Academic literature on the topic 'Wage-price policy – Great Britain'
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Journal articles on the topic "Wage-price policy – Great Britain"
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Blackburn, Sheila. "Minimum Wage Policy in Great Britain and the United States - By Jerold L. Waltman." British Journal of Industrial Relations 47, no. 4 (November 10, 2009): 791–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8543.2009.00753_3.x.
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Lagneau-Ymonet, Paul, and Bénédicte Reynaud. "The making of a category of economic understanding in Great Britain (1880–1931): ‘the unemployed’." Cambridge Journal of Economics 44, no. 6 (July 13, 2020): 1181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cje/beaa018.
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Abstract Evidence-based policy relies on measurement to trigger actions and to manage and evaluate programmes. Yet measurement requires classification: the making of categories of understanding that approximate or represent collective phenomena. In 1931, two decades after implementing the first compulsory unemployment benefits in 1911, the British Government began to carry out a census of out-of-work individuals. Why such an inversion, at odds with the exercise of rational-legal authority, and unlike to its French or German counterparts? To solve this puzzle, we document the making of ‘the unemployed’ as a category of scientific analysis and of public policy in nineteenth-century Great Britain. Our circumscribed contribution to the history of economic thought and methodology informs today’s controversies on the future of work, the weakening of wage labour through the rise in the number of part-time contracts and self-employed workers, as well as the rivalry between the welfare state and private charities with regard to providing impoverished people with some kind of relief.
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Fomin, A. M. "British Policy and Strategy in the Middle East in 1941: Three Wars ‘East of Suez’." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 191–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-191-221.
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After the defeat of France in the summer of 1940, Great Britain was left face to face with the Nazi Germany. It managed to endure the first act of the ‘Battle of Britain’, but could not wage a full-scale war on the continent. Under these conditions, the defense of the British positions in the Mediterranean and in the Middle East became a top priority for W. Churchill’s cabinet. The author examines three episodes of Great Britain’s struggle for the Middle East in 1941 (Iraq, Syria, Iran), framing them into the general logic of the German-British confrontation during this period.The author emphasizes that potential assertion of German hegemony in the Middle East could have made the defense of Suez almost impossible, as well as the communication with India, and would have provided the Reich with an access to almost inexhaustible supplies of fuel. Widespread antiBritish sentiments on the part of the local political and military elites could contribute greatly to the realization of such, catastrophic for Britain, scenario. Under these circumstances, the British government decided to capture the initiative. The paper examines the British military operations in Iraq and Syria. Special attention is paid to the complex dynamics of relations of the British cabinet with the Vichy regime and the Free France movement. As the author notes, the sharpest disagreements aroused on the future of Syria and Lebanon, and the prospects of granting them independence. In the Iran’s case, the necessity of harmonizing policies with the Soviet Union came to the fore. The growing German influence in the region, as well as the need to establish a new route for Lend-Lease aid to the USSR, fostered mutual understanding. After the joint Anglo-Soviet military operation in August-September 1941, Iran was divided into occupation zones. Finally, the paper examines the UK position with regard to the neutrality of Turkey. The author concludes that all these military operations led to the creation of a ‘temporary regime’ of the British domination in the Middle East. However, the Anglo-French and Anglo-Soviet rivalries had not disappeared and, compounded by the growing US presence in the region, laid basis for new conflicts in the post-war period.
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Scharpf, Fritz W. "A Game-Theoretical Interpretation of Inflation and Unemployment in Western Europe." Journal of Public Policy 7, no. 3 (July 1987): 227–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00004438.
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ABSTRACTThe paper aims at a more complete, yet still parsimonious, explanation of macro-economic policy failure and success during the ‘stagflation’ period of the 1970s. Focusing on four countries, Austria, Great Britain, Sweden and West Germany, it is shown that both runaway inflation and rising unemployment could be avoided whenever it was possible to achieve a Keynesian concertation between fiscal and monetary expansion on the one hand and union wage restraint on the other. The actual policy experiences of the four countries are then explained in terms of the linkage between a ‘coordination game’ played between the government and the unions in which macro-economic outcomes are determined, and a politics game in which the government tries to anticipate the electoral responses of different voter strata to these outcomes.
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Giovanis, Eleftherios. "The relationship between flexible employment arrangements and workplace performance in Great Britain." International Journal of Manpower 39, no. 1 (April 3, 2018): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijm-04-2016-0083.
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Purpose There is an increasing concern on the quality of jobs and productivity witnessed in the flexible employment arrangements. The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between various flexible employment arrangements and the workplace performance. Design/methodology/approach Home-based working, teleworking, flexible timing and compressed hours are the main employment types examined using the Workplace Employee Relations Survey (WERS) over the years 2004 and 2011 in Great Britain. The workplace performance is measured by two outcomes – the financial performance and labour productivity. First, the determinants of these flexible employment types are explored. Second, the ordinary least squares (OLS) method is followed. Third, an instrumental variable (IV) approach is applied to account for plausible endogeneity and to estimate the causal effects of flexible employment types on firm performance. Findings The findings show a significant and positive relationship between the flexible employment arrangements and the workplace performance. Education, age, wage, quality of relations between managers-employees, years of experience, the area of the market the workplace is operated and the competition are significant factors and are positively associated with the propensity of the implementation of flexible employment arrangements. Social implications The insights derived from the study can have various profound policy implications for employees, employers and the society overall, including family-work balance, coping with family demands, improving the firm performance, reducing traffic congestion and stress among others. Originality/value It is the first study that explores the relationship between flexible employment types and workplace performance using an IV approach. This allows us to estimate the causal effects of flexible employment types and the possible associated social implications.
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Mosakova, E. A., and K. Kizilova. "Labor market in the UK in digital era: The gender dimension." RUDN Journal of Sociology 21, no. 3 (September 17, 2021): 512–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2021-21-3-512-519.
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The article considers gender discrimination in the field of labor relations in the United Kingdom (UK) in the pre-covid period. In the past decades, the Western European countries have made the most significant progress in achieving gender equality in various fields, including labor relations, and became the world leader in this area. However, despite all the efforts of the international community, no country has achieved a full gender equality, and Great Britain is no exception. The authors argue that the British anti-discrimination legislation (before leaving the European Union) was based on international acts and conventions. For a long time, there were acts and laws prohibiting discrimination in the labor market, which seriously hindered the implementation of an effective anti-discrimination policy in the sphere of labor relations. It was not until 2010 that the law on equality was passed to replace all previous laws and regulations and to provide an exhaustive list of criteria for prohibiting discrimination. As a result, Great Britain began to develop a rather strict national anti-discrimination legislation in the field of labor relations. Thus, in the past decades, the UK has been achieving gender equality in the economic sphere at a faster pace than the average European Union country. The study shows a steady decline in the gender wage gap in the UK over the past two decades, which may be considered one of the countrys most significant achievements in fighting gender discrimination in the labor market. However, there is still a number of serious challenges: a relatively low female labor force participation and employment rate, a gender wage gap and income gap, horizontal and vertical segregation, a gender gap in postgraduate education, and a significant gender gap in time spent on family responsibilities. Age discrimination presents a special problem in the sphere of labor relations in Great Britain. In the European Union, the first laws prohibiting age discrimination were adopted only in the 2000s, and in the UK - in 2006. This problem still remains extremely acute for the labor market, since age discrimination in the UK ranks third among the most common grounds for discrimination - after gender and disability.
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Linne, Karsten. "The “New Labour Policy” in Nazi Colonial Planning for Africa." International Review of Social History 49, no. 2 (August 2004): 197–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900400149x.
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The National Socialist planning for a recolonization of Africa was based on a new social and labour policy and focused chiefly on the “labour question”. In designing their schemes, planners strove to mobilize wage labour and circumvent the much-feared “proletarianization” of the workers. The key problem in exploiting the African colonies had two main aspects: a shortage of manpower and migrant labour. Therefore, planners designed complex systems of organized, state-controlled labour recruitment, and formulated rules for labour contracts and compensation. An expanded labour administration was to ensure that the “deployment of labour” ran smoothly and that workers were registered, evaluated, and supervised. Furthermore, “white labour guardians” were to be assigned the responsibility of overseeing the social wellbeing of the African workers. As was evident not only in Germany but in the colonial powers, France and Great Britain, as well, these concepts all fit into the general trend of the times, a trend characterized by the application of scientific methods in solving social issues, by the increased emphasis on state intervention, and by the introduction of sociopolitical measures. Nazi planning was based on Germany's prewar politics but also reflected the changes occurring in German work life after 1933.
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Гречан, Алла, and Артем Коба. "ОСОБЛИВОСТІ ФОРМУВАННЯ МЕХАНІЗМУ ПІДВИЩЕННЯ МОТИВАЦІЇ ОПЛАТИ ПРАЦІ ПРАЦІВНИКІВ ПІДПРИЄМСТВ." Automobile Roads and Road Construction, no. 112 (November 30, 2022): 309–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.33744/0365-8171-2022-112-309-315.
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The article analyzes the peculiarities of remuneration of employed persons in the business sector. Compliance of "pay indicators" with the legislative basis of Ukraine - in particular, the Code of Labor Laws of Ukraine No. 322-08 dated 07.23.1996 (ed. dated 08.19.2022) and the Law of Ukraine "On Remuneration" No. 108/95 was determined - VR from 03/24/1995 (edited from 08/19/2022). The social, humanitarian, political and legal orientations of "labor remuneration" in the domestic doctrine of labor are outlined. The genesis of the right to work in Ukraine is analyzed in accordance with the provisions of Art. 43 of the Basic Law of the Constitution of Ukraine. The philosophical and terminological context of the "employer-employee" relationship is considered. The positive and negative aspects of the payment of an employment contract (TD) and a civil law agreement (CPU) are determined in accordance with the labor legislation of Ukraine and the provisions of the Civil Code of Ukraine No. 435-IV dated 16.01.2003 (edited from 01.08.2022). An analysis of the mechanisms for increasing the wages of workers in the developed countries of the world – the EU, the USA, Great Britain, etc. – was carried out. In particular, the precedents of the formation of "salary policy" by the ETUC (European Trade Union Confederation) among the 27 EU member states, the mechanisms for increasing wages and establishing the minimum (marginal) permissible limits of labor remuneration in accordance with the policy of the US Department of Labor (U.S. Department) are outlined. of Labor), features of the formation of the wage and salary policy of Great Britain, which is directed and coordinated by the National Economic Council (National Economic Council). Features of employee stimulation by increasing wages are described. The phenomenon of "work-life balance" (the balance of work and personal life) and the payment policy of enterprises as the root cause of its generation have been studied. The mechanisms of trade union protection of an employed person against systematic violations of labor legislation are outlined –– in Ukraine, the EU, the USA and Great Britain, respectively. The relationship between remuneration and the level of personal motivation of the employee has been proven. The definition of the "job satisfaction scale" (job satisfaction scale) as a psychological constant characteristic of the research-management doctrine of the USA is singled out.
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Blikhar, M., N. Mykhalitska, M. Veresklia, I. Komarnytska, and G. Koziar. "FINANCIAL SECURITY OF THE STATE: INTERNATIONAL EXPERIENCE IN THE STUDY OF INSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL CAUSES OF CRISIS PHENOMENA IN THE ECONOMY." Financial and credit activity: problems of theory and practice 2, no. 37 (April 30, 2021): 426–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18371/fcaptp.v2i37.230333.
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Abstract. The article maps out the topical issue of reinforcing the financial and economic security of our country by switching from uncritical compliance with standard requirements of financial institutions affecting the provision and amount of international loans to development of own economic policy on the basis of rethinking the reasons for the unsatisfactory state of the financial and economic security of Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to study the issue of increasing the sustainability of the financial system of Ukraine taking into consideration foreign experience and to determine the main direction of its provision with the emphasis on the priority development of the real sector of the economy. The financial security issue has become of paramount importance and relevance not only for Ukraine but for other countries as well. The study of foreign experience showed that stagflation of the 1970s provoked an erroneous neoliberal economic reaction. Policy responses were focused on deregulation of markets, in particular labour and financial markets, on the one hand, and on achieving the price stability instead of full employment on the other hand. This neoliberal «counterrevolution» created the conditions for the emergence of «financialization» or «finance-dominated capitalism» since the early 1980s first in the USA and Great Britain and then spread around the world. Over the past 30 or so years, finance began to dominate the industry, and non-financial corporations are increasingly engaged in financial rather than production activities. For instance, in Japan it resulted in the Great Recession. In Ukraine such policy has been implemented since the early 2000s under the influence of IMF requirements. As a result, the economy has lost the ability to provide a decent standard of living for the population and encouraged the labour migration and the increase of debt burden which was practically unavoidable without catastrophic consequences for state sovereignty. It is proposed to redirect the economic policy of Ukraine from spontaneous development of the «mechanism of financialization» to the creation of a mechanism for the development of real economy and effective creation of high-wage jobs complemented by the social responsibility of entrepreneurs and improving the regulatory requirements for legal regulation of public relations related to ensuring the financial security of the state. Keywords: financial security, gross external debt, liability, social responsibility, law, labour migration; employment of population, budget deficit. JEL Classification Е02, H63, K10, M14, O11 Formulas: 0; fig.: 2; tabl.: 1; bibl.: 26.
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Ng, Shu Wen, Cliona Ni Mhurchu, Susan A. Jebb, and Barry M. Popkin. "Patterns and trends of beverage consumption among children and adults in Great Britain, 1986–2009." British Journal of Nutrition 108, no. 3 (December 20, 2011): 536–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007114511006465.
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Many dietary recommendations include reduction of excessive intake of sugar-sweetened beverages (SSB) and other energy-rich beverages such as juices and alcohol. The present study examines surveys of both individual dietary intake data and household food expenditure surveys to provide a picture of patterns and trends in beverage intake and purchases in Great Britain from 1986 to 2009, and estimates the potential for pricing policy to promote more healthful beverage purchase patterns. In 2008–9, beverages accounted for 21, 14 and 18 % of daily energy intake for children aged 1·5–18 and 4–18 years, and adults (19–64 years), respectively. Since the 1990s, the most important shifts have been a reduction in consumption of high-fat dairy products and an increased consumption of fruit juices and reduced-fat milk among preschoolers, children and adolescents. Among adults, consumption of high-fat milk beverages, sweetened tea and coffee and other energy-containing drinks fell, but reduced-fat milk, alcohol (particularly beer) and fruit juice rose. In testing taxation as an option for shifting beverage purchase patterns, we calculate that a 10 % increase in the price of SSB could potentially result in a decrease of 7·5 ml/capita per d. A similar 10 % tax on high-fat milk is associated with a reduction of high-fat milk purchases by 5 ml/capita per d and increased reduced-fat milk purchase by 7 ml/capita per d. This analysis implies that taxation or other methods of shifting relative costs of these beverages could be a way to improve beverage choices in Great Britain.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Wage-price policy – Great Britain"
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Steward, Thomas William. "Governance for affordable energy : what is the impact of demand-side governance on affordability of energy for domestic consumers in Great Britain?" Thesis, University of Exeter, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/29915.
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Affordability of energy in the domestic sector is the product of three interrelated factors - level of household income, level of energy bills (which are a product of prices and levels of energy demand, mediated by tariffs and the retail market), and the amount of energy that a household needs to maintain a healthy living environment. This thesis focusses on the factors of affordability which are most relevant to the energy policy which are energy bills and energy efficiency, both of which are considered in the context of household income. Affordability of energy in Great Britain is important for separate, but over-lapping reasons. Firstly, it has important political impacts - as energy prices continue to rise, energy is repeatedly highlighted as one of the biggest financial concerns for households (uSwitch, 2013; YouGov, 2015; DECC, 2014f), leading affordability of energy to become an increasingly political issue (Lockwood, 2016). Secondly, affordability of energy has social implications which stem from the fact that the impact of rising energy bills is felt particularly strongly by those on low incomes and in inefficient homes – the fuel poor. In spite of it being twenty-five years since Brenda Boardman published her first book defining the issue of fuel poverty (Boardman, 1991), millions of households in Great Britain today still cannot afford adequate amounts of energy. This is significant because being able to afford access to basic levels of energy services such as warmth and light is essential for maintaining physical and mental health (Harrington et al., 2005; Stockton and Campbell, 2011). Thirdly, affordability has important implications for design of the energy system –a system focussed on minimising long-term costs, both through micro-scale features such as efficient network revenue regulation which keep costs down on a year-by-year basis, and macro-scale aspects such as through the development of a low-demand, highly flexible energy system which has the potential to bring costs down in the long term (Sanders et al., 2016), is likely to differ from one which in which affordability is less of a focus, or only a focus over the short term. This thesis responds to a gap in the literature in relation to the role that governance plays in affecting levels of affordability of energy for domestic consumers in Great Britain. It examines the impact of governance on energy prices and tariffs, and the impact of governance on energy efficiency of the housing stock in Great Britain. Both of these are examined in the context of levels of household income. Greater insight is gained by examining the impact of the energy governance structure in Denmark on Danish domestic energy efficiency standards, which are widely accepted to be very good (IEA, 2011). 7 This thesis makes use of existing academic and policy literature in tandem with data from fifty-six interviews with individuals from across the energy sectors in Great Britain and Denmark. The governance structure of energy in Great Britain is shown to be, on balance, not supportive of delivering affordable energy to domestic consumers. A number of specific issues within the current governance structure in Great Britain are identified. These include the presence of a limiting narrative, whereby policymakers consider affordability to be achieved principally through delivery of low prices; insufficient institutional capacity within OFGEM to keep network prices low, and monitor suppliers’ costs and profits; lack of wholesale market transparency; an anti-interventionist ideology leading to weak energy efficiency requirements for new-build and private rental properties; suppliers as poor executors of energy efficiency policy; weak demand-side interests; tariffs designed around the needs of suppliers, not consumers; an over-reliance on an uncompetitive retail market; a lack of institutional capacity amongst policy makers regarding energy efficiency, and network regulation; and weak consumer representation. A number of recommendations are put forward, including the fostering of a new narrative centred on energy efficiency; the redesign of tariffs to better protect the interests of consumers; the reallocation of responsibility for energy efficiency to local authorities; the development of greater institutional capacity among policymakers; the support for a more interventionist ideology supporting use of regulation; financial support for energy efficiency retrofit; the fostering of greater policy stability; development of new tariff structures; and the formation of a new consumer representative. Overall this thesis demonstrates that affordability of energy in unlikely to be delivered to domestic consumers in Great Britain unless significant changes are made to the governance structure of the energy sector.
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RASMUSSEN, Erling Juul. "25 years of labour government and incomes policy : a historical and comparative analysis of labour governments and incomes policy in Great Britain, Denmark and Australia in the period 1960-1984." Doctoral thesis, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5359.
Full textBooks on the topic "Wage-price policy – Great Britain"
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Minimum wage policy in Great Britain and the United States. New York: Algora Pub., 2008.
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Farming for farmers?: A critique of agricultural support policy. London: Institute of Economic Affairs, 1985.
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The price of war: British policy on German reparations, 1941-1949. New York, NY: Blackwell, 1986.
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Alec, Cairncross. The price of war: British policy on German reparations 1941-1949. Oxford: Blackwell, 1986.
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Lamborn, Alan C. The price of power: Risk and foreign policy in Britain, France and Germany. London: Unwin Hyman, 1991.
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Lamborn, Alan C. The price of power: Risk and foreign policy in Britain, France, and Germany. Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1991.
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Employment in the lean years: Policy and prospects for the next decade. Oxford: New York, 2011.
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Slavery in a land of liberty: English civil liberty and wage slavery in Britain. London: Othila, 2000.
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McLachlan, Gordon. What price quality?: The NHS in review. London: Nuffield Provincial Hospitals Trust, 1990.
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Brown, William. Incomes policy in Britain: Lessons from experience. Cambridge: Dept. of Applied Economics, University of Cambridge, 1993.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Wage-price policy – Great Britain"
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Feinstein, Charles H. "Wage-earnings in Great Britain during the Industrial Revolution." In Applied Economics and Public Policy, 181–208. Cambridge University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511559785.009.
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Stedman Jones, Daniel. "Economic Strategy." In Masters of the Universe. Princeton University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691161013.003.0007.
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This chapter considers how economic crises led to the breakthrough of transatlantic neoliberal politics in the 1970s. As Great Britain and the United States experienced stagflation—the combination of high unemployment, high inflation, and low or no growth—political leaders and policymakers cast around for serious alternative economic policies to Keynesian demand management. The end of the Bretton Woods international monetary system, two oil price shocks in 1973 and 1979, the Vietnam War, the Watergate break-in at the Democratic Party headquarters in Washington, D.C., Great Britain's International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan of 1976, the virtual collapse of British industrial relations, and the failure of the prices and income policies that were supposed to fight inflation in both countries all created a policy vacuum into which neoliberal ideas flowed.
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Morrison, James Ashley. "Genesis and Exodus." In England's Cross of Gold, 3–17. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501758423.003.0001.
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This chapter provides an overview of the tragedy of England's return to gold. In the spring of 1925, Winston Churchill settled upon a plan to make Britain great again: he would restore the gold standard. This was Churchill's first significant policy initiative since becoming the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the new Conservative government. However, in the wake of the First World War, Parliament extended the UK's wartime capital controls. This created an opportunity for the revered economist John Maynard Keynes to wage an aggressive, highly visible campaign against this very course of action. The book argues that the UK's particular path back onto gold in the 1920s followed directly, although not inevitably, from a combination of three things: a zealous and widespread faith in “orthodox” political economy; the reality that such beliefs were less an “orthodoxy” than a mythology; and the theocracy to which this gave rise.
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French, David. "Managing the New World Order, 1926–30." In Deterrence, Coercion, and Appeasement, 167–226. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192863355.003.0005.
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The benign international order that the British had helped to create by 1926 required careful management in the second half of the 1920s. Contrary to popular misconceptions Britain did not disarm after 1918. It did demobilize its wartime armed forces, but throughout the 1920s it maintained sufficient air, sea, and land power to give its diplomacy the credibility it needed. Consequently, policy-makers were confident that they could negotiate from strength and achieved most of what they wanted in those regions of the world, Western Europe, the Mediterranean and Middle East, the Indian sub-continent and its environs, and the western Pacific, which most mattered to them. They did this with Mussolini over the Red Sea littoral, and with the French over the future of Germany. They could wage a cold war against the Soviet Union, they could begin building a formidable fortress at Singapore to deter the Japanese, and they could project sufficient power along the coast of China to protect what they regarded as their vital interests. At the Coolidge Naval Conference they were strong enough to resist American pressure to hamstring their naval power, and at the London Naval Conference in 1930 they were clever enough to repeat what they had done at Washington in 1921–2, and make an international naval arms limitation agreement work for, rather than against, their security. By the end of the 1920s Britain was the most powerful of the great powers.
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Tsoukis, Christopher. "New Keynesians and Inflation." In Theory of Macroeconomic Policy, 101–60. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198825371.003.0003.
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This chapter reviews the basic tenets of the New Keynesians (NK); i.e. the school of thought that sought to preserve the insights of Keynes on the desirability of activist stabilization policy, but taking on board the methodological and other advances of the New Classicals. As markets do not clear due to price stickiness, the latter is thoroughly reviewed: causes, including ‘menu costs’, empirical evidence, and implications for price level dynamics are outlined. Other models of wage rigidity as well as new directions of NK theory are also reviewed. Furthermore, the chapter reviews inflation: its costs, causes, and recent ‘great moderation’. It concludes with a critical analysis of the NK model of inflation, and with a review of how this model of inflation can be incorporated into a baseline ‘three-equation New Keynesian model’.
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Willetts, David. "Robbins and After." In A University Education. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198767268.003.0007.
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The early 1960s saw the biggest transformation of English higher education of the past hundred years. It is only matched by the break-up of the Oxbridge monopoly and the early Victorian reforms. It will be forever associated with the name of Lionel Robbins, whose great report came out in November 1963: he is for universities what Beveridge is for social security. His report exuded such authority and was associated with such a surge in the number of universities and of students that Robbins has given his name to key decisions which had already been taken even before he put pen to paper. In the 1950s Britain’s twenty-five universities received their funding from fees, endowments (invested in Government bonds which had largely lost their value because of inflation since the First World War), and ‘deficit funding’ from the University Grants Committee, which was a polite name for subsidies covering their losses. The UGC had been established in 1919 and was the responsibility not of the Education Department but the Treasury, which was proud to fund these great national institutions directly. Like museums and art galleries, higher education was rarefied cultural preservation for a small elite. Public spending on higher education was less than the subsidy for the price of eggs. By 1962 there were 118,000 full-time university students together with 55,000 in teacher training and 43,000 in further education colleges. This total of 216,000 full-time higher education students broadly matches the number of academics now. Young men did not go off to university—they were conscripted into the army. The annual university intake of around 50,000 young people a year was substantially less than the 150,000 a year doing National Service. The last conscript left the army in the year Robbins was published. Reversing the balance between those two very different routes to adulthood was to change Britain. It is one of the many profound differences between the baby boomers and the generation that came before them. Just over half of students were ‘county scholars’ receiving scholarships for fees and living costs from their own local authority on terms decided by each council.