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Journal articles on the topic 'Voting – Switzerland'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Musiał-Karg, Magdalena. "Alternative Voting Methods Through the Example of Postal Voting and E-Voting in Switzerland." Białostockie Studia Prawnicze 20/A en (2016): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/bsp.2016.20a.en.01.

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2

Górny, Maciej. "I-voting – opportunities and threats. Conditions for the effective implementation of Internet voting on the example of Switzerland and Estonia." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 1 (March 15, 2021): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2021.26.1.9.

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The aim of the article is to present the opportunities and threats resulting from the implementation of voting via the Internet (i-voting) and to discuss the conditions for effective implementation of this alternative voting procedure on the example of Estonia and Switzerland. Estonia is the only country in the world where i-voting is widely used. In Switzerland, on the other hand, this voting method has been used most often, although its use has been suspended for several years due to legal, infrastructural and political problems. What are the conditions for successfully implementing Internet voting? The attempt to answer this research question was possible thanks to the use of the following research methods: comparative, formal-dogmatic, behavioral and modified historical method. The key conclusion is that the implementation of i-voting must be preceded by many years of political, legal, infrastructural and social activities, and that the created system must be as transparent as possible.
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3

Germann, Micha, and Uwe Serdült. "Internet voting and turnout: Evidence from Switzerland." Electoral Studies 47 (June 2017): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2017.03.001.

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Fedorov, Vladislav. "Public opinion about electronic voting in Europe as illustrated by YouTube." Przegląd Europejski, no. 4-2021 (December 9, 2021): 131–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.4.21.8.

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The article presents the results of the analysis of the political news about electronic voting published on YouTube. The purpose of the research is to reveal an attitude towards electronic voting that is formed in YouTube videos, because it is a powerful channel for forming public opinion. In the focus of attention there are four countries that have made the electronic voting a widely used practice (Belgium, Estonia, Switzerland and Russia). The author bases his research on the hypothesis that the decision of a voter to take part or not to take part in elections will be influenced by the information he or she has learnt about electronic voting from the news – especially attitudes towards the voting, expressed by other users of YouTube. The research results demonstrate that in Belgium the electronic voting is treated neutrally, while in Estonia and Switzerland it is positively regarded. As for Russia, the attitude is negative
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5

Garnett, Holly Ann. "Early Voting: Comparing Canada, Finland, Germany, and Switzerland." Election Law Journal: Rules, Politics, and Policy 18, no. 2 (June 2019): 116–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/elj.2018.0489.

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6

HahnYoungBin. "E-voting in Switzerland: Background, Situation and Evaluation." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 26, no. 1 (April 2008): 125–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17052/jces.2008.26.1.125.

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7

Gisiger, Jasmin, Thomas Milic, and Daniel Kübler. "Compensatory Voting in Direct Legislation. Evidence from Switzerland." Swiss Political Science Review 25, no. 2 (April 29, 2019): 103–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12352.

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Germann, Micha, and Uwe Serdült. "Internet Voting for Expatriates: The Swiss Case." JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 6, no. 2 (December 2, 2014): 197–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v6i2.302.

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In 2008 the first Swiss canton introduced internet voting for expatriates, thus initiating the second phase in Switzerland’s piecemeal i-voting roll-out. More cantons soon followed, and as of this writing expatriates from 12 out of the 26 cantons can vote online. This paper focuses on the second phase involving expatriates. We address three questions at the core of the internet voting research agenda. First, the popularity question: to what extent do expatriates make use of the new online channel? Second, the ‘who’ question: what is the profile of the typical expatriate i-voter? Finally, the turnout question: did the extension of internet voting to the expatriates have an effect on electoral mobilization? Our findings indicate that the online channel is very popular among expatriates, both if compared to other trials in Switzerland itself and internationally. On the other hand, known patterns regarding the profile of i-voters and the effect on mobilization seem to be also replicated in the expatriate trials. Expatriate i-voters tend to be young, male, and there is some evidence of an upper-class bias. Thus, usage of the online channel seems driven by the digital divide also among expatriates. Moreover, we find some evidence that i-voting did not affect electoral mobilization, similarly to trials involving residents.
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Alvarez, R. Michael, Thad E. Hall, and Alexander H. Trechsel. "Internet Voting in Comparative Perspective: The Case of Estonia." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 03 (June 26, 2009): 497–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090787.

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ABSTRACTSeveral countries have conducted Internet voting trials in binding public elections over the past decade, including Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States. However, Estonia—a former Soviet republic and now a full member of the European Union—has advanced the farthest in deploying Internet voting. In this article, we focus on how the Estonians have systematically addressed the legal and technical considerations required to make Internet voting a functioning voting platform, as well as the political and cultural framework that promoted this innovation. Using data from our own qualitative and quantitative studies of the Estonian experience, we consider who voted over the Internet in these elections, and the political implications of the voting platform.
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10

Davies, Ian. "Lowering the Voting Age to 16: Learning from Real Experiences Worldwide, Jan Eichorn and Johannes Bergh (eds) (2019)." Citizenship Teaching & Learning 15, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 258–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ctl_00033_5.

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11

Luechinger, Simon, Myra Rosinger, and Alois Stutzer. "The Impact of Postal Voting on Participation: Evidence for Switzerland." Swiss Political Science Review 13, no. 2 (June 2007): 167–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1662-6370.2007.tb00075.x.

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12

Mendez, Fernando, and Uwe Serdült. "What drives fidelity to internet voting? Evidence from the roll–out of internet voting in Switzerland." Government Information Quarterly 34, no. 3 (September 2017): 511–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.giq.2017.05.005.

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13

Leuthold, Heinrich, Michael Hermann, and Sara Irina Fabrikant. "Making the Political Landscape Visible: Mapping and Analyzing Voting Patterns in an Ideological Space." Environment and Planning B: Planning and Design 34, no. 5 (October 2007): 785–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/b3304t.

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This paper investigates the applicability of knowledge domain mapping for analyzing political science data. Utilizing metaphorical-space models grounded on political science theory, and applying sound cartographic visualization techniques, we demonstrate the construction and analysis of knowledge domain maps for exploring voting behaviour in Switzerland. We digitally transformed the results of Swiss popular referenda of the last twenty years to generate a 3-dimensional semantic space representing the current political landscape of Switzerland. The whole country is depicted in this semantic political space at various spatial scales. Locations in this spatialization represent aggregated voting outcomes from cities, regions, and provinces. Special attention was given to the interpretation of the resulting spatial configuration. This includes the assignment of meaning to the axes of the 3D space, depicted in two dimensions. Armed with political science theory locations in the voting behaviour space can be analyzed and the resulting political pattern can be interpreted meaningfully. The spatialized views were disseminated to the public after recent Swiss elections. The initial feedback from domain specialists and decision-makers alike has been very encouraging. Measured by high number of substantive reactions and wide-spread feedback on these spatializations of voting behaviour one could deduce that these abstract views were readily accepted and understood by public administrators, political party leaders, and the politically interested public. Based on these experiences we conclude the paper with a first attempt at identifying design recommendation for spatializing multidimensional political datasets.
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Braun Binder, Nadja, Robert Krimmer, Gregor Wenda, and Dirk-Hinnerk Fischer. "International Standards and ICT Projects in Public Administration: Introducing Electronic Voting in Norway, Estonia and Switzerland Compared." Administrative Culture 19, no. 2 (May 29, 2019): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32994/hk.v19i2.215.

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This research focuses on the interrelationship between international standards and e-voting projects. With the rise of e-government activities, a multitude of new international standards is discussed or adopted in conjunction with such innovative reform steps. In order to gain a perception which role international standards dealing with legal, organizational and technical aspects play in national contexts and whether they are actually implemented, this essay specifically examines standards used in e-voting projects, as this area can be clearly distinguished from other e-government projects. Case studies in Estonia, Norway, and Switzerland show that there is a general interest in international sources and that real international standards are considered to be more important and “binding” than private organizations’ standards or other documents. In all three countries, the Council of Europe Recommendation on e-voting, the only real international standard in this field, played a role in the respective e-voting projects, but did not coin all phases. Once the international standards were endorsed as national regulations, they only played a minor role for the continuation of the projects. However, they are used for orientation and evaluation purposes.
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Strijbis, Oliver. "Migration Background and Voting Behavior in Switzerland: A Socio-Psychological Explanation." Swiss Political Science Review 20, no. 4 (October 31, 2014): 612–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12136.

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16

Lust, Aleksander. "I-Vote, Therefore I Am? Internet Voting in Switzerland and Estonia." SAIS Review of International Affairs 38, no. 1 (2018): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sais.2018.0006.

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17

Lacey, Joseph. "Must Europe Be Swiss? On the Idea of a Voting Space and the Possibility of a Multilingual Demos." British Journal of Political Science 44, no. 1 (March 12, 2013): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000798.

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Contrary to the view that linguistic homogeneity is required to create a viable demos, this article argues that linguistic diversity can be a permanent feature of any democratic community, so long as there is a unified and robust voting space that provides a common intentional object, around which distinct public spheres can aesthetically organize their political discourse. An attempt to explain how such a voting space operates in Switzerland, the finest existing exemplar of a multilingual demos, is given. Following the Swiss example, the author proposes, would go a long way to constituting the European Union as a democratically legitimate trans-national demos, despite its formidable linguistic diversity.
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18

Ladner, Andreas, Jan Fivaz, and Joëlle Pianzola. "Voting advice applications and party choice: evidence from smartvote users in Switzerland." International Journal of Electronic Governance 5, no. 3/4 (2012): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijeg.2012.051303.

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19

Goldberg, Andreas C. "The Impact of Religion on Voting Behaviour - A Multilevel Approach for Switzerland." Swiss Political Science Review 20, no. 2 (February 7, 2014): 305–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12068.

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20

Ackermann, Kathrin, Eros Zampieri, and Markus Freitag. "Personality and Voting for a Right‐Wing Populist Party – Evidence from Switzerland." Swiss Political Science Review 24, no. 4 (December 2018): 545–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12330.

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21

Frey, Bruno S., and Iris Bohnet. "Switzerland—a paradigm for Europe?" European Review 3, no. 4 (October 1995): 287–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700001605.

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Learning from the Swiss experience, this article argues that federalism and direct democracy are effective mechanisms for dealing with the diversity of interests, languages, cultures and religions in Europe. These institutions only partly harmonize economic, social and cultural politics. By far more important is that federalism and referenda foster competition between the various interests, but do so within a well-defined basic constitutional design so that competition produces beneficial effects. Federalism is not an alternative to referenda but rather a prerequisite for the effective working of a direct democracy. In small communities, the information cost of voters deciding on issues or judging representatives' performance are much lower than in a large jurisdiction. The more fiscal equivalence is guaranteed, the better the benefits of publicly supplied goods can be acknowledged and the corresponding costs be attributed to the relevant political programmes or actors. Thus, while federalism provides for cheaper information, referenda enable citizens to use this knowledge effectively in the political process. The interdependence of federalism and referenda also works the other way around: referenda improve the working of federalism. Besides the possibility of voting with their feet, citizens may also vote directly. This represents a double incentive for politicians to take their citizens' preferences into account; otherwise, they may lose their tax base to another jurisdiction or may be forced by referenda and initiatives to meet the demands of the voters.
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22

Rapp, Carolin, Richard Traunmüller, Markus Freitag, and Adrian Vatter. "Moral Politics: The Religious Factor in Referenda Voting." Politics and Religion 7, no. 2 (June 2014): 418–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048314000303.

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AbstractThis article combines the research strands of moral politics and political behavior by focusing on the effect of individual and contextual religiosity on individual vote decisions in popular initiatives and public referenda concerning morally charged issues. We rely on a total of 13 surveys with 1,000 respondents each conducted after every referendum on moral policies in Switzerland between 1992 and 2012. Results based on cross-classified multilevel models show that religious behaving instead of nominal religious belonging plays a crucial role in decision making on moral issues. This supports the idea that the traditional confessional cleavage is replaced by a new religious cleavage that divides the religious from the secular. This newer cleavage is characterized by party alignments that extend from electoral to direct democratic voting behavior. Overall, our study lends support to previous findings drawn from American research on moral politics, direct democracies, and the public role of religion.
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23

Steenbergen, Marco R. "Decomposing the Vote: Individual, Communal, and Cantonal Sources of Voting Behavior in Switzerland." Swiss Political Science Review 16, no. 3 (September 2010): 403–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1662-6370.2010.tb00435.x.

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24

Alekseev, Roman. "Blockchain technology in elections: past, present and future." Journal of Political Research 4, no. 4 (December 18, 2020): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-25-38.

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The purpose of the research is to use blockchain technology in the electoral process. The study was conducted on the example of blockchain technologies used in elections in the United States, Canada, Australia, Sierra Leone, Switzerland, Spain, Russia and other countries. The methodological basis of the research is based on the methods of comparative analysis and component analysis of definitions. Empirical methods of expert assessment and interviewing were used. The pros and cons of blockchain technologies and the possibility of using this innovative technology in elections of different levels are revealed. The advantages of inclusive blockchain technology include the mobility and accessibility of voting; minimizing the costs of organizing and conducting elections; de-bureaucratization by reducing the staff of election commissions; the possibility of excluding the impact on voters from participants in the electoral process; reducing the time for processing ballots and determining the results of voting; increasing the level of trust in electoral procedures on the part of citizens who usually do not participate in voting. Among the disadvantages of blockchain technologies, we can highlight: technical failures and hacker cyber-attacks; the possibility of hackers using data about voters, in case of hacking electronic databases; violation of the secrecy of voting.
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25

Jackman, Robert W. "Political Institutions and Voter Turnout in the Industrial Democracies." American Political Science Review 81, no. 2 (June 1987): 405–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1961959.

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Differences in voter turnout among industrial democracies are a function of political institutions and electoral law. Specifically, the presence of nationally competitive electoral districts provides incentives for parties and candidates to mobilize voters everywhere, thereby increasing turnout. Disproportionality in the translation of votes into legislative seats provides a disincentive to voting, which lowers turnout. Multipartyism assigns elections a less decisive role in government formation, depressing turnout. By generating more decisive governments, unicameralism provides a clearer link between elections and legislation, increasing turnout. Finally, mandatory voting laws produce a disincentive to not vote. Empirical analyses of average voter-turnout levels in the 1970s and 1960s across 19 democracies are consistent with these expectations, although Switzerland and the United States appear to be outliers. The results have major implications for the way we interpret national differences in voter-turnout rates.
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Zimmermann, Bettina Maria, Steffen Kolb, Fabian Zimmermann, Bernice Simone Elger, and David Shaw. "Influence of content, events and culture on the public discourse about medical genetics in Switzerland – A quantitative media content analysis." Communication and Medicine 16, no. 1 (September 15, 2020): 92–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cam.34832.

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Medical genetics is a broad and expanding field with many important implications for society, but knowledge about media coverage of this topic from recent years is lacking. This study aims to identify topics in medical genetics emerging in print media coverage in Switzerland by quantitatively analysing their occurrence in the public media discourse and assessing culturally conditioned differences between two Swiss language regions. We conducted a quantitative media content screening of print media and news agencies in the German- and French-speaking regions of Switzerland, and eight topics were identified. They demonstrate the large variety of topics in medical genetics present in public discourse. Coverage was dominated by legislative voting on genetics issues and by the preventive surgeries of the Hollywood actress Angelina Jolie. We found only small differences between the language regions, and coverage was strikingly similar for most variables.
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Schmid, Markus M. "Ownership structure and the separation of voting and cash flow rights–evidence from Switzerland†." Applied Financial Economics 19, no. 18 (September 2009): 1453–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09603100902984350.

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28

Ziegler, Béatrice. "Das Thema «Frauenstimmrecht» in den LP21-basierten Geschichtslehrmitteln." Didactica Historica 8, no. 1 (2022): 135–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33055/didacticahistorica.2022.008.01.135.

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The 50th anniversary of the 1971 vote that introduced electoral and voting rights for Swiss women is a sticking point for the country, as only two European countries granted women political rights even later. For the struggle of women and the women’s movement, however, the vote is a milestone in the fight for gender justice in Switzerland. The article describes how the topic was integrated into the Swiss-German curriculum (LP21) and into the teaching materials adapted to it, and thus shows which orientation offers are suggested to teachers.
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29

Gavrik, R. "On the prospects of introduction of electronic voting in Ukraine in the context of implementation of the concept of development of electronic democracy and digitalization." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 70 (June 18, 2022): 293–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.70.45.

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In a scientific article, the author conducted a scientific study of the prospects for the introduction of electronic voting in Ukraine in the context of the concept of e-democracy and digitalization. Based on the study, the author concluded that the legal basis for the introduction of electronic voting in Ukraine is the order of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine of November 8, 2017 № 797-r, which approved the Concept of e-democracy in Ukraine and action plan for its implementation. also the order of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine of June 12, 2019 № 405-r, which approved the action plan for the implementation of this Concept for 2019- 2020. Despite the fact that these documents provided for the development and submission to the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine of the draft Law of Ukraine “On Electronic Voting” in the third quarter of 2020, but so far this bill has not been developed. On the other hand, the Law of Ukraine “On the All-Ukrainian Referendum” was adopted, which establishes the possibility of using electronic voting, which should be carried out by means of an automated information and telecommunication system. Based on the content of the adopted law, the technology of e-voting in Ukraine remains unclear, but it is possible to use the experience of Estonia, Switzerland or France, which successfully use e-voting during elections and referendums. There are currently no documents concerning the introduction of electronic voting in the elections of the President of Ukraine, People’s Deputies of Ukraine and local elections. The application of the e-voting system in Ukraine through the use of the Estonian experience will increase the opportunities for more voters to vote, for whom a direct visit to the polling station was problematic; eliminate the human factor in the processing and counting of votes, as this counting will be automated; speed up the counting process. At the same time, given the current threats to cybersecurity and the possibility of unauthorized interference in the work of automated information and telecommunications systems, there may be threats of interference in the process of processing the election results
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Mueller, Sean, Adrian Vatter, and Charlie Schmid. "Self-Interest or Solidarity?" Statistics, Politics and Policy 7, no. 1-2 (December 20, 2016): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/spp-2016-0003.

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AbstractThis article puts the self-interest hypothesis to an empirical test by analysing the 2004 referendum on fiscal equalisation in Switzerland. That vote put forth a series of reforms which created regional winners and loser in terms of having to pay or receiving unconditional funding. Although Switzerland is usually portrayed as a paradigmatic case in terms of inter-regional solidarity and national integration, we show that rational and selfish cost-benefit calculations strongly mattered for the end-result. We rely on a multi-level model with referendum and other data on more than 2700 municipalities and all 26 cantons. More broadly, our findings confirm that rational choice theory works well for voting on straightforward monetary issues with a clearly defined group of winners and losers. However, symbolic interests such as party strength and cultural predispositions against state intervention and in favour of subsidiarity also matter and need to be taken into account alongside.
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31

Helfer, Luzia, and Peter Van Aelst. "Why politicians react to media coverage." Mass Media Effects and the Political Agenda 4, no. 1 (April 10, 2020): 88–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/asj.19002.hel.

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Abstract Why do politicians react to some stories in the news and ignore others? We attempt to answer this question by integrating the micro-level politician perspective with a macro-level country approach. Using a unique experimental approach, we test when politicians in the Netherlands and Switzerland (N = 80) take political action based on a (fictional) news report. We find that all politicians react more to negative coverage, but not if the information is merely presented as investigative reporting. Results also reveal a systematic variation that we ascribe to two key differences in the electoral systems. In The Netherlands, with its large single voting district, politicians react to news reports covering issues they are specialized in. In Switzerland, where between-party competition is more important, politicians are more likely to capitalize on the party’s profile. Overall, this study shows when and how politicians react to news coverage also depends on the institutional context.
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Rennwald, Line. "Class (Non)Voting in Switzerland 1971-2011: Ruptures and Continuities in a Changing Political Landscape." Swiss Political Science Review 20, no. 4 (September 9, 2014): 550–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12124.

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33

Perocco, Fabio. "The potential and limitations of the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration: A comment." Torture Journal 29, no. 1 (May 22, 2019): 127–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/torture.v29i1.112217.

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On 19 December 2018 the UN General Assembly approved the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (GCM), with 152 votes in favor, five against (Czech Republic, Hungary, Israel, Poland, United States), 12 abstentions (Algeria, Australia, Austria, Bulgaria, Chile, Italy, Latvia, Libya, Liechtenstein, Romania, Singapore, Switzerland), and 24 countries not voting (UN, 2018). The GCM builds on the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (UN, 2015) and on the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants 2016 (of which it aims to implement Annex II) (UN, 2016). The article discusses the Global compact for migration, highlighting its potential and limits, supporters and detractors.
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Gerber, Marlène, Hans-Peter Schaub, and Sean Mueller. "O sister, where art thou? Theory and evidence on female participation at citizen assemblies." European Journal of Politics and Gender 2, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510819x15471289106095.

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This article investigates gender differences in participation at the citizen assembly of Glarus, Switzerland. We use original survey data collected among 800 citizens. We find significant gender gaps both for attending and holding a speech at the assembly. Lower female attendance is particularly pronounced among older cohorts and can largely be explained by gender differences in political interest, knowledge and efficacy. In contrast, the gender gap in speaking is substantial regardless of age and cannot be reduced to factors that typically shape participation. Hence, gender differences are disappearing in voting but persist in more public, interactive forms of political engagement.
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35

Basten, Christoph, and Frank Betz. "Beyond Work Ethic: Religion, Individual, and Political Preferences." American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 5, no. 3 (August 1, 2013): 67–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pol.5.3.67.

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We investigate the effect of Reformed Protestantism, relative to Catholicism, on preferences for leisure, and for redistribution and intervention in the economy. We use a Fuzzy Spatial Regression Discontinuity Design to exploit a historical quasi-experiment in Western Switzerland, where in the sixteenth century a hitherto homogeneous region was split and one part assigned to adopt Protestantism. We find that Reformed Protestantism reduces referenda voting for more leisure by 14, redistribution by 5, and government intervention by 7 percentage points. These preferences translate into higher per capita income as well as greater income inequality. (JEL D12, D31, D72, H23, N33, Z12)
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36

Gemenis, Kostas. "The Impact of Voting Advice Applications on Electoral Turnout: Evidence from Greece." Statistics, Politics and Policy 9, no. 2 (December 19, 2018): 161–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/spp-2018-0011.

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AbstractA new aspect of electoral campaigns in Europe, and increasingly elsewhere as well, has been the proliferation of the online voter information tools, widely known in the political science community as Voting Advice Applications (VAAs). By accessing VAAs, users are provided with information about the degree of congruence between their policy preferences and those of different parties or candidates. Although the exact mechanisms have not been rigorously investigated, a series of studies across European countries, such as Finland, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Switzerland have demonstrated a link between the use of VAAs and electoral turnout. The aim of this paper is to contribute to this growing literature by analyzing previously untapped data from Greece, extending the empirical literature to a country where VAA effects have not been investigated before. The analysis indicates that the effect of VAAs in Greece is marginal to non-existent while there seems to be no evidence of the hypothesized information mechanism which purportedly drives such effects. The paper concludes with suggestions that future studies of VAA effects on turnout can address in their design.
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37

Arlt, Dorothee. "Banning burkas and niqabs? Exploring perceptions of bias in media coverage of Islam and Muslims in Switzerland and their relation to people’s voting intention concerning the burka-initiative." Studies in Communication Sciences 21, no. 1 (June 10, 2021): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24434/j.scoms.2021.01.002.

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In Switzerland, Islam and Muslims are repeatedly the subject of political debates and, thus, of media reporting. While content analyses show a certain bias in Western media coverage of Islam and Muslims, relatively little is known about the audience’s perspective on media bias in this context. Using data from an online survey of the Swiss population (n = 976), this study examines people’s perceptions of bias in the media coverage of Islam and Muslims in Switzerland and how it relates to their intention to vote on the popular initiative “Yes to a veil ban”. The study was conducted in March 2019, two years before the actual vote took place on 7 March 2021. The results show that the majority of the Swiss non-Muslim population perceives the reporting as distorted. In the study’s investigation of media bias perceptions, attitudes towards Islam and Muslims, political orientation and personal contact with Muslims proved to be the most relevant influencing factors. By contrast, exposure to political information via traditional news media and social media was not associated with bias perceptions. Finally, a stronger perception that the media understate certain problems related to Islam and Muslims in Switzerland was positively related to people’s intention to vote for a national ban on wearing burkas or niqabs in public.
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38

Karmanis, Karmanis. "ELECTRONIC-VOTING (E-VOTING) DAN PEMILIHAN UMUM (Studi Komparasi di Indonesia, Brazil, India, Swiss dan Australia)." MIMBAR ADMINISTRASI FISIP UNTAG Semarang 18, no. 2 (October 30, 2021): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.56444/mia.v18i2.2526.

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<p><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Indonesia sebagai negara demokrasi sudah menggunakan metode <em>E-Voting</em> sebagai sarana demokrasi, walaupun baru diterapkan di tingkat pemilihan kepala dusun dan kepala desa. Sistem pemungutan suara elektronik (<em>e-voting</em>) harus diseriusi dan menjamin transparansi, kepastian, keamanan akuntabilitas, dan akurasi. Selain kesiapan teknologi, tentunya harus didukung dengan kesiapan masyarakat dalam melaksanakan sistem <em>e-voting</em> ini ke depannya. Ketidaksiapan dan kurangnya sosialisasi pemerintah terhadap <em>e-voting</em> juga dapat menjadi faktor pemicu kegagalan dalam penerapan sistem ini. Sejak pandemi Covid-19 yang menyebar diseluruh dunia, melumpuhkan kegiatan manusia khusus di Indonesia. Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Indonesia yang diselenggarakan pada 9 Desember 2020 mengalami polemik <em>physical distancing</em> ditengah pandemi Covid-19. Penerapan sistem <em>E-Voting</em> telah dilakukan oleh beberapa negara misalkan di Brajil, India, Swiss dan Australia mendapatkan respon positif dalam masyarakat, namun juga terdapat kekurangan dalam pelaksanaannya. Metode penelitian diskriptif kwalitatif dengan pendekatan perbandingan data sekunder. Hasil penelitian ini, sistem <em>E-Voting</em> dalam Pemilihan Umum dapat meningkatkan nilai demokrasi khusus peningkatan partisipasi masyarakat dan memberikan keefektivan serta keefesienan dalam proses pemilihan berlangsung. Namun, penerapan sistem <em>E-Voting</em> masih terkendala dengan adanya <em>hacker</em> yang bisa membobol sistem serta kesiapan pemerintah dalam penggunaan <em>E-Voting.</em></p><p><strong><em> </em></strong></p><p><strong>Kata kunci: E-Voting, Pemilu, Dan Demokrasi</strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong><em> Abstract</em></strong></p><p><em>Indonesia as a democratic country has used the E-Voting method as a means of democracy, even though it has only been implemented at the level of election of hamlet heads and village heads. Electronic voting systems must be taken seriously and ensure transparency, certainty, security, accountability and accuracy. In addition to technological readiness, of course, it must be supported by the readiness of the community to implement this e-voting system in the future. The government's unpreparedness and lack of socialization of e-voting can also be a trigger factor for failure in implementing this system. Since the Covid-19 pandemic, which has spread throughout the world, has paralyzed human activities, especially in Indonesia. The Regional Head Election in Indonesia which was held on December 9, 2020 experienced a polemic of Physical Distancing amid the Covid-19 Pandemic. The implementation of the E-Voting system has been carried out by several countries, for example in Brazil, India, Switzerland and Australia, getting a positive response in the community, but there are also shortcomings in its implementation. Qualitative descriptive research method using a comparative approach using secondary data.The results of this study, the E-Voting system in General Elections can increase the value of democracy, especially increasing public participation and providing effectiveness and efficiency in the electoral process. However, the implementation of the E-Voting system is still constrained by the presence of hackers who can break into the system and the government's readiness to use E-Voting.</em></p><p><em> </em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords: E-Voting, Election, and Democracy</em></strong><strong><em></em></strong></p><div id="gtx-trans" style="position: absolute; left: 267px; top: 315px;"> </div>
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39

Arnet, Isabelle, Pascal C. Baumgartner, Vera Bernhardt, Markus L. Lampert, and Kurt E. Hersberger. "Lessons Learned From Three Months of Pharmaceutical-Care Digital-Education at the University of Basel, Switzerland." Senior Care Pharmacist 35, no. 11 (November 1, 2020): 479–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.4140/tcp.n.2020.479.

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An acceptable degree of digital literacy has always been present among the pharmacy teaching staff in Basel, with PowerPoint being the main vehicle to present teaching materials in front of full or half classes. Because cell phones became inseparable from students over the past years, mobile voting (movo.ch) or e-quizzes (mentimeter.com) have been regularly used to hold the attention of all students during collective teaching. Moreover, e-assessment on iPad® with the software BeAxi (www.k2prime.com) was introduced in 2012 and is currently used for all evaluations and exams. Suddenly over the night of March 16, 2020, our university, as all universities around the world, had to transfer all courses to an online format and to empower lecturers to teach from their home. This paper offers one perspective for how this digitial experiment unfolded at the University of Basel in Basel, Switzerland.
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40

Arnet, Isabelle, Pascal C. Baumgartner, Vera Bernhardt, Markus L. Lampert, and Kurt E. Hersberger. "Lessons Learned From Three Months of Pharmaceutical-Care Digital-Education at the University of Basel, Switzerland." Senior Care Pharmacist 35, no. 11 (November 1, 2020): 479–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.4140/tcp.n.2020.479.

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An acceptable degree of digital literacy has always been present among the pharmacy teaching staff in Basel, with PowerPoint being the main vehicle to present teaching materials in front of full or half classes. Because cell phones became inseparable from students over the past years, mobile voting (movo.ch) or e-quizzes (mentimeter.com) have been regularly used to hold the attention of all students during collective teaching. Moreover, e-assessment on iPad® with the software BeAxi (www.k2prime.com) was introduced in 2012 and is currently used for all evaluations and exams. Suddenly over the night of March 16, 2020, our university, as all universities around the world, had to transfer all courses to an online format and to empower lecturers to teach from their home. This paper offers one perspective for how this digitial experiment unfolded at the University of Basel in Basel, Switzerland.
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41

Kergomard, Zoé. "The ‘participationnist state’ and the ‘apathetic citizen’: Educationalizing the ‘problem of non–voting’ in postwar Switzerland (1940s–1970s)." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 29, no. 6 (November 2, 2022): 930–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2022.2151710.

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42

Siaroff, Alan, and John W. A. Merer. "Parliamentary Election Turnout in Europe since 1990." Political Studies 50, no. 5 (December 2002): 916–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00400.

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This article examines the cross-national variations in turnout for parliamentary elections in Europe since 1990 – a continent with a vast range in turnout levels and some clear subregional patterns, especially that of low turnout in East-Central Europe. A full range of socio-economic, mobilizational, party system, institutional, and contextual factors are examined for bivariate relationships with turnout. A multivariate model then indicates that cross-national turnout is higher where there is strictly enforced compulsory voting, in polarized two-party systems and countries with a high level of party membership, and where there are no relevant elected presidents or strong regional governments. Variances on these and other key factors are what accounts for the subregional pattern of East-Central Europe and the highest turnout case of Malta; however, Switzerland is confirmed to be a significant national dummy variable.
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43

Frandsen, Annie Gaardsted. "Size and Electoral Participation in Local Elections." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 20, no. 6 (December 2002): 853–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c0228.

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This paper reviews local election turnout for the period since the 1970s in five European countries: Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. It explores especially the relationship between size of municipality and turnout in local elections. The author seeks to explore this issue in the light of Dahl and Tufte's 1973 classic study Size and Democracy (Stanford University Press) which claimed that citizens' motivation to participate is greater in small governmental units than in large ones. This study confirms the Dahl and Tufte hypothesis, in that turnout is consistently higher over time in small municipalities in all the countries reviewed, although the strength of the relationship varies between the different countries. The paper also shows that other factors, such as the type of electoral system used or whether voting is compulsory or not, also have an effect on turnout.
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44

Rudych, S. "The Role and Place of the Opposition in the Political System of Switzerland." Problems of World History, no. 19 (October 27, 2022): 82–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-5.

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The article considers the role and the way of functioning of the opposition in the political system of the Swiss Confederation.It is shown that the absence of an opposition in the political life of the country in the traditional sense is explained by the agreement or concordance between the main political forces, drawn up officially in the form of the so-called “magic formula”. A federal government functioning according to this principle in combination with a well-developed mechanism of direct, or more precisely, semi-direct referendum democracy: on the one hand, it allows the effective implementation of the constitutional right of citizens to participate in the political life of the country, and on the other hand, it allows to avoid permanent parliamentary and governmental crises. Particular attention is paid to the Swiss People’s Party, a powerful political force that has consistently achieved high results in parliamentary elections over the past ten years and has every right to consider itself as opposition party. In this connection, the author raises the question of the possibility of using the political system existing today in Switzerland, and, even more so, the way the opposition functions, as a model for other countries? The publication reveals in detail how the institution of direct democracy works in practice. It is emphasized that the people’s initiative and the referendum give the citizen the opportunity to constantly influence the constitutional process in the state and bring projects developed by the government to the people’s court. Frequent appeals to voters in this way forces society to constantly worry about topical political issues. At the same time, large authoritative parties use this right less often than small social organizations or extra-parliamentary opposition groups. In addition, the Swiss manage in this way to constantly keep the political course of the government under control, and the Federal Council, according to the country’s constitution, must constantly consult with the people, who express their opinion on political proposals by dropping ballots into the voting baskets. At the same time, it is emphasized that the main challenge to Swiss federalism lies not in the multiculturalism of the nation, which did not develop as a result of the immigration of citizens, as, for example, in the USA, Canada or Australia, but on the contrary, has its roots in the age-old history of the communities that originally lived in Switzerland. Switzerland’s relations with the European Union during the last twenty years are briefly described. Characterizing Ukrainian-Swiss relations, the author emphasizes the importance that Switzerland has for our country, particularly in the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine. The advantages and disadvantages of direct referendum democracy are analyzed. Certain conclusions are drawn regarding the possibility of using Swiss experience in the political life of other countries.
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45

Nai, Alessandro, and Ferran Martínez i Coma. "Losing in the Polls, Time Pressure, and the Decision to Go Negative in Referendum Campaigns." Politics and Governance 7, no. 2 (June 27, 2019): 278–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i2.1940.

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Why do parties and candidates decide to go negative? Research usually starts from the assumption that this decision is strategic, and within this framework two elements stand out: the prospect of electoral failure increases the use of negative campaigning, and so does time pressure (little reaming time to convince voters before election day). In this article, we contribute to this framework by testing two new expectations: (i) political actors are more likely to go negative when they face unfavourable competitive standings <em>and</em> voting day is near; and (ii) they are <em>less</em> likely to go negative when they faced a substantive degradation in their competitive standing over the course of the campaign. We test these expectations on a rich database of newspaper ads about national referenda in Switzerland and provide preliminary empirical evidence consistent with those expectations. The results have important implications for existing research on the strategic underpinnings of campaigning and political communication.
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Bechtel, Michael M., Jens Hainmueller, Dominik Hangartner, and Marc Helbling. "Reality Bites: The Limits of Framing Effects for Salient and Contested Policy Issues." Political Science Research and Methods 3, no. 3 (July 2, 2015): 683–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2014.39.

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A large literature argues that public opinion is vulnerable to various types of framing and cue effects. However, we lack evidence on whether existing findings, which are typically based on lab experiments involving low-salience issues, travel to salient and contentious political issues in real-world voting situations. We examine the relative importance of issue frames, partisan cues, and their interaction for opinion formation using a survey experiment conducted around a highly politicized referendum on immigration policy in Switzerland. We find that voters responded to frames and cues, regardless of their direction, by increasing support for the position that is in line with their pre-existing partisan attachment. This reinforcement effect was most visible among low knowledgeable voters that identified with the party that owned the issue. These results support some of the previous findings in the political communication literature, but at the same time also point toward possible limits to framing effects in the context of salient and contested policy issues.
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47

Pati, Abhilash, Manoranjan Parhi, Mohammad Alnabhan, Binod Kumar Pattanayak, Ahmad Khader Habboush, and Mohammad K. Al Nawayseh. "An IoT-Fog-Cloud Integrated Framework for Real-Time Remote Cardiovascular Disease Diagnosis." Informatics 10, no. 1 (February 6, 2023): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/informatics10010021.

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Recently, it has proven difficult to make an immediate remote diagnosis of any coronary illness, including heart disease, diabetes, etc. The drawbacks of cloud computing infrastructures, such as excessive latency, bandwidth, energy consumption, security, and privacy concerns, have lately been addressed by Fog computing with IoT applications. In this study, an IoT-Fog-Cloud integrated system, called a Fog-empowered framework for real-time analysis in heart patients using ENsemble Deep learning (FRIEND), has been introduced that can instantaneously facilitate remote diagnosis of heart patients. The proposed system was trained on the combined dataset of Long-Beach, Cleveland, Switzerland, and Hungarian heart disease datasets. We first tested the model with eight basic ML approaches, including the decision tree, logistic regression, random forest, naive Bayes, k-nearest neighbors, support vector machine, AdaBoost, and XGBoost approaches, and then applied ensemble methods including bagging classifiers, weighted averaging, and soft and hard voting to achieve enhanced outcomes and a deep neural network, a deep learning approach, with the ensemble methods. These models were validated using 16 performance and 9 network parameters to justify this work. The accuracy, PPV, TPR, TNR, and F1 scores of the experiments reached 94.27%, 97.59%, 96.09%, 75.44%, and 96.83%, respectively, which were comparatively higher when the deep neural network was assembled with bagging and hard-voting classifiers. The user-friendliness and the inclusion of Fog computing principles, instantaneous remote cardiac patient diagnosis, low latency, and low energy consumption, etc., are advantages confirmed according to the achieved experimental results.
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Bürgi, Regula, and Philipp Gonon. "Varieties Within a Collective Skill Formation System: How VET Governance in Switzerland is Shaped by Associations." International Journal for Research in Vocational Education and Training 8, no. 1 (March 12, 2021): 46–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.13152/ijrvet.8.1.3.

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Context: International scholarship and policy tend to depict national structures governing Vocational Education and Training (VET) as uniform and devoid of internal differences. This macro perspective neglects the numerous processes at the meso and micro level that shape the structure and content of VET. This article focusses on professional associations (meso level) in Switzerland to examine the heterogeneity of governance of individual VET programmes that can exist within one country or one collective skill formation system. Approach: Drawing on insights from historical institutionalism and research on corporatism, we argue that these differences are the product of the characteristics, traditional practices and styles of reasoning of the various associations involved in VET governance. Our analysis is based on expert interviews and governance documents in two vocational areas: Electrotechnology and food services. Findings: We identify and decode an array of cooperative practices and show that collective skill formation has a different meaning for different associations and, correspondingly, different occupations. Collaboration with state actors, unions, VET schools and single firms, as well as voting procedures, differ considerably between associations. Furthermore, we find that these different modes of governance are determined by associational characteristics such as size, level of professionalization, location and established cooperative practices, as well as traditional styles of reasonings. Conclusion: The findings indicate that the decisions taken are not always the product of current day training requirements but of historically grown associational characteristics. Thus, path dependencies are to be considered not only at a macro level but also at the meso level. There is a multifaceted variety of governance approaches beneath the classification "collective skill formation system". Associations are key in defining VET content, working life structures and collectivity.
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49

Blassnig, Sina, Eliza Mitova, Nico Pfiffner, and Michael V. Reiss. "Googling Referendum Campaigns: Analyzing Online Search Patterns Regarding Swiss Direct-Democratic Votes." Media and Communication 11, no. 1 (January 31, 2023): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v11i1.6030.

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In direct democracies, voters are faced with considerable information demands. Although search engines are an important gateway to political information, it is still unclear what role they play in citizens’ information behavior regarding referendum campaigns. Moreover, few studies have examined the search terms that citizens use when searching for political information and the potential “user-input biases” in this regard. Therefore, we investigate to what extent citizens search online for information about upcoming referendums and what differences emerge between proponents, opponents, and non-voters regarding the search terms they used and the results they visited, related to three national ballot proposals voted on in Switzerland on November 28, 2021. The study combines cross-sectional survey data with longitudinal digital trace data containing participants’ Google Search histories obtained through data donations. Our findings show that participants rarely used Google to search for information about upcoming referendums. Moreover, most ballot-related searches employed rather neutral search terms. Nevertheless, a qualitative analysis of the search terms points to differences between different voting groups, particularly for the most prominent proposal around a Covid-19 law. The study provides interesting insight into how citizens search for information online during national referendum campaigns.
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50

Diskin, Abraham, André Eschet-Schwarz, and Dan S. Felsenthal. "Homogeneity, Heterogeneity and Direct Democracy: The Case of Swiss Referenda." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 2 (June 2007): 317–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070138.

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Abstract.The general question addressed in this study is whether voting behaviour in referenda conducted in a pluralistic society tends to reflect more the heterogeneous or the homogeneous characteristics of this society. In order to answer this question we investigated, mainly by means of factor analysis, all 538 federal referenda conducted in Switzerland since the foundation of the Swiss Confederation in 1848 until the end of 2005. Based on the extensive Swiss experience, the answer to our question seems quite clearly to be that the use of referenda as tools of direct democracy in a pluralistic society tends to reflect much more the homogeneous characteristics of that society than its heterogeneous ones.Résumé.Le thème général de l'étude est le suivant: le comportement des votants qui participent aux référendums dans une société pluraliste est-il influencé par les caractéristiques hétérogènes ou homogènes de la société en question? Afin de répondre à cette question nous avons examiné, par analyse factorielle, 538 referendums fédéraux tenus en Suisse depuis la création de la Confédération suisse en 1848 et jusqu'en 2005. Le résultat de notre recherche montre clairement que l'utilisation des référendums comme instrument de démocratie directe dans une société pluraliste a tendance à refléter davantage les caractéristiques homogènes que les caractéristiques hétérogènes de la société.
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