Journal articles on the topic 'Votive inscriptions'
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1
Nenci, Nicola. "THE VOTIVE OF AIGLATAS, SPARTAN RUNNER. OLD EVIDENCE, NEW KNOWLEDGE." Annual of the British School at Athens 113 (May 21, 2018): 251–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245418000023.
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Much of what we know about ancient Sparta is based upon inscriptions. Extant inscribed objects are often left idle in storerooms, treated summarily, with modern scholars reliant upon dated epigraphical publications which focus mainly only on the texts of the inscriptions. However, the study of objects bearing inscribed texts together with their inscriptions can yield information that challenges what we suppose we know about ancient Sparta.This article analyses a Late Archaic inscribed stele from Sparta, bearing a dedication to Karneios by Aiglatas for his athletic victories. The stele has been used as evidence for two scholarly claims: that athletic competitions were performed at the Karneia festival, and that Apollo Karneios was represented with ram's horns.Adopting a holistic approach and a comparative methodology, the present study shows that these two modern claims are without foundation. By means of autopsy and comparative analysis, this work proposes a new reading of the inscription and a novel interpretation of Aiglatas’ dedication in its cultural context. In addition, this study does not confirm the existence of gymnastic contests at the Karneia, as claimed by earlier scholars; it argues instead that a torch race may have taken place before sacrifices at the festival. Finally, it is argued that there is no evidence that Apollo Karneios was represented with the ram's horns, which opens up new possibilities for understanding the deity and his religious value within Spartan society.
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Güney, Hale. "The sanctuary of Zeus Sarnendenos and the cult of Zeus in northeastern Phrygia." Anatolian Studies 69 (2019): 155–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154619000097.
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AbstractThis article presents the discovery of two fragmentary inscriptions which demonstrate the existence of an unknown naos of Zeus Sarnendenos in the northern part of the Choria Considiana, an extensive imperial estate in northeastern Phrygia. It also presents a votive offering to Zeus Sarnendenos and five new votive inscriptions to Zeus Akreinenos found in the village of Kozlu near İkizafer (ancient Akreina?), which was apparently part of another estate, belonging to the Roman senatorial family of the Plancii, situated to the east of the Choria Considiana. These inscriptions were found during the course of an epigraphic survey carried out in 2015 in Mihalıççık, a region located 90km to the northeast of Eskişehir in modern Turkey. The article consists of three main parts. It begins with an introduction to the historical and geographical backgrounds of the survey area; this is followed by a catalogue of inscriptions and, finally, an analysis of the sanctuary of Zeus Sarnendenos and the new votive offerings to Zeus Akreinenos, with reference to other evidence for the cult of Zeus in Phrygia and neighbouring regions. The inscriptions discovered in this area provide new information about the location and dispersal of the cult of Zeus in northeastern Phrygia.
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Amann, Petra. "Women and Votive Inscriptions in Etruscan Epigraphy." Etruscan Studies 22, no. 1-2 (November 5, 2019): 39–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/etst-2019-0003.
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Abstract This paper aims at giving an overview of the quantitative and qualitative dimension of the female element in the field of Etruscan votive inscriptions. It offers a systematic discussion of dedications set by Etruscan women and attested by inscriptions from the Archaic to the Hellenistic period. The study does not focus primarily on religious aspects, but by taking into account the underlying social context it tries to cast some additional light on the role of women in Etruscan society.
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Mitchell, Stephen. "Inscriptions from Melli (Kocaaliler) in Pisidia." Anatolian Studies 53 (December 2003): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3643092.
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AbstractThis article presents several new inscriptions discovered during the survey of the Pisidian city at Melli directed by Dr Lutgarde Vandeput, and revisions to already published texts. These include several imperial statue bases from the city agora, four texts honouring city patrons, who include a provincial governor and a senior Roman equestrian official from the nearby Pisidian city of Selge, dedications and epitaphs. The most significant discovery is the first identified Greek copy of a votive text to ‘the gods and goddesses’, set up according to the interpretation of a Clarian oracle, which was already known from nine Latin versions. The inscription is associated with a cult room in a domestic building, and may be connected with the worship of theos hypsistos.
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Dvurechenskaya, Nigora D. "Ritual Inscriptions from Uzundara." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2021): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016949-0.
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The paper presents three Greek votive graffiti from the excavations of citadel of Fortress Uzundara (Uzbekistan) and describes their archaeological context. This fortress is located on the North-West Border of Ancient Bactria, and represents the crucial point in the tens–kilometers long borderline fortification system in this area. It is built at altitude of 1700 meters above the sea level. The fortress stands on the narrow (220 meters) neck between the precipitous walls of the natural boundary Kara-Kamar and the canyon Uzundara, and locks the pass for the equestrian troops intent to bypass the borderline wall of Darband in 7 kilometers northward. It consists of the principal rhomboid castle, a detached and adjacent triangular citadel, same sections of the external walls, and of three external towers. The main goal of this fortress was the warning of the sudden attack of nomads from the Karshin steppes. A military garrison was stationed in the Uzundara fortress – a Seleucid frurion in the first quarter of the 3rd century BC. Apparently at this time it consisted of Macedonians and Greeks. This is clearly evidenced by archaeological materials, including epigraphic ones. We analyze three artefacts voted to Demeter of the Mountains and the Borderline, Zeus–Mitra, and Zoroastrian Deity Srosh. The most complete inscription – votive to Demeter – persists on the three fragments of tagora (luterium) which could be used for the ritual ablution. They were founded in different years and in different places around the ovoid cellar on the rocky complex of the citadel Uzundara.
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Fadeyeva, Liudmila V. "VOTIVE PAINTING AS A NARRATIVE ABOUT A MIRACLE." Folklore: structure, typology, semiotics 5, no. 1 (2022): 104–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-5294-2022-5-1-104-125.
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The article deals with votive paintings of the Alpine region. These attractive works of folk art (and the religious culture of the Catholic South of Europe as well) are observed from the point of view of their functional aims as testimonies of a miracle that happened in human life. Votive paintings are interesting first of all as visualized stories, therefore it’s worthy of representing the perspective of the comparison between their narrative strategies and the narrative strategy of folklore legends. The author notes that the inclusion of a special inscription in the first person is optional for the picture. Moreover, Italian masters often use only formal inscriptions; they try to translate their customer’s stories into a drawing completely. However, the examination of some examples which show a parallel transmission of the event via words and images demonstrates remarkable differences in narrative strategies. It is significant that the visualization of a miracle as a divine intervention into the circumstances of a person’s life is mostly a result of the traditional iconography scheme followed by the painter; while the words of the person participating in the event are primarily focused on the reality and tiny details of what happened.
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Depew, Mary. "Reading Greek Prayers." Classical Antiquity 16, no. 2 (October 1, 1997): 229–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011064.
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Greek prayers are requests. As such they are speech acts marked off from everyday language by performance conditions on which their effectiveness depends. Inscribed Greek prayers, left in sanctuaries, provide information about these conditions. But inscribed prayers are more than memorials of an original act of praying. When read out loud, they were meant to re-enact and re-perform the prayer to which they refer. Inscriptional and other evidence suggests that eventually inscribed prayers were even meant to be read by the gods to whom they were addressed, who were judged likely to be present in the places where these inscriptions were erected or placed. Votive reliefs are an additional source of information about Greek prayer. They provide visual evidence about the sending of prayers and about their reception by the gods, who are portrayed as attending to the speaker and in that very act, answering his or her prayer. Votive reliefs, that is, are typically representations of successful interchanges with a god, and, as such, are fitting gifts to gods for prayers answered. Like inscribed prayers, subsequent acts of viewing votive reliefs stimulate re-performance of the act of gratitude to which they refer. The gift is on such occasions re-given. A votive relief from the late fourth century B.C.E., now in the Louvre (755), provides visual evidence of these interpretations. In this relief, Hygieia is represented as resting her right hand on a disc or plaque that lies on top of a pillar. I argue that this object is a representation of a votive disc, and that Hygieia's pose signifies acknowledgment of such a gift-offering.
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Milner, N. P., and Martin F. Smith. "New Votive Reliefs from Oinoanda." Anatolian Studies 44 (December 1994): 65–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642983.
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The votive reliefs presented here are previously unpublished. No. 3 was discovered by M. F. Smith in 1981, when he was participating in the epigraphical and topographical survey of Oinoanda conducted by the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara (B.I.A.A.) under the direction of the late Alan S. Hall. The fountain (if that is what it was) bearing four reliefs and inscriptions (no. 4) was also discovered by Smith, who recorded it in 1968 and 1972. The other reliefs (nos. 1 and 2) were seen almost a hundred years ago, in June 1895, by Rudolf Heberdey, whose notes, with a sketch of no. 2, are preserved in his SkizzenbuchLykien III/1895(referred to hereinafter as Heb.) in the archives of the Kleinasiatische Kommission of the Austrian Academy in Vienna. Inaccuracies and omissions in his records suggest that he did not view the reliefs in the most favourable of lights. The two were rediscovered and photographed by Smith in 1968 and re-examined and rephotographed by him in 1972 and 1981.
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Baitinger, Holger. "Votive gifts from Sicily and southern Italy in Olympia and other Greek sanctuaries." Archaeological Reports 62 (November 2016): 111–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0570608416000107.
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Votive gifts from Sicily and southern Italy are most prominent among the objects discovered in Greek sanctuaries, especially Olympia, the most significant location for such material in Greece. Foreign objects from the west were an early focus of archaeologists working on Olympia (for example Karo 1937; Kunze 1951; Kilian 1977a; 1977b; von Hase 1979; 1997; Herrmann 1983; Moustaka 1985; Kyrieleis 1986; Söldner 1994; Strøm 2000; Naso 2000a; 2000b; 2006; 2011; 2012; Baitinger 2013; Aurigny 2016), in particular spectacular pieces with inscriptions, such as two bronze helmets of the central Italian Negau type (Fig. 84) (Egg 1986: 51–61, 198–99, nos 185–86, pls 108, 109a). The inscription confirms the dedication by Hiero I, the tyrant of Syracuse, following his victory over the Etruscans at the naval Battle of Cumae in 474 BC. As we know from Pindar's victory odes and from monuments dedicated at Olympia, the powerful tyrants of Sicily maintained strong links to the sanctuary (for example Philipp 1992; 1994; Giangiulio 1993; Di Vita 2005; Dreher 2013).
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Honzl, Jiří. "‘Deo Magno Mercurio Adoravit…’ – The Latin Language and Its Use in Sacred Spaces and Contexts in Roman Egypt." Annals of the Náprstek Museum 42, no. 2 (2021): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/anpm.2021.006.
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The use of Latin in the multilingual society of Roman Egypt was never more than marginal. Yet, as a language of the ruling power, the Roman Empire, Latin enjoyed to some extent a privileged status. It was generally more widely applied in the army, as well as on some official occasions, and in the field of law. Less expectably, various Latin inscriptions on stone had religious contents or were found in sacred spaces and contexts. Such texts included honorary and votive inscriptions, visitors’ graffiti, and funerary inscriptions. All three groups are surveyed and evaluated focusing especially on their actual relation to the religious sphere and social background, noting both continuity and changes of existing practices and traditions. Such analysis of the inscriptions allows to draw conclusions not only regarding the use of Latin in religious matters in Egypt but also reveal some aspects of the use of Latin in Egypt in general and the role of Roman culture in the Egyptian society.
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Gaifman, Milette. "Visualized rituals and dedicatory inscriptions on votive offerings to the nymphs." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 1 (November 2008): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-01-07.
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This article explores the religious meaning of Archaic and Classical dedications with images of rituals (e.g. sacrificial procession, libation) and dedicatory inscriptions. I argue that these objects ought to be treated as meaningful expressions of individuals’ piety rather than as reflections of actual cult practices. I adopt a holistic approach that considers the two components of dedications—images and texts—as inextricably intertwined in the creation of meaning. The argument is exemplified through the examination of dedications to the Nymphs: the so-called Pitsá tablet, Archandros’ relief from the Athenian Asklepieion, and two reliefs from a cave at Penteli. The detailed analysis of images, inscriptions, and their juxtaposition reveals how these dedications made the devotion of named individuals perpetual at a specific site, and shaped the manner in which the sacred was to be envisioned. Art and text together marked the site of deposition as a place of worship of the Nymphs, articulated specific ideas regarding rituals, the nature of the goddesses and their companions Pan and Hermes, and the possibilities for human interaction with these divinities. In rendering individual devotion continuous, these dedications confirmed the inexistence of such visualized rituals in reality. They elided and asserted the divide between the real and the imaginary in Greek religion.
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Pakkanen, Jari. "A tale of three drums: an unfinished Archaic votive column in the Sanctuary of Poseidon at Kalaureia." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 2 (November 2009): 167–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-02-08.
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Three unfinished column drums discovered at the Kalaureia Research Program excavations in 2007–2009 can be shown to have been intended for a monumental Archaic Ionic votive column. All drums have systematic masons’ marks on the contact surfaces. The latter parts of the inscriptions indicate the position of the drum in the shaft. Two alternative readings for the first part of the inscription are suggested: the first interprets it as a building instruction and the second as a price indication. The start of the building project took place very likely in the second half of the sixth century BC, and the deposit date of the fill surrounding the blocks indicates that the unfinished project was abandoned in the late sixth century BC. Reconstruction of the column shaft from the known drum dimensions demonstrates that the finished shaft would have been constructed with a slight entasis.
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Gordon, Richard, and Joyce Reynolds. "Roman Inscriptions 1995–2000." Journal of Roman Studies 93 (November 2003): 212–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3184644.
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The intention of this survey, as of its predecessors, is to assess the contribution to Roman studies of recent progress in epigraphy. Its aim is to draw attention to the more important newly-published inscriptions, to known or familiar texts whose significance has been reinterpreted, to the progress of publishing projects, and to a selection of recent work based upon epigraphic sources. It is mainly, but not exclusively, concerned with the implications of new work for Roman history and for that reason does not consider a number of otherwise interesting Hellenistic texts. It hardly needs to be said that there has been no publication remotely as significant as theSC de Cn. Pisone patre, which was reported in the previous survey, and to which we devote some further space here. But there are plenty of new or revised texts of sufficient interest: an honorific decree from Pergamon for a member of the city élite who clearly played a key part in the negotiations with the Romans at the time of the war with Aristonicus; the uncle of Cicero initiated into the Samothracian mysteries in 100B.C.; Octavian honoured at Klaros on account of his ‘quasi-divine exploits’; theTessera Paemeiobrigensisoraes Bergidense, which appears to be an edict by Augustus of 15 B.C. alluding to a hitherto unknown Spanish province of this period — ‘Transduria(na)’; a startling re-interpretation of the significance of the ‘Tiberiéum’ inscription set up by Pontius Pilate at Caesarea Maritima; the splendid replacement for Henzen'sActa Arvalium; the foundation inscription of Sarmizegetusa; one of the very earliest references to waterwheels, calledhydromēchanai(a word unknown to LSJ), in a long-known second-century A.D. text from Macedonia, where they were evidently employed on a large scale to produce income for the city; the transport by ‘barbarians’ of a Roman votive inscription, besides more obviously valuable booty, more than 200 km from the Roman frontier into what is now the Ukraine; and a re-reading suggesting that the well-known ‘milestone’ from Phoenicia honouring Julian astemplorum restauratorwas indeed, as Bowersock argued, erected immediately before the Persian expedition.
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Lurje, Pavel B. "Some New Readings of Chorasmian Inscriptions on Silver Vessels and Their Relevance to the Chorasmian Era." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 24, no. 1-2 (November 5, 2018): 279–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341333.
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AbstractThe article represents an attempt to read and analyze five of eleven inscriptions in Old Chorasmian language written in cursive Chorasmian script. These inscriptions are incised on silver vessels which were mostly found in the Kama region of the district of Perm in Russia.The article is divided into sections. Its first section presents a list of the material discussed and the status quaestionis of the article, introduces the variations of the Chorasmian script throughout time. The second section is devoted to the analysis of the words which are recurrent in the inscriptions and to the definition of the formularies used in the inscriptions under scrutiny. The third section provides tentative reading of inscriptions on five vessels kept in the Hermitage museum. It is here assumed that some of the Chorasmian inscriptions indicate that the vessels were votive offerings to Nanaia and probably to other deities.The fourth and last section of the paper focuses on the indications of weight attested on silver vessels and on the related chronology. It is shown that the value of the unit of weight (ZWZN /stēr/) on most of the vessels (c. 3,6-3,7 grams) corresponds to the silver standard weight used in the coinage of the Chorasmian king Shaushfarn and his less prominent predecessor Shyat. Consequently, it is assumed that the Chorasmian silver vessels were labeled and probably produced during Shaushfarn’s reign about the mid-8th century AD. Since four inscriptions with indication of weight are dated according to the Chorasmian Era (years from 700 to 723(?) of this era), this observation supports the author’s opinion that this indigenous era started towards the mid-1st century AD.
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Dopico Caínzos, María Dolores. "La utilización de la Epigrafia en la construcción del discurso nacionalista galego la Historia de Galicia de Murguía." Portugalia : Revista de Arqueologia do Departamento de Ciências e Técnicas do Património da Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto 42 (2021): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/09714290/port42a6.
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The History of Galicia by Manuel Murguía laid the foundations of a Galician nationalism based on a differential fact, Celtism, which had remained unchanged from its origins to his own time. To support his theory, Murguía tried to show that no conquest, not even the Roman one, had suppressed the Celtic customs. The epigraphic sources, with the votive inscriptions that mentioned “Celtic” divinities, became a useful resource to show that survival, as well as the independence and spirit of rebellion of the Galician people.
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Sinner, Alejandro G., and Joan Ferrer i Jané. "Rock Sanctuaries, Sacred Landscapes, and the Making of the Iberian Pantheon." Religions 13, no. 8 (August 9, 2022): 722. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13080722.
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Sanctuaries are common spaces of interaction between humankind and the gods. In many religious systems, mountains and other elevated topographical features are known to have formed part of these privileged spaces of communication. It is not surprising that open-air and, in many cases, rock sanctuaries are the cultic spaces par excellence among the pre-Roman peoples of the Iberian Peninsula. In this article, we offer a more nuanced picture of these architectonically humble but culturally rich sacred spaces by studying the Palaeohispanic inscriptions recorded in rock sanctuaries located in the territories of the Iberian peoples (fourth–first centuries BCE). Special attention will be paid to the corpus of inscriptions in Cerdanya (Pyrénées-Orientales and Catalonia), where more than 150 texts have so far been identified. After a brief introduction contextualizing the Rock Sanctuaries, the Iberian language, and the epigraphic habit of its speakers, the first section of our article analyses the characteristics that enable us to interpret most of these inscriptions as religious and votive formulations. The second half of the paper discusses what these inscriptions can reveal about the Iberian pantheon and how these rock sanctuaries formed a consolidated religious landscape that was to survive the Roman conquest. The reinterpretation of the Celtiberian sanctuary of Peñalba de Villastar will be fundamental to put forward the hypothesis that, while Iberian and Celtiberian places of worship and pantheons had points of contact, they were mostly dissociated from each other prior to the Roman arrival.
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Jo Smith, Tyler, and N. P. Milner. "Votive Reliefs from Balboura and its Environs with an Epigraphical Appendix." Anatolian Studies 47 (December 1997): 3–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642898.
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Seventy-five votive reliefs have been identified from the survey of the Balboura city site and the west part of its territory. Several reliefs include inscriptions, yielding crucial information about their date and function in Greco-Roman northern Lycia; these are studied by N. P. Milner in the epigraphical appendix. This paper presents a catalogue of the reliefs, an analysis of the iconographic types and distribution outside the survey area, and an examination of their location and function. Prior to extensive survey of the Balboura area many of the reliefs were undiscovered and unpublished. This treatment of the votive reliefs aims to increase our knowledge of religious life and art at Balboura—first during its period of hellenisation (from c. 200 B.C.), and later as a small urban centre of the eastern Roman Empire. The majority of reliefs are rock-cut and remain in situ; the others are carved on slabs. The general condition of the reliefs is poor. Many are badly weathered, as well as being of a generally low artistic standard.
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Palermo, Rocco. "Francesca Giovagnorio. Dediche votive private attiche del IV sec. a. C. Il culto di Atena e delle divinità mediche." Journal of Greek Archaeology 3 (January 1, 2018): 467–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/jga.v3i.547.
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In this relatively short essay, the author discusses the historical and religious background of the 4th c. BC Attic dedicatory offerings, their archaeological and artistic contexts, and their inscriptions. In particular she addresses the cult of Athena according to the epithets attested for the Goddess in that period (= Athena Ergane, i.e.) and the health deities, among whom are Asklepios and Amynos.
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De Togni, Stefano. "The So-called “Mithraic Cave” of Angera." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 58, no. 1-4 (December 2018): 143–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2018.58.1-4.9.
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Summary The existence of a mithraeum at Angera (VA, Italy) was assumed for the first time in the 19th century, after the discovery of two Mithraic inscriptions re-used as ornaments of a private garden in the middle of the small town. The location of the alleged mithraeum is still uncertain: the inscriptions have been found out of context, and the place of worship has never been localized. The “Antro mitraico” (Mithraic Cave), also known as “Tana del Lupo”, is a natural cave situated at the base of the East wall of the cliff on which the Rocca Borromeo (the Castle of Angera) stands. At the cave the most visible archaeological evidences are tens of breaches cut into the outside rocky wall, which probably contained votive inscriptions or stele. These elements denote the use of the cave as a place of worship. In 1868 Biondelli identified in the cave the location of a Mithraic cult, giving rise to a theory that continues still today. If, on the one hand, the proposal appeared plausible, there is no clear evidence that in the cave a mithraeum was ever set up; besides, the presence of many an ex voto is in conflict with the mysteric ritual practices. This paper is intended to present an analytical study of the monument, with a broader inquiry on the characteristics of mithraea and other sanctuaries within natural caves.
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Keesling, Catherine M. "Misunderstood Gestures: Iconatrophy and the Reception of Greek Sculpture in the Roman Imperial Period." Classical Antiquity 24, no. 1 (April 1, 2005): 41–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2005.24.1.41.
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Abstract Anthropologists have defined iconatrophy as a process by which oral traditions originate as explanations for objects that, through the passage of time, have ceased to make sense to their viewers. One form of iconatrophy involves the misinterpretation of statues' identities, iconography, or locations. Stories that ultimately derive from such misunderstandings of statues are Monument-Novellen, a term coined by Herodotean studies. Applying the concept of iconatrophy to Greek sculpture of the Archaic and Classical periods yields three possible examples in which statues standing in Greek sanctuaries may have inspired stories cited by authors of the Roman imperial period as explanations for the statues' identities, attributes, poses, or locations. The statues in question are the portrait of the athletic victor Milo of Croton at Olympia, a bronze lioness on the Athenian Acropolis identified as a memorial to the Athenian prostitute Leaina (““lioness””), and the Athena Hygieia near the Propylaia of Mnesikles. Inscriptions on the bases of Archaic and Classical statues in Greek sanctuaries typically named the dedicator, the recipient deity, and the sculptor, but did not include the subject represented or the historical occasion behind the dedication. These ““gaps”” left by votive inscriptions would only have encouraged the formation of iconatrophic oral traditions such as the examples examined in this article.
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سلیمان, وائل سید. "Provinces inscriptions of Ancient Egyptian Votive Cubits نقوش الأقالیم على الذراع (وحدة قیاس الأطوال) النذرى المصرى القدیم." حولیة الاتحاد العام للآثاریین العرب "دراسات فى آثار الوطن العربى" 22, no. 22 (July 1, 2020): 64–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/cguaa.2020.22672.1009.
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Coulton, J. J. "Pedestals as ‘altars’ in Roman Asia Minor." Anatolian Studies 55 (December 2005): 127–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600000697.
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AbstractThe Greek word bomos usually means ‘altar’, but in inscriptions of the Roman period it sometimes refers to statue bases and other forms of support, where the meaning ‘altar’ is not appropriate. Many scholars believe that in addition to its normal meaning of cult or votive altar and (by extension) funerary altar, bomos could also mean a pedestal, socle or platform in general. This paper examines the use of the term bomos in Roman Asia Minor for statue bases, for pedestals for sarcophagi, ash chests and columns, and for other structures which are not altars, concentrating particularly on their shapes. It concludes that in all these cases the element called bomos had the shape of a normal type of altar, and that in many cases (but not all) it also carried some of the symbolic value of an altar.
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Rusiaieva, A. S., A. G. Kuzmishchev, and J. Fornasier. "GRAFFITI FROM THE WESTERN OUTSKIRTS OF OLBIA PONTICA." Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine 40, no. 3 (November 3, 2021): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2021.03.04.
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This paper is preliminary review of a small collection of graffiti from the latest excavations on the western outskirts of Olbia Pontica (the so-called «suburbs») in 2015—2020, and their introduction into scientific circulation.
The excavations were conducted by the Olbia International Archaeological Expedition led by A. V. Bujskikh as the part of Ukrainian-German multidisciplinary project (co-directors A. V. Bujskikh and J. Fornasier). The researches on the suburbs were headed by A. G. Kuzmischev and J. Fornasier. Over six years of research in various cultural strata and in the fillings of half-dugouts, pits and other objects more than 50 graffiti have been found, inscribed mainly on the fragments of Attic black-lacquered tableware of the 5th—4th centuries BC. Emphasis is placed on determining the main types of inscriptions and their features. Regardless of the year and location of discovery they are divided into five groups: A. Abbreviated anthroponyms or individual words; B. Initials of proper names or one-letter marks; C. Graffiti on treated ostracons; D. Various digital signs and records; E. Graffiti of unclear meaning. The collection under study significantly supplemented the source base of the small epigraphy of the Olbia polis. However, no original, rare and to some extent important informative inscriptions which were recorded in temenos, residential neighborhoods, in some settlements and in Borisfen have been found yet here. In addition the damage of many graffiti makes impossible to interpret them reliably. In no one case we could identify reliably the inscriptions dedicated to any deities. Instead, the large number of abbreviated names and initials of the owners of dishes coincides with a significant import of Attic black-lacquered ceramics in the life of the inhabitants of the suburbs in the 5th—4th centuries BC. Despite the relatively limited number, processed ostracons have replenished this category of Olbia votive finds by the original graffiti of magical significance. At the same time, the fact that in general in the suburbs is a lot of graffiti with digital markings which are most often attributed to traders, deserves special attention. Of course, in the future, all the graffiti from the suburbs need a more detailed visual study both as the fragments of ceramics and their exact professional sketches, and comparative analysis of this type of inscriptions from many ancient Greek sites.
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Rosell, Pablo M. "Apelaciones, deseos y mensajes para la eternidad. El llamado a los vivos en las estelas abideanas del Reino Medio." Trabajos de Egiptología. Papers on Ancient Egypt, no. 11 (2020): 297–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.tde.2020.11.18.
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The appeal to the living refers to some inscriptions left by the deceased on their graves and funerary monuments allowing any visitor to read and recite them in order to perpetuate their name, their memory and guarantee the symbolic provision of offerings. The appeal to the living has been known since the end of the Old Kingdom and can be found throughout the Pharaonic history. In this paper, we will analyse the appeals to the living found in a large number of votive stelae from Abydos. These stelae were set up in Abydos as part of the feasts of the Osiris Mysteries. Based on their analysis, this paper attempts to reveal some questions about these appeals to the living such as: Who was the addressee? What were their intentions? What kind of demands did they use to request? What kind of reward would be offered to the visitors who recite their claims? And how these appeals are registered within the context of the annual pilgrimages for the celebrations of the Osiris Mysteries in Abydos?
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Tokhtas'ev, Sergei. "The Bosporus and Sindike in the Era of Leukon I. New Epigraphic Publications." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 12, no. 1-2 (2006): 1–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005706777968915.
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AbstractI. The author returns to the analysis (see Hyperboreus. 1998, 4/2, 286-301; cf. SEG, XLVIII, 1027) of an epigram of the Bosporan tyrant Leukon I from the Semibratnee site (Labrys) on the occasion of Yu. G. Vinogradov's posthumous publication (VDI, 2002, No 3). Although Vinogradov accepted the most important of the author's readings, some of the interpretations suggested by him were erroneous, as the author strives to prove (see also A. J. Graham's observations). The inscription is analyzed from the point of view of its language and style. As a historical source, the epigram is discussed in the second part of the article together with a new inscription from Nymphaion.II. As early as the end of the 5th c. BC (or even earlier) Bosporan tyrant Satyros I made Sindike Bosporus' vassal (Polyaen. VIII. 55). The Labrys epigram tells us about Leukon I, «archon of the Bosporus and Theodosia» helping Hekataios, king of the Sindoi, dethroned by his own son, obviously in order to take possession of Sindike de jure. A new votive inscription from Nymphaion published by O. Yu. Sokolova and N. A. Pavlichenko (Hyperboreus, 2002, 8/1, 99-121) sheds new light on the further history of the forming of the Bosporan state in the 1st half of the 4th century BC. Leukon is called here «archon of the Bosporus, Theodosia, all Sindike, Toretai, Dandarioi, Psessoi». The author believes that the epithet «all» is applied to Sindike for expressiveness and implies in fact the land which belonged to Hekataios. The author supposes that the neighboring barbarians were annexed by a treaty, and the power of their own kings was abolished, this fact explaining why Greek poleis and the barbarians were politically equal. No doubt, Leukon soon had to be disappointed in the possibility of governing barbarians in the same way as Greeks. According to the inscription CIRB 6a Sindoi were still under Leukon's rule as archon, but for the rest of the barbarians he was a king. However, in the later inscriptions CIRB 6, 8, 1037, 1038 the standard formula appears: «Leukon, archon of the Bosporus and Theodosia, king of Sindoi, Toretai, etc.» The change in the political status of the barbarians was probably connected with their efforts to get free from the power of the Bosporus. The Greek cities of the Bosporus and Theodosia preserved their formal autonomy and citizenship, but the barbarians were turned into dependent population.
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Šačić Beća, Amra. "Ancient Epigraphic Inscriptions as a Source for Research of the Oldest Past of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Journal of the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo (History, History of Art, Archeology) / Radovi (Historija, Historija umjetnosti, Arheologija), ISSN 2303-6974 on-line 7, no. 2 (December 10, 2020): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.46352/23036974.2020.2.25.
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: Epigraphic inscriptions hundreds of which have been found in the territory
of Bosnia and Herzegovina, are an authentic testimony of the people of the time about the
political, cultural and social life of provinces Dalmatia, and the two Pannonia provinces
(Pannonia Superior and Pannonia Inferior). Although a systematic research is lacking, the
number of newly-found epigraphic monuments has significantly increased in Bosnia and
Herzegovina and to that number four more will be added. Two monuments were found
in the wider Trebinje area, while the other two are from the Crkvine near Makljenovac
(Doboj) locality. Votive altar for Jupiter, Best and Greatest, from the soldier of Cohors prima
Delmatarum milliaria is the first material evidence for which it can be certainly asserted
that it is linked to the presence of the cohort in the area of Doboj. The cohort whose name
is mentioned on the epigraphic monument from Doboj was probably made in the 80s CE,
after the Roman legions retreated from the area of the province Dalmatia. It is considered
that the cohort was stationed throughout the whole principate in its “birth” province
Dalmatia and that it is, conditionally speaking, one of the autochthonous cohorts. The
confirmation that the Cohors prima Delmatarum milliaria equitata was stationed in the
castrum in Makljenovac is a good indicator that Romans accounted for the inter-provincial
borders, not only for he limes.
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Cruse, Audrey. "Roman Medicine: Science or Religion?" Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 89 (September 2013): 223–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.89.s.12.
Full textAbstract:
In ancient Greece and Rome magical and religious healing continued to be practised at the same time as a burgeoning of research and learning in the natural sciences was promoting a seemingly more rational and scientific approach to medicine. Was there, then, a dichotomy in medical treatment or was the situation more complex? This paper draws on historical textual sources as well as archaeological research in examining the question in more detail. Some early texts, such as the Egyptian papyri from about 2,600 bc and the Hippocratic Corpus from the third and fourth centuries bc, contain an intriguing mixture of scientific and religious material. Archaeological evidence from, for example, sites of healing sanctuaries from ancient times, show medical prescriptions used as part of votive offerings and religious inscriptions on surgical instruments, while physicians were prominent among donators to shrines. Other archaeological finds such as the contents of rubbish tips, buried hoards, sepulchral deposits and stray artefacts from occupation levels, have also added to the archive of medical material available for discussion. The paper concludes that such intertwinings of religion and science were not only common in Roman medicine but, in fact, continue into the present time.
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Kozlenko, Roman. "The Marble Bust of Mithras Tauroctone from Olbia." Archaeology, no. 3 (September 22, 2021): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/arheologia2021.03.095.
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The article introduces a marble bust of the Mithras deity, which was found in 2010 in a pit of the 2nd — 3rd centuries AD during excavations at the “R-25” sector in the Upper city of Olbia. Based on the iconography of the sculpture, side and frontal holes, with remnants of rust from the iron rods intended for fastening, it should be assumed that it could have been a part of Mithras Tauroctone sculpture, which is slaying the bull. Such sculptural image of Mithras was found for the first time in the Northern Black Sea region, and has analogies in the sanctuaries of the European and Asia Minor provinces of the Roman Empire. At this time the cult of Mithras became widespread among the Roman army, in particular in the Danube provinces, from where, as part of Roman vexillations, it came to the antique centers of the Northern Black Sea area. His veneration in Olbia is confirmed by the finds of four marble votive relief slabs pieces. On the same sector, in the Roman layer, marble statues fragments, architectural details, an altar, and the lower part of a marble relief depicting a horse’s or a bull’s leg were found, which may be the parts of this sculpture, since they are made of the same kind of marble. In the Northern Black Sea region finds of votive slabs, sculptural images of Mithras, and Latin inscriptions dedicated to this deity mark the points of deployment of the Roman troops. The published marble bust may have come from the mithraeum — a sanctuary associated with the cult of Mithras, which appears in Olbia as a result of a stay of the Roman garrison in the city in the second half of the 2nd — first half of the 3rd centuries AD. Since all finds related to the cult of Mithras in Olbia were found on the territory of the citadel, the presence of mithraeum should be assumed in the Upper city.
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Sánchez Alguacil, Jesús. "La epigrafía votiva romana de Caldas de Montbui (Vallés Oriental, Barcelona) (ss. I-II d. C.). Un ejemplo de promoción de las élites provinciales de la tarraconensis en centros de aguas minero- medicinales." Panta Rei. 14, no. 1 (September 30, 2020): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/pantarei.444331.
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En el presente artículo estudiamos en profundidad las inscripciones votivas de Caldas de Montbui. Para ello, nos vamos a centrar en el estudio epigráfico con una metodología basada en el registro material consultado de primera mano, las publicaciones científicas relacionadas con nuestra investigación y las fuentes primarias. Según la información recopilada, proponemos la importancia de la segunda mitad del siglo I d. C. e inicios del siglo II d. C. en la manifestación del hábito epigráfico, claro síntoma de una fase de popularidad con la presencia de personajes de las élites provinciales procedentes de ciudades como Barcino, Iluro o Tarraco. Con la investigación realizada, observamos la gran evolución e impulso que adquiere este enclave durante todo el siglo I d. C., siendo un aspecto determinante en este proceso el patrocinio imperial de Tiberio y la dinastía flavia. In this paper we study the votive inscriptions of Caldas de Montbui in depth. To do this we focus, mainly, on epigraphic study following a methodology based on the material record personally consulted, the scientific publications linked to our research and the primary sources. According to the information gathered, we propose the importance of the second half of the 1st century AD and the beginning of the 2nd century AD in the manifestation of the epigraphic habit. It happens as a clear symptom regarding the popularity of relevant figures from provincial elites established in cities like Barcino, Iluro or Tarraco. Along with the research carried out, we observe the great evolution and impulse that this enclave acquires during the 1st century AD, being the imperial patronage of Tiberius a decisive aspect in this process, and later the Flavian dynasty.
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Loma, Svetlana. "Two epigraphic-historical notes." Starinar, no. 58 (2008): 189–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta0858189l.
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Recently a monograph appeared dealing with Roman epigraphical monuments from the West-Serbian town of Cacak and its neighbourhood (S. Ferjancic / G. Jeremic / A. Gojgic, Roman Epigraphic Monuments from Cacak and its Vicinity Cacak 2008, Engl. Summary pp. 103-107). Authored by one specialist in Roman history and epigraphy and two archaeologists, the book is rather thin and does not provide much new data, apart from the identification of the equestrian officer Tiberius Claudius Gallus with Severus' senator - which was taken from my PhD thesis without citing it - and from two inscriptions, ? 20 and ? 21, forming the subject of the present paper. Published here for the first time, they both contain important information which the co-authors failed to notice. The consuls of 227 A.D. in an inscription from Cacak The ? 21 (fig. 1) was found in the site of Gradina on the mountain Jelica, S. of Cacak. It is engraved on a whitish limestone monument, apparently an ara, the middle and lower parts of which are preserved after it has been reshaped to be used as building material. The four-line inscription was read by the editors as follows: [- - -] Aur(elius) F[- - - v(otum)] l(ibens) p(osuit) Mal+[- - -]et Al[- - - co(n)s(ulibus)] Idibus [- - -]. Unable to identify the pair of consuls mentioned in lines two and three, the authors interpret the inscription as a funerary one: [- - -]Aur(elius or -elio) F[- - - vix(it) ann(is)] L P. Mal+[- - -]et Al[- - - f(ecerunt) ? die ?] Idibus [- - -]. In fact, they misread the final cluster of the line two, by having mistaken for L the long right serif of M (in ligature with A) together with a trace of a subsequent letter, which proves to be an X. The alignment of the letters at the beginning of the lines suggests that the left side of the inscription is entirely preserved. The inscription reads as folows: ] \ Aur(elius) F+[ -] \ l(ibens) p(osuit) Max[imo] \ et Al[bino co(n)s(ulibus)] \ Idibus [ -]. M. Laelius Maximus Aemilianus (PIR2 L56) - probably son of Marcus Laelius Maximus (PIR2 L55), one of the leading senators under Septimius Severus - and M. Nummius Senecio Albinus (PIR2 N235) were the eponymous consuls of 227. The pair is attested in several inscriptions, e.g. CIL VIII 18831 from Numidia which resembles this one in recording the exact date: Bacaci Aug(usto) \ sac(rum) \ Albino et Ma\ximo co(n)s(ulibus) \ Kal(endis) Mai(is) [3] Si\ttius Novellus \ et Q. Galerius Mu\stianus magg(istri) \ [Thib(ilitanorum?)]. Here Albinus' name precedes that of Maximus, which is usually the case. Nevertheless, a parallel with Maximus named before Albinus is provided by an inscription from Dacia (ILD 774, near Cluj): Deae Ne\mesi sac\rum Aur(elius) Ru[f]inus \ be(ne)f(iciarius) co(n)s(ularis) \ leg(ionis) XIII Gem(inae) \ Sever(ianae) v(otum) l(ibens) p(osuit) Maximo et Albi\[no] co(n)s(ulibus). Consequently, ? 21 is a votive inscription, largely restorable and precisely datable. The Collegium curatorum of the Cohors II Delmatarum in an inscription from Cacak Forty years ago within the Ascension Church yard in Cacak the lower part of a Roman limestone monument has been accidentally unearthed, bearing an inscription, three last lines of which are partially preserved (? 20 of the catalogue, (fig. 2), wherein only the mention of a cohort was recognized by the editors, who read: ]\[- - -]ALB[- - -| -]GIATI +[- - -|- - -co]h(ortis) eiusde(m) [- - -|- - - The elegant, shaded letters are lined up one below the other, which suggests that the text was arranged following the principle of centering. Above the L in the first line there is a trace of an O or a Q, unnoticed by the editors. So, there are 4 lines partially preserved. The space left between the lines 2 and 3 being larger than that between 1-2 and 3-4 respectively, the two last lines seem to constitute a separate entry. The genitive case cohortis eiusdem implies a preceding designation of the dedicant(s), and what we have before is a nominative plural ending in ?giati followed by a word of which only the first letter, C or O, is still discernible. As the most probable, if not the only possible, we propose the following restoration of the last two lines (fig. 8): [colle]giati c[urat(ores)]|[co]h(ortis) eiusde[m] possibly with a p(osuerunt) or d(edicaverunt) in the end. Despite its fragmentariness, the present inscription bears an important testimony to the existence, within the Roman army, of professional associations (collegia militaria) independent of regular military structures. The evidence for them is based solely on epigraphic sources; some hundred inscriptions contradict the paragraph of the Digesta (47.22) forbidding the soldiers to organize corporate associations in the camps. The cohort in question is doubtless the cohors II Aurelia Delmatarum milliaria equitata, which is known to have been stationed permanently, from the seventies of the second century A.D. to the fifties of the third century, in the eastern part of Dalmatia around the modern city of Cacak. It was a mixed infantry and cavalry unit, and the rank of curator (curator equitum singularium, curator alae, curator cohortis) is attested exclusively in the mounted units of the Roman army. It was higher than the simple eques; in the auxiliary troops, the curators may have been charged with special tactical or economic-administrative tasks. The lower officers (principales) and the soldiers with special tasks were allowed to form private associations fostering loyalty to the Emperor. All Roman collegia including the military ones, had their religious purpose and their official meeting room (schola) was also a sanctuary of their patron deity. It might be a part of the headquarters building, as in the case of the Castra Nova equitum singularium in Rome, where, beneath the Basilica of St John Lateran an Ionic capitel was uncovered with inscription on it dated with AD 197 recording the dedication of the schola curatorum to Minerva Augusta (AE 1935 156 = AE 1968, 8b).
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Mariolakos, I., V. Nikolopoulos, I. Bantekas, and N. Palyvos. "ORACLES ON FAULTS: A PROBABLE LOCATION OF A “LOST” ORACLE OF APOLLO NEAR OROVIAI (NORTHERN EUBOEA ISLAND, GREECE) VIEWED IN ITS GEOLOGICAL AND GEOMORPHOLOGICAL CONTEXT." Bulletin of the Geological Society of Greece 43, no. 2 (January 23, 2017): 829. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/bgsg.11249.
Full textAbstract:
At a newly discovered archaeological site at Aghios Taxiarches in Northern Euboea, two votive inscribed stelae were found in 2001 together with hellenistic pottery next to ancient wall ruins on a steep and high rocky slope. Based on the inscriptions and the geographical location of the site we propose the hypothesis that this is quite probably the spot where the oracle of “Apollo Selinountios” (mentioned by Strabo) would stand in antiquity. The wall ruins of the site are found on a very steep bedrock escarpment of an active fault zone, next to a hanging valley, a high waterfall and a cave. The geomorphological and geological environment of the site is linked directly to the regional geodynamical context of Central Greece, a region of tectonic turmoil throughout the Pleistocene and Holocene, characterised by distinct landscapes produced by the activity of active fault zones, intense seismicity, and in part, volcanism and hydrothermal activity. The geomorphological and geological similarities of the Ag. Taxiarches site with those of the oracle at Delphi, seem to provide further support to the hypothesis that the former site can well be that of an ancient oracle, given the recently established connections between the geological environment at Delphi and Apollo’s oracle there. Definitive verification of our hypothesis can only be obtained by further, detailed archaeological study, whereas geological/geomorphological, geochemical, and geochronological studies would be necessary to clarify the connection that the cave lying next to the wall remains may had with the site’s function.
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Trifković, Dimitrije. "MITRAIZAM NA PROSTORU JUŽNE SRBIJE – ISTORIJSKE OKOLNOSTI." Leskovački zbornik LXII (2022): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-lxii.023t.
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The cult of Persian god Mithra, the Invincible Sun god, was the most significant and present cult in the Roman Empire. Epigraph and archeological evidence of worship of Mithra was recorded in all provinces of this huge Empire on three continents. Cult monuments were discovered in that way even on the territory of modern south Serbia, i.e. parts of the Roman provinces Upper Moesia and Thrace. This paper describes six such monuments: two votive altars with inscriptions from Osmakovo near Pirot and Ravna and four relief icons capturing tauroctonia from Ragodeš and Rasnica near Pirot, Ražanj near Aleksinac and Mramor near Niš. The aim of the paper is to emphasise certain historical circumstances of the growth of Mithraism in south Serbia taking the analyses of these monumetns into consideration. This region is seen as favorable for the spread of this eastern religion for numerous reasons. It is a rich mine region, the intersection of many imporant Roman roads on the Balkans and the main camp of some military units. All these circumstances resulted in the significant presence of the cult of Mithra. The period of the growth of Mithraism stretches from the middle of the 2nd century to the middle of the 3rd century, which is clearly confirmed by epighraph vows. The iconographic analysis of relief stones reveals that they belong to the Danube type and that Mithraism reaches south Serbia from lower Podunavlje through the Roman limes on the river. The lower frieze with side scenes from the Mithra cult legend points to the religious centres in Dacia as models in making the icons.
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Menozzi, Oliva. "Extramural rock-cut sanctuaries in the territory of Cyrene." Libyan Studies 46 (August 14, 2015): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lis.2015.3.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractChieti University's team in Libya has been mapping and studying the extraordinary patrimony in rupestrian architecture, looking at both funerary and sacred spaces. Particular attention has been paid to the rock-cut sanctuaries in the areas to the east (Ain Hofra/Bu Miliou areas) and to the west (Baggara and Budrag) of Cyrene, which also represent the most problematic zones for looting and vandalism. Therefore, the principal need for these areas has been to plan a project of mapping and recording that is as systematic as possible for this huge patrimony. The resulting data, coming from surveys, non-invasive geo-prospecting, laser scanning of the main monuments, diagnostic mapping of the damaged monuments, as well as from the excavations, have been recorded in a multilayer GIS. In combination with the surveys, a series of excavations have also been organised in several areas in order to have stratigraphic information from sample areas, which have been chosen on the basis of both their typology/monumentality and the degree of risk of damage and looting. These sanctuaries are generally located on the steep slopes of deep canyons, typically associated with water springs, wild landscape, chthonian cults and also, therefore, funerary areas. They are generally monumentalised and emphasised by rock-cut architecture. Among the most interesting finds are the sanctuaries of Budrag and Ain Hofra, with votive inscriptions, rocky altars and shrines. Particularly interesting is the discovery of a rocky high-relief statue of Dionysus, attesting a possible open-air sanctuary in the area of Baggara. It is a unique example of rocky sculpture in Cyrene and it could be one of the best-preserved examples from the Greek world. Distinguishable by their topography, architectonic features and distance from the town, these rocky sanctuaries attest to a reciprocal osmosis between Greco-Roman and Libyan cultural, artistic and ritual elements. The levels of hybridisation and reciprocity vary from case to case and from period to period, suggesting different degrees of Greco-Roman impact, which seem to be, generally speaking, inversely proportional to the distance from Cyrene, giving space and voice to the cults and rites of the local tribes.
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Komata, Damian. "Një mbishkrim votiv nga Dushkaraku (rr. i Vlorës) /Une inscription votive à Dushkarak, district de Vlora." Iliria 19, no. 1 (1989): 267–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/iliri.1989.1524.
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Matijašić, Robert. "Plominska božica Ika / Ica." Miscellanea Hadriatica et Mediterranea 3, no. 1 (December 19, 2017): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/misc.1352.
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A mislaid inscription mentioning the Histro-Liburnian goddess Ica has recently been re-discovered in Plomin. Another votive inscription dedicated to the same goddess, which the recent historiography considered to be lost, was also registered there, so this is a good opportunity to revisit some already known data and hypotheses on this goddess's cult and its character.
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Mees, Bernard. "The Vimose Dedication as Ritual Language." NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution 68, no. 2 (July 21, 2015): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.68.2.01mee.
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The inscription on the Vimose buckle has been the subject of a long and diverse historiography. Taken in the light of early runic epigraphic typology, however, the inscription appears to preserve an early example of Germanic ritual language. Rather than a product of Romanisation (as archaeologists have assumed for similar votive bog finds), the inscription on the Vimose buckle is better understood in terms of the linguistic anthropology of dedicatory epigraphs. The Vimose text shows clear signs of being a thoroughly native expression, a linguistically archaic inscription which alliterates, features pro-drop, verb-final word order and athematic verbal inflection.
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García Martínez, Sonia María, and Emilio Barcia Merayo. "Un nuevo testimonio de posible culto a Cossus en el Bierzo." Estudios humanísticos. Geografía, historia y arte, no. 20 (February 10, 2021): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/ehgha.v0i20.6771.
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Mees, Bernard. "The inscription on the Vimose plane and (other) West Germanic finds from Denmark." NOWELE / North-Western European Language Evolution 75, no. 1 (March 16, 2022): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.00061.mee.
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Abstract The Vimose plane features an early runic inscription that has long remained opaque, with none of the attempts to explain it having commanded assent in the historiography. Like the inscription on the Vimose buckle, however, the text on the wood plane appears to preserve an early example of West Germanic religious language. The inscription on the sharpener shows some parallels with comparable Roman texts but also distinctively West Germanic phonological development. The text on the plane seems to be one of several early runic texts found in the Southern Scandinavian votive bogs that preserve Ingvaeonic features.
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Cannavò, Anna, and Luca Bombardieri. "Cesnola Collection at the Turin University Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography." Kadmos 55, no. 1-2 (May 24, 2016): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadmos-2016-0003.
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Abstract A previously unpublished marble fragment from the Cesnola collection at the Turin University Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography bears an incomplete Phoenician inscription, a dedication to Eshmun-Melqart considered lost since 1869 (CIS I 26). The inscription allows to interpret the object bearing the dedication as a votive stone bowl from the late Classical Phoenician sanctuary of Kition-Batsalos in Cyprus, and it provides the opportunity to retrace the history of the Cesnola collection of Cypriote antiquities at the University Museum of Turin.
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Melero Bellido, Antonio, and Ricardo Hernández Pérez. ""Nueva lectura de una inscripción votiva bilingüe de las termas de Germísara (Dacia superior)." Fortunatae. Revista Canaria de Filología, Cultura y Humanidades Clásicas, no. 32 (2020): 427–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.fortunat.2020.32.28.
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New edition and philological commentary of a long and complex votive inscription from the time of Commodus consisting of a poem in Latin (written in dactylic hexameters) followed, as a complement and amplification, by a Greek text in prose with a certain poetic color. The inscription is dedicated to the Nymph of a thermal sanctuary, mentioned by what appears to be a name or local epithet, and consists both of the commemoration of the fulfillment of a vow and in the narration of the annual festivals that the military unit (numerus) commanded by the dedicator celebrated, through votive offerings and sacrifices, both in honor of the Nymph of the place and of Asclepius, Panacea, Artemis and Hypnos. It is also narrated, in the Greek text, a sanatio and the corresponding offerings of thanksgiving. The use of Greek in this epigraph seems to have to be explained for a reason of cultural prestige
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Wilson-Wright. "Sinai 357: A Northwest Semitic Votive Inscription to Teššob." Journal of the American Oriental Society 136, no. 2 (2016): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.7817/jameroriesoci.136.2.247.
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Beu-Dachin, Eugenia, and Adriana Isac. "A votive inscription from Samum set by Publius Aelius Caerialis." Acta Musei Napocensis 56 (December 12, 2019): 195–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.54145/actamn.i.56.10.
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A votive monument discovered in the summer of 2010 in the military vicus of Samum (Cășeiu) attests a new officer of cohors I Britannica, the decurio Publius Aelius Caerialis. The monument was found in a secondary position, abandoned since ancient times. It was dedicated to a group of five deities of the Roman pantheon and it could be linked to a temple.
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Lajoye, Patrice, and Claude Lemaître. "Une inscription votive à Toutatis découverte à Jort (Calvados, France)." Etudes Celtiques 40, no. 1 (2014): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.2014.2423.
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Marić, Almir. "Cohors I Belgarum and its members from the area of Ljubuški." Godišnjak Centra za balkanološka ispitivanja, no. 45 (January 6, 2022): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/godisnjak.cbi.anubih-45.74.
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This paper analyzes monuments of the First Belgian cohort (cohors I Belgarum equitata) from the area of Ljubuški. Of all the cohorts that were settled in Humac, most registered monuments belong to the auxiliaries of this unit. Three officers are among them (centurion, decurion, signifer), and ordinary soldiers whose monuments are mostly fragmented with damaged inscription field. Four monuments of this kind were discovered. Besides these monuments, we analyzed votive monuments mentioning cohors I Belgarum equitata, such as monuments dedicated to Liber, Fortuna Augusta, Mithra and emperor’s genius. We have found that these votive monuments are not adequately interpreted in the current scientific literature, and we offer a new reading. Also, paper discusses the question of marriage of Roman soldiers, as well as recruitment of local young men in the roman auxiliary troops.
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Di Vita-Evrard, Ginette. "Sur deux inscriptions votives bilingues de Sabratha et de Lepcis Magna." Antiquités africaines 38, no. 1 (2002): 297–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antaf.2002.1364.
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Grbic, Dragana. "The Thracian hero on the Danube new interpretation of an inscription from Diana." Balcanica, no. 44 (2013): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1344007g.
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The paper looks at some aspects of the Thracian Hero cult on the Danube frontier of Upper Moesia inspired by a reinterpretation of a Latin votive inscription from Diana, which, as the paper proposes, was dedicated to Deo Totovitioni. Based on epigraphic analogies, the paper puts forth the view that it was a dedication to the Thracian Hero, since it is in the context of this particular cult that the epithet Totovitio has been attested in various variants (Toto-viti- / Toto-bisi- / Toto-ithi-).
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Beltramini, Maria. "Parole e forme della devozione: Cristina di Francia, duchessa di Savoia, e il “regio sacello” di San Salvario a Torino." Opus Incertum 8, no. 1 (November 26, 2022): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/opus-14078.
Full textAbstract:
The essay discusses the early history of the San Salvario chapel in Turin, commissioned by Christine of France – Duchess of Savoy and widow of Victor Amadeus I – as a votive offering for obtaining the right to govern the State until the full age of her heir.
Guided by the inscription on the façade, the essay reconstructs the primitive design of the church (later heavily transformed), clarifies its reasons, meanings and functions, questions the critical interpretations to date and proposes a new stylistic assessment.
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Grbic, Dragana. "Inscription dedicated to Neptune from the territory of ancient Doclea." Starinar, no. 59 (2009): 175–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta0959175g.
Full textAbstract:
A new votive inscription from the territory of Doclea has recently been published. The reading of the text needs revision, and consequently, reinterpretation. The inscription should be read as follows: Neptuno ? sacrum p?ericuloru?m Absolu?tori Petro?5nius Aspe?r v(otum) s(olvit) ? l(ibens) a(nimo). Neptune?s attribute periculorum Absolutor appears here for the first time. The noun ?Absolutor?, i.e. ?he who absolves, liberator ?, attested late in the narrative sources e.g. Cassiod. Var . XI, praef. 3, should be close to the Jupiter?s epithets Liberator or Servator. The dedication could be connected with a successful ending of a journey, possibly after being exposed to maritime perils: the dedicator may well be a person engaged in trade and businesses that involve transmarine voyage. His name - Petronius Asper - implies the connection with the large group of Italian settlers in Dalmatia, whose presence is attested in the province all through the Principate. Such relations are illustrated in the light of other Dalmatian examples.
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García Martínez, Sonia María. "La mujer en el Conventus Asturum. Su reflejo epigráfico." Estudios humanísticos. Geografía, historia y arte, no. 16 (February 4, 2021): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/ehgha.v0i16.6635.
Full textAbstract:
<p>During the Roman period women were a very important element for the process of romanization.</p><p>In this article I would like to offer a global vision of women, both, the roman and the indigenous ones, in the Conventus Asturum, and therefore it has been revised the epigraphy where appears women's names such as funerary, votiv, honorific and monumental inscriptions, from this part of Roman Empire.</p>
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Subotic, Gojko. "Les compositions votives sur la façade sud de l’eglise du Taxiarque Michel a Kastoria." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 51 (2014): 249–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1451249s.
Full textAbstract:
One of the oldest churches in Kastoria, dedicated to Taxiarches Michael, is specially revered due to his role on Judgement Day. On the south facade there was painted a series of deceased prominent members of the old society that continued its life under the Ottoman rule with no major disturbances. These extraordinary portraits, with their noble appearance, rich clothing and inscriptions accompanying them, are a valuable source of knowledge of the situation and artistic activity in the first half of the fifteenth century.