur fonction naturelle d'assurer la justice, un objectif supplémentaire, à savoir la réalisation de la paix et de la sécurité internationales, objectif qu'ils n'ont pu réaliser, car un organe juridique ne peut pas atteindre un objectif dont les motifs sont politiques. Après avoir étudié le statut des tribunaux ad hoc, et nécessairement avoir analysé tous les textes qui organisent la fonction de ces Tribunaux, nous sommes à même de confirmer que les tribunaux ad hoc ne seront pas remplacés par d'autres types d'organes de justice, tels que la justice transitionnelle et la compétence universelle. En outre, malgré l'entrée en fonction de la CPI en 2002, en tant que Cour permanente, nous assisterons à de nouvelles créations de tribunaux ad hoc, dont les statuts pourront s'inspirer du statut commun et de nos propositions personnelles
The purpose of this thesis is to examine the ad hoc tribunals by analysing their definition in international public law, their founding legal principles, their jurisdiction over international crimes and their goals to determine wether there is a common international status for these tribunals.The implementation of the first ad hoc tribunals on the international stage after World War II, the IMT of Nuremberg and Tokyo, was due to the inability or unwillingness of the internal judicial system in the countries concerned to bring the perpetrators of war crimes to justice.Subsequently, nine ad hoc tribunals were established (either unilaterally by the Security Council or through an international agreement) with a view to prosecute the most monstrous crimes, such as crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. In this respect, we can say that the ad hoc tribunals benefit from all the mechanisms required to be efficient, such as individual criminal responsibility, primacy over nation courts and the obligation of States to cooperate,and they have succeeded to achieve the purpose of justice.However, in addition to their natural function to ensure justice, these tribunals had been given a further aim : to achieve international peace and security. They were not able to achieve this aim, because a legal body cannot reach a goal whose motives are political.After studying the status of the ad hoc tribunals and thus necessarily analysing all the texts which organise the function of these tribunals, we are in a position to confirm that the ad hoc tribunals will not be replaced by other judicial bodies, such as transitional justice or universal jurisdiction.Moreover, despite the entry into force of the ICC as a permanent court in 2002, new ad hoc tribunals will be established. Their status could be based on the common status and on our proposals

Le droit international pénal est né de l'engagement de la responsabilité pénale individuelle des principaux criminels de la Seconde guerre mondiale. Aux Tribunaux de Nuremberg et de Tokyo, ont succédé dans les années 1990 les deux juridictions ad hoc pour l'ex-Yougoslavie et le Rwanda, créées par le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, avant l'avènement d'une juridiction indépendante, permanente et à vocation universelle en 1998 : la Cour pénale internationale. Parmi les actes sous-jacents constitutifs de crimes de guerre, de crimes contre l'humanité et de génocide, une constante apparaît : l'intégrité physique et mentale. En l'absence de définition uniforme dans les systèmes juridiques nationaux, cette notion se définit sur la base des dispositions statutaires et se précise grâce à la jurisprudence des juridictions internationales pénales. Érigeant un véritable droit à l'intégrité physique et mentale en matière de génocide et de crimes de guerre, la jurisprudence des Tribunaux ad hoc utilise également la notion pour compléter la liste des actes sous-jacents constitutifs de crimes contre l'humanité et définir d'autres infractions. Les Chambres vont même jusqu'à protéger cette intégrité en dehors de toute incrimination. Car au-delà de l'intégrité physique et mentale des victimes se pose la question de l'intégrité physique et mentale des autres acteurs impliqués dans les conflits et les procès : soldats et personnel humanitaire, témoins, accusés.L'étude du droit à l'intégrité physique et mentale dans la jurisprudence internationale pénale permet de constater l'émergence d'un droit inconnu des systèmes juridiques nationaux en tant que tel. Ce droit soulève des questions de sécurité juridique tout en démontrant l'autonomie du droit international pénal
The roots of international criminal law may be found in the individual criminal liability of the major criminals of the Second World War. The Nuremberg and Tokyo International Military Tribunals were followed in the 1990's by the two ad hoc Tribunals for Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, created by the United Nations Security Council, and then in 1998 by an independant and permanent tribunal with a universal vocation : the International Criminal Court. Among the underlying acts of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide, a leitmotif stands out : physical and mental integrity. Without a uniform definition in national legal systems, this notion is defined on the basis of statutory provisions and becomes clear in the international criminal tribunals' case law. Establishing an autonomous right to physical and mental integrity in terms of genocide and war crimes, the case law of ad hoc tribunals alsouses the notion to complete the liste of underlying acts of crimes against humanity and to define some other crimes. Chambers are also protecting this integrity without any incrimination. Because beyond physical and mental integrity of victimes, arises the question of the physical and mental integrity of other actors of conflicts and proceedings : soldiers, humanitarian workers, witnesses and accused.Studying the right to physical and mental integrity in international criminal case law uncovers the emergence of a right unknown to national legal systems as such. This right raises questions of legal certainty as much as demonstrates the autonomy of international criminal law

Les crimes contre l’humanité, les crimes contre la paix, les crimes de guerre, le génocide constituant le noyau dur des crimes internationaux représentent les actes qui causent les dommages les plus graves à la sécurité humaine et internationale. Ils sont codifiés dans les statuts des tribunaux pénaux internationaux. Les crimes transnationaux ou les crimes de traités ne sont pas codifiés dans ces statuts ou sont codifiés d’une manière assez limitée. L’apartheid, la torture, l’esclavage, la piraterie maritime, le terrorisme sont les exemples de ces crimes. Selon les règles de transformation du système international de Morton Kaplan, une variable du système international cause des transformations ou joue un rôle dans l’essor des systèmes internationaux. Le noyau dur des crimes internationaux est abordé dans notre travail comme l’une de ces variables du système. Dans ce but, le système bipolaire (1945- 1991), le nouvel ordre mondial (1991-2001) et le nouveau système depuis les attentats de 11 septembre 2001 ont été analysés. Les Tribunaux Internationaux de Nuremberg, de Tokyo, pour l’Ex-Yougoslavie, pour le Rwanda et la CPI sont devenus les études de cas
Crimes against humanity, crimes against peace, war crimes and genocide constitute the hard core of most threatful acts to human and international security. They have been codified through the statutes of international criminal tribunals. Transnational crimes or treaty crimes are not codified in these statutes or they are narrowly codified. Examples of such crimes include the apartheid, torture, slavery, maritime piracy, and terrorism. According to the rules of international system transformation as defined by Morton Kaplan, one variable of the international system entails transformations and plays a role in the emergence of international systems. In this study, the hard core of international crimes is considered as one of the variables of the system. Thus, the bipolar system (1945-1991), the new world order (1991- 2001) and the new system after September 11 attacks are analysed. International Tribunals such as Nuremberg, Tokyo, for the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and the International Penal Court constitute case studies

International crimes prosecutions have become more common since 1993, both domestically and at international courts and tribunals. The advance of this norm confronts realist state interests causing debate about the norm's status. Kathryn Sikkink views a norm as cascading when enough states adopt it to cause international influence, without domestic pressure, to procure levels of conformity. This thesis considers the degree of conformity by observing the level of case selection independence to determine whether this norm is cascading. By identifying the jurisdictional and functional elements of case selection independence, I develop a framework for observing the interface between politics and law. While Sikkink errs towards the quantity of international crimes prosecutions, I focus on the quality. This project examines case selection independence at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, the Special Court for Sierra Leone and the International Criminal Court, in Uganda. The project considers whether case selection has become more or less independent at these courts - whether the norm of international crimes prosecution has cascaded or contracted. In observing the various case selection independence elements I attempt to explain the observed cascades and contractions at each court. I then consider whether a cascade or contraction occurred during the period of the courts' collective design and function. The research qualitatively observes a cumulative justice contraction. The research observes a combination of factors affecting case selection independence, including shifts in power dynamics between and among weak and powerful states, increasing state sophistication in international court engagement, a shift in jurisdiction triggering actors and forums, and realist state co-option of norm entrepreneurs via endearing explanation of independence-diminishing policies.

The present work intends on analyzing the collection of communications and general data employed by public as well as private actors sustained during times of war on terror . In that regard, the issue of this research consists on conceiving an approach to account for those actors responsibility Nation-States along with private companies, both of which, in the context of law s internationalization and aided by the new information and communications technologies, violate Human Rights while claiming them to constitute antiterrorism strategies and policies. Concerning the methodology, classified as phenomenological-hermeneutical, it proceeds with a critical analysis of the International Criminal Court, Regional Justice Systems, and corresponding bibliography, aiming to diagnose what led the war on terror policies to shift towards the antagonist sentiment of a terror of war . Drawn from conclusion, the observed deviation seems to derive from the violations acted upon by the United States of America and its National Security Agency (NSA) which, while maintaining the pseudo-argument of war on terror , tampered communications between not only its own citizens and chiefs of government but also the ones from allied great powers. In accordance with that, and further critics that permeate the International Criminal Court since its creation, accused of being an eminently political entity in its decisions, ineffective in regards to the absence of coercion elements for its determinations, and even lacking in suitable answers to matters of global interest such as terrorism, drug traffic, and new rights transgressions derived from the internet network a revision of the Rome Statute is proposed upon the purpose of, if not to establish new crimes, provide a more autonomous concept of crimes against humanity against the ones of common violence. To that extension, the war on terror has been confirming some human rights freedom of communication and expression, and the right to privacy are also passive to non-violent restrictions. Therefore, it seems imperative to promote the dilation of the concept of crimes against humanity, howbeit being a juridical category, with the purpose as to encompass clandestine or covert violations which, in turn, are consistently promoted by the previously mentioned actors, Nation-States and private companies, namely Facebook and Google that respectively explore the social medias market and web search engines, just as well as VASTec, AT&T, and Amesys, specialized in mass communications interception.
A presente dissertação tem por escopo analisar o escrutínio de informações e comunicações praticado por atores públicos e privados em tempos de guerra ao terror . O problema de pesquisa se resume a pensar como é possível responsabilizar esses atores Estados-Nação e empresas do setor privado que, usando das facilidades técnicas proporcionadas pelas novas tecnologias de informação e comunicação, no contexto da internacionalização do direito, violam direitos humanos sob a justificativa de constituírem estratégias de políticas e práticas antiterror. No que diz respeito à metodologia, a pesquisa se classifica como fenomenológico-hermenêutica, procedendo-se com a análise crítica do Tribunal Penal Internacional e os Sistemas Regionais de Justiça, revisão e análises bibliográficas, no sentido de diagnosticar por que as políticas de guerra ao terror acabaram por se transvestir no antagônico sentimento de terror à guerra . Como efeito, a migração de um extremo a outro, ao que se concluiu, deriva especialmente das ações de violação praticadas pelos Estados Unidos da América e sua Agência Nacional de Segurança (NSA), que se valendo da pseudo-justificativa de guerra ao terror, violaram as comunicações de muitos cidadãos e chefes de Estado, inclusive os de potências aliadas. Em razão disso, bem como pelas demais críticas que, desde sua criação, ostenta o Tribunal Penal Internacional, acusado de ser um órgão eminentemente político, do ponto de vista de suas decisões, inefetivo, se analisada a ausência de elementos coercitivos ao cumprimento de suas determinações, e mesmo a falta de respostas adequadas a questões como de interesse global o terrorismo, tráfico de drogas e as novas formas de violação de direitos por meio da rede de computadores, por exemplo , é que se propõe a revisão do Estatuto de Roma para o fim de, senão criar novas espécies de tipos penais, ao menos autonomizar o conceito de crimes contra a humanidade de ações de violência típica. A política de guerra ao terror tem provado que alguns direitos humanos, tais qual o direito a comunicação e expressão e mesmo o direito à privacidade, também são passíveis de sofrerem restrições não violentas. Portanto, é fundamental que se promova o alargamento do conceito de crimes contra a humanidade enquanto categoria jurídica, para o fim de englobar também as violações ocorridas de maneira clandestina ou a paisana, diuturnamente executadas por atores tais como os Estados-Nação e mesmo empresas como Facebook e Google, que exploram, respectivamente, o mercado de redes sociais e de provedores de pesquisa, ou a VASTec, AT&T e Amesys, especializadas na interceptação de comunicações em massa.

Les crimes internationaux constituent des infractions dont les conséquences dramatiques affectent la communauté internationale dans son ensemble. Cette dernière s'est engagée dans la poursuite d'auteurs présumés de ces crimes à travers les différents mécanismes juridiques mis en place par la justice pénale internationale. Il incombe essentiellement aux États d'assurer l'effectivité de cette justice. Ainsi, quand des auteurs présumés de crimes internationaux se trouvent sur le territoire ou dans la juridiction d'un État, ce dernier est tenu de les poursuivre ou de les extrader vers d'autres États ou juridictions pénales internationales lorsque cela est nécessaire. Depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, certains États mettent en application ces obligations en engageant des poursuites à l'encontre de criminels internationaux. La répression nationale des crimes internationaux se heurte à de nombreuses difficultés afférentes, le plus souvent, au manque de moyens ou de volonté, à l'inadéquation de certains systèmes juridiques nationaux, à la realpolitik (de l'allemand politique réaliste), à la nécessité de préserver les relations interétatiques, etc. Par ailleurs, il n'existe pas encore d'instance supranationale capable de contraindre les États à respecter leurs obligations internationales de répression des crimes internationaux. Par conséquent, l'idée de l'implication des cours régionales des droits de l'Homme dans la répression nationale des crimes internationaux s'impose davantage eu égard aux exigences internationales de répression des crimes internationaux qu'elles rappellent constamment aux États
International crimes constitute offences whose dramatic consequences affect the international community as a whole. This international community has committed itself to prosecute alleged perpetrators of these crimes through various legal mechanisms created by international criminal justice. The States are primarily responsible for ensuring the effective implementation of international criminal law. Consequently, when alleged perpetrators of international crimes are on the territory or under the jurisdiction of a given State, national authorities must prosecute them in their own national courts or extradite them to others States or international criminal courts when necessary. Since the Second World War, some States implement these international obligations by prosecuting international criminals. The national prosecution of international crimes faces many barriers related most of the time to a lack of financial resources or political will. This can also result from the inadequacy of some national legal systems, realpolitik, the need to safeguard inter-state relations... In addition to this, a supranational body compelling States to respect their international obligations to prosecute international crimes has not yet been created. Therefore, the legal involvement of regional human rights courts in the implementation of national prosecution of international crimes is necessary. This is the consequence of international requirements related to the pursuit of international criminals reminding the States of their legal duties

Depuis la fin du vingtième siècle, l’attention de la communauté internationale s’est portée sur l’utilisation de l’enfant soldat dans les conflits armés. La prolifération d’armes légères, la pauvreté et la multiplication des conflits armés non internationaux sont autant de facteurs à l’origine du phénomène. De nombreux instruments de protection des droits de l’enfant prévoient l’interdiction du recrutement et de l’utilisation d’enfants soldats dans les hostilités. Malgré les lacunes normatives qui s’en dégagent, notamment à propos de l’âge de recrutement de l’enfant soldat, d’importants efforts ont été fournis par la communauté internationale. Ces efforts vont être complétés grâce à la Cour pénale internationale, en particulier avec l’affaire Thomas Lubanga, première personne à être poursuivie devant la Cour, et sur le seul chef d’accusation de crime de guerre consistant à procéder à l’enrôlement ou la conscription d’enfants de moins de quinze ans, et à utiliser ces derniers en vue de les faire participer activement à des hostilités. Ce premier verdict historique institue une jurisprudence inédite et fondatrice en matière de crimes de guerre pour enrôlement et utilisation d’enfants soldats, dont l’héritage pourra faciliter d’autres poursuites sur le plan national. Si l’enfant soldat apparaît comme une victime, il est aussi acteur aux hostilités. Bien souvent, lorsque l’on parle du phénomène d’enfants soldats, un amalgame est opéré entre deux antonymes : victime et bourreau. Comment le droit international appréhende-t-il la responsabilité pénale de l’enfant soldat ? Assiste-t-on à la généralisation d’un statut ou à un « dénominateur commun » ?
Since the end of the 20th century, the eyes of the international community have been focused on the utilization of child soldier in armed conflicts. The proliferation of small arms and light weapons, of poverty, and especially of non international armed conflicts, are crucial factors underlying the phenomenon. Numerous rights of the child protection instruments plan the ban on recruiting and using children as soldiers in hostilities. Despite the normative gaps that emerge, regarding in particular the hiring age of the child soldier, important efforts have been provided by the whole international community. These efforts are going to be completed by the International Criminal Court, in particular with the Thomas Lubanga case, first person brought before the Court, under the unique charge of war crime, namely enlisting or conscripting children under the age of fifteen years, and using them to participate actively in hostilities. This first historical verdict sets up a novel and founding case law regarding war crimes of enlistment and use of child soldiers, which legacy may make other proceedings easier on a national level. If the child soldier appears as a victim, he is also a player in hostilities. When dealing with the child soldier phenomenon, a confusion is quite often made between two antonyms : victim and executioner. How does the international law treat the criminal liability of the child soldier ? Are we witnessing the generalization of a status or, at least, a common denominator ?

This research paper is an analysis of the case United States v Flick et al which took place in 1947 in Nuremberg, Germany. Friedrich Flick, a powerful German industrialist, and several high ranking officials of his firm were tried by a United States military tribunal for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during the Third Reich. The proceedings and the decision itself are the subject of a critical examination, including an investigation of the factual and legal background. The trial will be regarded in the historical context of prosecutions against German industrialists after World War II. Seen from present-day perspective, the question will be raised whether any conclusions can be drawn from the Flick case in respect of the substance of present-day international criminal law.
Magister Legum - LLM

The cruelty and scope of the widespread criminality of humans in the world, which was a feature of the past century, was fuelled by scientific progress, egoism and humanity's power of destruction. The criminal consequences of the many imperialistic, hegemonic and barbarous wars in that century were immeasurable in terms of violations of human rights. Notwithstanding the emergence of international criminal justice through the experience of the International Criminal Military Tribunal of Nuremberg and Tokyo and later the ad hoc International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, globally, impunity for egregious crimes continues. The establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC) at the end of the 20th century was saluted as a major step forward in the evolution of international criminal justice. While previous tribunals were ad hoc, the ICC is permanent and has large territorial jurisdiction. This raises hope among the many Congolese victims of the first African World War, who view the ICC as a paradigm change that will put a stop to impunity for crimes against humanity and the crimes of genocide and war. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the past decades have been marked by instability and horrible armed conflicts (1996-97 and 1998-2003) which left several million people dead, and which were marked by gross war crimes. The negative consequences of those atrocities persist until today. While the ICC initiated the prosecution of some war criminals in 2004, most crimes committed before 2002 remain unpunished, because the ICC's jurisdiction is limited to after that time. It is therefore imperative to examine other mechanisms to deal with impunity for various grave crimes, including war crimes, perpetrated between 1996 and 2002. Thus the aim of this research is to contribute to the fight against impunity for crimes in the DRC by examining how other modes of jurisdiction such as the principle of universality can be applied, and to assess the need for the establishment of a specific tribunal for the DRC. Considering the inability and incapacity of the Congolese judicial apparatus, this study concludes by recommending the establishment of a Special Criminal Tribunal which can put an end to impunity for serious crimes committed in the DRC.
Thesis (LL.M.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2012.

This thesis is a qualitative analysis of the international legal response to rape as war crime in the former Yugoslavia. Through the examination of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the case law it has generated, this thesis addresses the question will the androcentric characteristics of law found in domestic rape cases be replicated at the international level? More specifically this thesis undertakes an examination which questions will international law be able to adequately amplify and listen to women voices, or will the women’s words be silenced by the rule of law? The following research is loosely informed by Carol Smart’s (1989) sociology of law theory combined with Liz Kelly’s (1988) notions of coping, resisting, and surviving. The purpose of using Kelly’s theory is to go beyond viewing women as inevitable victims of sexual assault. The methodological approach is both qualitative and inductive. It draws on data from the ICTY structure, Statute, Rules of Procedures and Evidence, case law and transcripts and women’s stories presented outside the legal realm. The analysis reveals that while written law (including the interpretation and application of the law) is somewhat aware of the experiences of women, it falls short of adequately responding to the needs of women. A detailed look at the women’s stories of war revealed diverse experiences not captured in the legal realm. The women’s stories spoke of concerns beyond sexual assault and other crimes identified by the ICTY Statute. This thesis also introduces alternatives or complimentary approaches to law when dealing with war crimes. These alternatives include women’s local groups and truth commissions. This thesis also identifies the criminological relevance of studying war crimes (as defined by international law) and crimes of war and marks an important step in understanding rape and war from a criminological perspective.
February 2005

In the decades after attaining independence from its colonial masters, Rwanda’s two principal ethnic groups, the Hutus and the Tutsis, suffered worsening tensions which often resulted in the perpetration of atrocities. Peace agreements brokered by the international community did not ease these ethnic tensions. In April 1994, the ethnic crisis took a different dimension following the assassination of the Presidents of Rwanda and Burundi. A full-blown genocide was committed by the Hutus who targeted their Tutsi and Hutu-moderates victims because of their ethnic identity and tolerant political views respectively. In a hundred days, about a million Tutsis and Hutu-moderates were massacred. Gross violations of human rights had been committed. The planning, preparation and execution of these atrocities were done by almost everyone within the Hutu majority: the leadership (both civilian and military), business men, the clergy, artists, professors, journalists, militias, the commoners, and other civil society actors. The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) under the leadership of General Paul Kagame overthrew the Rwandan Armed Forces (RAF) and brought the genocide to an end. In an effort to build a government of national unity, the Government of Rwanda under the leadership of President Paul Kagame requested the United Nations Security Council to establish a tribunal for the trial of persons who bear responsibility for the atrocities committed in Rwanda. In response to this request, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 955 (8 November 1994) creating the second United Nations’ ad hoc international criminal tribunal, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). Annexed to Resolution 955 was the Statute of the ICTR. The Statute gave the Tribunal jurisdiction over three crimes: genocide, crimes against humanity and violations of Article 3 common to the Geneva Conventions and of Additional Protocol II. Amongst other things, it also defined on which individuals it would impose criminal responsibility. The definition of genocide and the punishable acts as contained in the Statute of the ICTR (Article 2) were simply imported from the United Nations’ Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, 1948 (Article III). One of these punishable acts is direct and public incitement to commit genocide (Article 2(3)(c) of the Statute of the ICTR). As seen in Article 6(1) of the Statute of the ICTR, there are five different modes of participation that would lead to the imposition of criminal responsibility: planning, instigating, ordering, committing or otherwise aiding and abetting. Instigation is one of these modes of participation. An examination of the jurisprudence of both the Trial and Appeal Chambers of the ICTR reveals that there is an overlap between direct and public incitement to commit genocide under Article 2(3)(c) and instigation as a mode of participation under Article 6(1). The Trial and Appeal Chambers have contributed enormously to the development of the jurisprudence of direct and public incitement to commit genocide under Article 2(3)(c). Now settled as an inchoate crime in international criminal law, criminal responsibility is imposed irrespective of whether the direct and public incitement successfully results in the commission of genocide. On the other hand, instigation is one of the modes of participation which would lead to the imposition of criminal responsibility. Participation under Article 6(1) is not limited to any particular crime, but extends to all the crimes over which the ICTR has jurisdiction – genocide, crimes against humanity and violations of Article 3 common to the Geneva Conventions and of Additional Protocol II. The jurisprudence of the Trial and Appeal Chambers on Article 6(1) states that criminal responsibility can only be imposed where it is proved that the accused’s mode of participation substantially contributed to the commission of the crime. Therefore, instigation, which is one of the modes of participation, must be shown to have substantially contributed to the commission of the crime for criminal responsibility to be imposed. In my opinion, this requirement of substantial contribution for the imposition of criminal responsibility is wrong. It emanates from a poor understanding of Article 6(1) and the construction of the words therein. It is a judicial invention which does not square with established principles of criminal responsibility in general and inchoate crimes in particular. This thesis critiques the jurisprudence of the ICTR on instigation as a mode of participation under Article 6(1). Instigation is a recognised mode of participation in international crimes. Under the common law system, it is also an inchoate crime. International instruments and the jurisprudence of the Trial and Appeal Chambers have recognised the inchoate nature of incitement. However, in the construction of Article 6(1) wherein instigation features as a mode of participation, the Trial and Appeal Chambers erred. I illustrate in this thesis that a correct construction and understanding of Article 6(1) shows its inchoate and bifurcated character: first, any of the modes of participation must lead to any of the stages of any of the crimes (planning, preparation or execution). These modes of participation are not limited to any particular crime. Therefore, if instigation leads to the planning or preparation of any of the crimes, that renders it inchoate (which is understood to mean a criminal activity that is incomplete, still at its initial stage). Second, the imposition of criminal responsibility is bifurcated. In other words, it must go through two stages: first, there must be a mode of participation, and second, it must lead to any of the stages of the crimes. Third, the substantial contribution requirement does not square with a strict construction of Article 6(1). In articulating the different stages that a mode of participation must lead to, it states ‘planning, preparation or execution’ of any of the crimes. The use of a disjunctive word ‘or’ rather than a conjunctive word ‘and’ suggests that any of the modes of participation that leads to any of these stages (planning, preparation or execution) of any of these crimes (genocide, crimes against humanity, violations of Article 3 common to the Geneva Conventions and of Additional Protocol II) would suffice. Therefore, to require that there must be a substantial contribution to commission of a crime before criminal responsibility can be imposed under Article 6(1) is a clear limitation to the last stage of the crime, which is execution (or commission). As evidenced by the cases tried at the Tribunal, Article 2(3)(c) which addresses the inchoate crime of direct and public incitement to commit genocide and Article 6(1) which deals with the imposition of criminal responsibility, do overlap. In other words, incitement that qualifies as direct and public incitement to commit genocide under Article 2(3)(c) may as well qualify as instigation to any of the crimes over which the ICTR has jurisdiction under Article 6(1). From the delivery of its first judgment in the case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu,1 the Trial Chambers did not recognise the confluence 1 Judgment, Case No. ICTR-96-4. T. Ch. I, 2 September 1998. between these two Articles. However, in the case of The Prosecutor v Callixte Kalimanzira,2 the Trial Chambers made this observation, and outlined a set of guidelines on how to resolve cases of overlap. Though a colossal step in fixing this problem, the guidelines are faulted because they repeat the same mistakes made by previous Trial Chambers: first, they limit instigation only to genocide even under Article 6(1); second, they still hold that criminal responsibility can be imposed under Article 6(1) only when it is proved that the mode of participation substantially contributed to the commission of the crime. While it resonates with conventional wisdom today that incitement, synonymous with instigation, is limited to the crime of genocide, this thesis critiques the jurisprudence of both the Trial and Appeal Chambers of the ICTR and argues that instigation is a mode of participation in crimes against humanity following a strict construction of Article 6(1). Furthermore, incitement that qualifies as ‘direct and public incitement’ to commit genocide under Article 2(3)(c) may also qualify as instigation to commit genocide, crimes against humanity, or both under Article 6(1). Third, ‘direct and public incitement’ to commit genocide under Article 2(3)(c) is limited to the crime of genocide, and must fulfil the caveats of ‘direct’ and ‘public’. Meanwhile, instigation under Article 6(1) does not need to meet any requirement as long as it leads to the ‘planning, preparation or execution’ of any of the crimes over which the ICTR has jurisdiction. The poor construction of Article 6(1) has resulted in huge controversies about instigation as a mode of participation in crimes over which the ICTR has jurisdiction under Article 6(1). More specifically, instigation, which is one of the modes, overlaps with the wording of Article 2(3)(c) which deals with the inchoate crime of direct and public incitement to commit genocide. The substantial contribution requirement is a judicial invention which does not align squarely with established principles of criminal responsibility for inchoate crimes. It is the unfortunate outcome of a poor construction of Article 6(1) and has orchestrated a confused understanding of instigation as a mode of participation. It has blurred and obfuscated instigation as a mode of participation in crimes against humanity; stagnated the evolution of the jurisprudence on instigation to 2 Judgment, Case No. ICTR-05-88-T, T. Ch. III, 22 June 2009. commit crimes against humanity; and above all, propelled international criminal law on an ambitious and controversial mission from which it must retreat

Magister Legum - LLM
With regard to the establishment of legislative frameworks for investigating and prosecuting genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes at both national and international level, a number of pertinent issues come up concerning the Court which should have primacy to deal with a particular case. States have had a variety of options at their disposal, such as complementarity, exclusivity, subsidiarity and concurrent jurisdiction principles. As a rule, these experiences find their limits in the full criminalisation of conduct that is also punishable before the international criminal tribunals under international law, ignoring the fact that international law does not provide definite guidance with respect to a number of questions in relation to interaction between national and international jurisdiction vis-à-vis the ‘core crimes.’ In addition,a considerable increase in the content of international law and divergences in various legal systems in criminal law, both general and special, since the end of World War II, influence the effective prosecution of ‘core crimes.’ Against this background; this work is organised into five chapters. Chapter one gives a general introduction and background to the study. Chapter two will set out the present international legal framework governing the prosecution of ‘core crimes’ in national courts and a description of the relevant practice in various states. Chapter three will examine critically the jurisdiction and overlaps of the international courts and ad hoc tribunals,along with the corresponding models of international criminal justice of exclusivity, subsidiarity, complimentarity and concurrent jurisdiction. Chapter four seeks to discuss the optimal relationship based on interactions between national and international jurisdictions. It will also include the merits and limits of both jurisdictions, basing on existing precedents and legislation.Finally, Chapter five contains a summary of conclusions drawn from the whole study and winds up with a set of recommendations.

in English Dissertation Thesis David Kohout: Legal-Historical Aspects of Punishment of Nazi Criminals on the Background of the Adolf Eichmann Trial This Dissertation on the topic of "Legal-Historical Aspects of Punishment of Nazi Criminals on the Background of the Adolf Eichmann Trial" seeks to analyze the main approaches to the prosecution and punishment of the Nazi crimes. It was chosen to use the trial of Adolf Eichmann in Jerusalem in years 1961 - 1962 as a connecting thread of this whole work. It was so not only due to the individual remarkableness of the trial but also due to the fact that it was in many ways a very illustrative for the previous legal development until that time. Additionally, many commentators of this trial attribute it a great impact on the renewal of the interest in the prosecution of former Nazis who were implicated in perpetration of crimes committed until 1945 and who remained at large after the end of war. Therefore this Thesis goes beyond the Eichmann trial and focuses on its broader context in material but also personal sense (in the text it often referred to cases of prosecution of close collaborators of Adolf Eichmann). In the opening chapters this Dissertation, however, starts with events that go far back in time before the Adolf Eichmann trial. This is for the...

This thesis examines the legal case of Inouye Kanao, a second-generation Japanese Canadian who was executed for high treason in August 1947 in Hong Kong. In this thesis, I trace not only Inouye's legal case, but also his early life, the broader political context, diplomatic correspondence, and other war crimes cases. By employing race-thinking and Critical Race Theory as theoretical frameworks, I consider the role of race and racism and aim to better understand its influence on Inouye's legal case. In doing so, this thesis challenges previous narratives and misinformation about Inouye. I conclude that racism was a significant factor that affected all aspects of Inouye's case, resulting in an unjust execution that did not reflect the crimes. Ultimately, Inouye was executed not because of his actions but because he was racialized as a treacherous and cruel Japanese Canadian.
Graduate

Międzynarodowy Trybunał Wojskowy dla Dalekiego Wschodu, znany także jako Trybunał Tokijski, był drugim tego typu organem na świecie, powołanym w celu wymierzenia sprawiedliwości wobec głównych przedstawicieli Cesarstwa Japonii za wywołanie II Wojny Światowej na Dalekim Wschodzie i popełnione w jej trakcie zbrodnie wojenne. Był to pierwszy raz w historii gdy za naruszenia prawa międzynarodowego, będące formalnie działaniem kraju, ponosili odpowiedzialność jego przywódcy. Jednak mimo znaczenia Trybunału Tokijskiego dla międzynarodowego prawa karnego, jak i widocznych do dziś konsekwencji wydanego przez niego w 1948 r. wyroku, w powszechnej świadomości stanowi on jedynie dodatek do Międzynarodowego Trybunału Wojskowego w Norymberdze. Poważne problemy proceduralne, językowe, różne cele jedenastu mocarstw reprezentowanych w Japonii oraz zarzuty stosowania retroaktywności prawa wywołały sporą krytykę procesu w Tokio, czyniąc z niego przykład „sprawiedliwości zwycięzców”.
The International Military Tribunal for the Far East, also known as a Tokyo Tribunal, was the second institution of its kind in the world, established in order to bring to justice the most important representatives of the Empire of Japan for starting the Second World War in the Far East and for the war crimes committed in its duration. It was the first time in history when for the breaches of the international law, formally being the acts of a nation, the responsibility was placed on country’s leaders. Despite the importance of Tokyo Tribunal for the international criminal law and the still visible consequences of the 1948 judgement, it is recalled merely as an appendix to the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg. Grave issues concerning the procedure, linguistic problems, different aims of the eleven world powers represented in Japan and the charges of retroactivity set the stage for criticism of the trial in Tokyo, labelling it as an example of “victors’ justice”.

In my thesis I focused on the czech lawyer and jurist JUDr. Bohuslav Ečer. He became one of the main ideologist of international criminal law thanks to his hard work . He represeted Czechoslovakia during the Nuremberg trials after World War II.

Streszczenie rozprawy doktorskiej „Odpowiedzialność karna żołnierzy za przestępstwa popełnione podczas użycia Sił Zbrojnych Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej poza granicami państwa” mgr Wojciecha MENDEL. Polscy żołnierze od wielu lat uczestniczą w operacjach militarnych prowadzonych przez Organizacje Narodów Zjednoczonych, Unię Europejską, Pakt Północnoatlantycki czy inne koalicje utworzone ad hoc przez społeczność międzynarodową. Konsekwencją podjętych decyzji politycznych o zaangażowaniu Sił Zbrojnych RP w międzynarodowe operacje militarne jest kierowanie żołnierzy w regiony świata targane gwałtownymi konfliktami społecznymi z wojną włącznie. Dla żołnierzy oznacza to nie tylko przemieszczenie geograficzne, ale i istotną zmianę wiążących ich uwarunkowań prawnych, uzyskują oni, bowiem kompetencje do stosowania siły wojskowej podczas prowadzonych działań bojowych i sami stają się legalnym obiektem ataku przeprowadzanego przez przeciwną stronę konfliktu zbrojnego. Dlatego w pracy przeprowadzono analizę uwarunkowań prawno-karnych działań zbrojnych prowadzonych poza granicami państwa. Badaniu poddano normy prawne kształtujące zasady odpowiedzialności karnej żołnierzy w sposób odmienny od zasad powszechnych. W wyniku analizy przystawalności przepisów krajowego prawa karnego wojskowego do warunków, w których prowadzone są międzynarodowe operacje militarne zidentyfikowano potrzebę zmian w przepisach prawa karnego wojskowego w zakresie dwóch kontratypów - rozkazu oraz ostatecznej potrzeby. Natomiast badając normy określające zasady ponoszenia odpowiedzialności karnej za naruszenia prawa wojennego, wykazano istnienie wady niedookreśloności krajowych przepisów kryminalizujących zbrodnie wojenne i ich rozbieżność z przepisami Statutu Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego. Dowiedziono, iż źródłem niedookreśloności przepisów z rozdziału XVI k.k. jest przyjęta w prawie krajowym metoda implementacji postanowień międzynarodowego prawa karnego oparta na generalnym odwołaniu do prawa międzynarodowego. Komparacja metod, którymi posłużyli się legislatorzy w innych państwach przenosząc normy międzynarodowego prawa karnego do wewnętrznych systemów prawnych wskazała metody kryminalizacji, których zastosowanie pozwoliłoby zredukować dysfunkcje występujące w krajowych regulacjach kryminalizujących zbrodnie prawa międzynarodowego. The abstract of PhD dissertation ‘The Criminal liability of deployed polish soldiers’ written by Wojciech MENDEL. For many years, Polish soldiers have taking part in military operations conducted by The United Nations, The European Union, The North Atlantic Treaty Organization and coalitions ad hoc as created by international communities. As a consequence of political decisions regarding the engagement The Polish Armed Forces into international military operations - polish troops are deployed to conflict zones. This situation means that soldiers are displaced not only geographically, but they are bounded by a differing legal framework. Soldiers have right to use a military force whilst conducting hostilities and could be lawfully attacked by an opposing side of armed conflict. This dissertation is focused on investigating the criminal law framework of military operations executed outside the polish state therefor; both domestic military criminal law and international criminal law were examined as the two main factors which modify universal principles of criminal responsibility in battlefield environments. The main research conclusion found that the method of implementation of war crimes into polish criminal law through a general and open-ended reference to international law to face, prove to be insufficient in regard to the principle of legality and thereby caused gaps between the Rome Statute and domestic law. By comparison, the number of ways in which other states defined core international crimes within their jurisdictions dissertation, identified different options which are open to the domestic legislator. Additionally the research leads to the recommendations of a few other minor changes in military criminal law.