Journal articles: 'Voting – Spain'

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Queralt, Didac. "Spatial Voting in Spain." South European Society and Politics 17, no. 3 (September 2012): 375–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2012.701890.

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Artabe, Alaitz, and Javier Gardeazabal. "Strategic Votes and Sincere Counterfactuals." Political Analysis 22, no. 2 (2014): 243–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpt047.

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The random utility model (RUM) of voting behavior can account for strategic voting by making use of proxy indicators that measure voter incentives to vote strategically. The contribution of this article is to propose a new method to estimate the RUM in the presence of strategic voters, without having to construct proxy measures of strategic voting incentives. Our method can be used to infer the counterfactual sincere vote of those who vote strategically and provides an estimate of the size of strategic voting. We illustrate the procedure using post-electoral survey data from Spain. Our calculations indicate that strategic voting in Spain is about 2.19%.

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Iglesias Rodríguez, Pablo. "Electronic Voting by Shareholders in Spain." European Company Law 6, Issue 1 (February 1, 2009): 20–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eucl2009004.

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The European Shareholders’ Rights Directive allows Member States to grant firms the right to provide electronic voting to their shareholders. This contribution analyzes the already existing rules on electronic voting in Spain for listed firms.

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Santana-Martin, Domingo Javier, and Inmaculada Aguiar-Diaz. "Corporate ownership in Spain." Corporate Ownership and Control 5, no. 1 (2007): 322–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv5i1c4p1.

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In this paper we analyse the structure of ownership in non-financial Spanish listed companies in the period 1996-2002, focussing on the control chain methodology. The results obtained show that the main shareholder’s control threshold stands at about 29% of the voting rights and that in 2002 families were the ultimate owners in 52.7% of the firms. On the other hand, the use of pyramid structures continues to increase. In 2002, 29.1% of the companies were controlled in this way, which means that the ratio of voting rights to cash flow rights for this year was 0.89

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De la Cuesta, Fernando. "Voting experience in a new era: The impact of past eligibility on the breakdown of mainstream parties." Research & Politics 10, no. 1 (January 2023): 205316802311572. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680231157288.

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This paper studies the influence of the context in shaping the effects on later voting behavior of first experiences with voting. I leverage from changes in the political context in Spain produced by the Great Recession to answer whether individuals’ first voting experience affects the electoral support for mainstream parties differently depending on the different political context that first voters experienced before and after the Great Recession. I use a novel database of pre-electoral surveys between 2000 and 2015 and a difference-in-differences analysis. I exploit the exogenous variation produced by the legal voting-age threshold in Spain (18 years-old) among people of the same cohort. I find that, after the Great Recession, second-time eligibility voters have a higher probability to vote for mainstream forces than their counterfactual equals. The results show that, in a context of political change, first voting experience strengthens the vote for mainstream parties. The results show that previous voting experience creates favorable inertia for mainstream parties that slow down the change of a political system.

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Orriols, Lluis, and Laia Balcells. "Party Polarisation and Spatial Voting in Spain." South European Society and Politics 17, no. 3 (September 2012): 393–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2012.701891.

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Lago-Peñas, Ignacio, and Santiago Lago-Peñas. "Decentralization and Electoral Accountability." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 28, no. 2 (January 1, 2010): 318–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c0981.

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On the basis of aggregated and individual-level survey data of national and regional elections in Spain, this paper analyzes how economic voting is impacted by vertical and horizontal dimensions of clarity of responsibility. Our findings suggest that economic voting is enhanced when mechanisms of accountability are simple.

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Fraile, Marta, and Michael S. Lewis-Beck. "Economic voting in Spain: A 2000 panel test." Electoral Studies 29, no. 2 (June 2010): 210–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2010.01.003.

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9

Hamann, Kerstin. "Federalist Institutions, Voting Behavior, and Party Systems in Spain." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 29, no. 1 (1999): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330922.

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Hamann, K. "Federalist Institutions, Voting Behavior, and Party Systems in Spain." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 29, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 111–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pubjof.a030004.

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Fraile, Marta, and Michael S. Lewis-Beck. "Multi-dimensional economic voting in Spain: The 2008 election." Electoral Studies 32, no. 3 (September 2013): 465–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2013.05.027.

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Blanco, Esther, Maria Claudia Lopez, and Eric A. Coleman. "Voting for environmental donations: Experimental evidence from Majorca, Spain." Ecological Economics 75 (March 2012): 52–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2011.12.014.

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Rombi, Stefano. "Il coordinamento strategico degli elettori in Spagna, Grecia e Portogallo." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 67, no. 1 (June 30, 2012): 93–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9783.

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This article is based on the concept of strategic coordination as formulated by Gary Cox. The first part is a theoretical one: it deals with the theory behind the studies on electoral strategic coordination. The second part, more empirical, examines the voters’ coordination in form of strategic voting. The research encompasses three southern European countries – Spain, Greece and Portugal – in which operate a reinforced proportional electoral system. So, the question is: in what extent does this kind of electoral system stimulate strategic voting? To answer it, an analysis of electoral results at district level is provided. And, in particular, the article focuses on three indicators: the effective number of electoral parties; the percentage of waste votes; the percentage of votes cast for the two main parties. It concludes by discussing the results and by attempting to explain the differences between Spain and the other two countries.

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14

Rush, Mark. "Voting Power in Federal Systems: Spain as a Case Study." PS: Political Science & Politics 40, no. 04 (October 2007): 715–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096507071156.

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Rozenas, Arturas, and Sean M. Zeigler. "From ballot-boxes to barracks: Votes, institutions, and post-election coups." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 2 (July 31, 2018): 175–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318779423.

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The military often intervenes in politics shortly after elections. This might be because election results reveal information about the ease with which a coup can succeed. Would-be coup perpetrators use this information to infer whether the incumbent can be removed from office without provoking popular unrest. We argue that the informational content of elections depends on the electoral rules that translate votes into outcomes. In electoral systems that incentivize strategic voting, election returns are less informative about the distribution of political support than in electoral systems that incentivize sincere voting. An extensive battery of statistical tests shows that vote-shares of election winners do not predict coup attempts in plurality systems, which encourage strategic voting, but they do predict coup attempts in non-plurality electoral systems, which do not encourage strategic voting. Thus, incumbents who have performed well in elections face a lower risk of coup attempts, but only in institutional environments where voting results are highly informative about the distribution of political support. We apply this logic to illuminate the decisions of the military to intervene into politics during the famous failed 1936 coup in Spain and the successful 1973 coup in Chile.

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Artés, Joaquín. "The rain in Spain: Turnout and partisan voting in Spanish elections." European Journal of Political Economy 34 (June 2014): 126–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2014.01.005.

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Martínez Fuentes, Guadalupe, and Carmen Ortega Villodres. "The political leadership factor in the Spanish Local Elections." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 8, no. 2 (April 26, 2010): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/8.2.147-160(2010).

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The present research looks at personal following and voting in the Spanish local elections held in 2007. In doing so, the study addresses three principal questions, each focusing on a different dimension of the effects of political leadership on local voting. These are: What is the relative impact of leadership evaluation vis-à-vis other contingent and structural factors of a local, regional and national nature? What is the relative impact of the local party leaders vis-à-vis the leaders of the national and regional party strata? and Do leadership evaluations count differently for voters politically identified with particular parties? KEYWORDS: • political leadership • local elections • political parties • democracy • Spain

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Alekseev, Roman. "Blockchain technology in elections: past, present and future." Journal of Political Research 4, no. 4 (December 18, 2020): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2020-25-38.

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The purpose of the research is to use blockchain technology in the electoral process. The study was conducted on the example of blockchain technologies used in elections in the United States, Canada, Australia, Sierra Leone, Switzerland, Spain, Russia and other countries. The methodological basis of the research is based on the methods of comparative analysis and component analysis of definitions. Empirical methods of expert assessment and interviewing were used. The pros and cons of blockchain technologies and the possibility of using this innovative technology in elections of different levels are revealed. The advantages of inclusive blockchain technology include the mobility and accessibility of voting; minimizing the costs of organizing and conducting elections; de-bureaucratization by reducing the staff of election commissions; the possibility of excluding the impact on voters from participants in the electoral process; reducing the time for processing ballots and determining the results of voting; increasing the level of trust in electoral procedures on the part of citizens who usually do not participate in voting. Among the disadvantages of blockchain technologies, we can highlight: technical failures and hacker cyber-attacks; the possibility of hackers using data about voters, in case of hacking electronic databases; violation of the secrecy of voting.

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19

Rivero, Gonzalo. "Heterogeneous preferences in multidimensional spatial voting models: Ideology and nationalism in Spain." Electoral Studies 40 (December 2015): 136–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2015.06.002.

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Urdánoz Ganuza, Jorge. "¿Una antinomia constitucional? El sufragio (des)igual en la Constitución de 1978." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 45 (April 3, 2020): 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.45.2020.27135.

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Se aborda la peculiar situación jurídico-política del sufragio igual en nuestro país. Las perspectivas que se utilizan son sobre todo las propias de tres disciplinas bien diferenciadas: la Filosofía Política, el Derecho Constitucional y la Ciencia Política. A ellas se une, además, el enfoque propio de una rama del conocimiento más joven y menos frecuentada, la Teoría de las Votaciones. Las conclusiones son considerablemente preocupantes: por un lado, empíricamente, España es uno de los países del mundo con una mayor desigualdad de voto; por otro, jurídicamente, la constitución de 1978 se encuentra presa de una antinomia que ha impedido que el derecho fundamental de los ciudadanos al voto igual pueda ser protegido constitucionalmente.The article examines the legal and political state of equal suffrage in Spain. The perspectives applied are fundamentally those of three well differentiated subject areas: Political Philosophy, Constitutional Law and Political Science. In addition, the text also grounds on a more younger field, the Voting Theory. The conclusions reached are highly worrying: not only that Spain is the country with one of the highest verifiable incidence of inequality in its voting system, but also that its Constitution of 1978 is host to a legal antinomy that has impeded adequate constitutional protection to guarantee the fundamental right of its citizens to an equal vote.

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Cabrera, Francisco E., Manuel Amaya, Gustavo Fabián Vaccaro Witt, and José Ignacio Peláez. "Pairwise Voting to Rank Touristic Destinations Based on Preference Valuation." Sustainability 11, no. 21 (October 23, 2019): 5873. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11215873.

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This paper presents a novel approach for ranking tourist destinations based on the eigenvector method for pairwise voting (EMPV). The proposed approach relies solely on pairwise comparisons instead of direct-vote polling. The EMPV method was tested over a real-world case application to rank various tourist destinations in the Costa del Sol region, Spain, and its outcome was compared against a polling approach using a Likert-type scale. Results show that the EMPV and the Likert-based approach provided different rankings of preferred tourist destinations. Furthermore, both the EMPV and the Likert-based approaches shared the same preference patterns per ranking position, thus confirming that the reported predilection of the tourist is independent of the measurement approach. Finally, results show that the ranking produced by the EMPV methodology was highly related to the real number of visitors of the Costa del Sol tourist destinations, surpassing the Likert-based approach in both ordering and value similarities.

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Zirakzadeh, Cyrus Ernesto. "Economic Changes and Surges in Micro-Nationalist Voting in Scotland and the Basque Region of Spain." Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no. 2 (April 1989): 318–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750001584x.

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I During the 1970s, residents in Scotland and the Basque region of Spain began to vote in large numbers for nationalist candidates. Almost overnight the Scottish National Party and a collection of three Basque parties became important electoral forces, expanding their shares in general elections by more than 15 percent of all ballots cast (see Tables 1 and 2).

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Agerberg, Mattias. "The Lesser Evil? Corruption Voting and the Importance of Clean Alternatives." Comparative Political Studies 53, no. 2 (June 10, 2019): 253–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414019852697.

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Surveys show that citizens in all parts of the world have a strong distaste for corruption. At the same time, and contrary to the predictions of democratic theory, politicians involved in the most glaring abuse of public office often continue to receive electoral support. Using an original survey experiment conducted in Spain, this article explores a previously understudied aspect of this apparent paradox: the importance of viable and clean political alternatives. The results suggest that voters do punish political corruption when a clean alternative exists, even when the corrupt candidate is very appealing in other respects. However, when only given corrupt alternatives, respondents become much more likely to tolerate a candidate accused of corruption—even when given a convenient “no-choice” option. I discuss how these results can help us understand corruption voting and why some societies seem to be stuck in a high-corruption equilibrium.

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Fonseca Ribeiro, Fábio. "Handling with online comments: a longitudinal approach in most accessed news sites in Portugal, Spain and Brazil." Revista de Comunicación 19, no. 2 (November 9, 2020): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.26441/rc19.2-2020-a7.

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Online comments have been a widespread feature in news media. Although audiences recognize it widely, doubts remain about the purpose of these interactive spaces. Arguably, understanding how media value online comments defines a way which public debates are socially perceived. Based on The Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2019, this article analysed current media policies towards online commenting in most accessed news websites in Portugal, Spain and Brazil. Following both a quantitative-qualitative methodology, a direct observation and a textual/visual analysis, this article highlights levels of similarity in these policies: comment sections are still predominantly available (31 from 45); comments are typically placed at the bottom of the page; the interactive options identical (share, like, dislike, report). As the overall cases exclude comment moderation, few media (in Portugal, but mostly in Spain) propose alternative models based on the community: voting, comment ranking and autonomous discussion forums.

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Bagues, Manuel, Mauro Sylos-Labini, and Natalia Zinovyeva. "Does the Gender Composition of Scientific Committees Matter?" American Economic Review 107, no. 4 (April 1, 2017): 1207–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20151211.

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We analyze how a larger presence of female evaluators affects committee decision-making using information on 100,000 applications to associate and full professorships in Italy and Spain. These applications were assessed by 8,000 randomly selected evaluators. A larger number of women in evaluation committees does not increase either the quantity or the quality of female candidates who qualify. Information from individual voting reports suggests that female evaluators are not significantly more favorable toward female candidates. At the same time, male evaluators become less favorable toward female candidates as soon as a female evaluator joins the committee. (JEL I23, J16, J71)

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Cortés, Juan-Carlos, Francisco Sánchez, Francisco-José Santonja, and Rafael-Jacinto Villanueva. "A Probabilistic Analysis to Quantify the Effect of March 11, 2004, Attacks in Madrid on the March 14 Elections in Spain: A Dynamic Modelling Approach." Abstract and Applied Analysis 2015 (2015): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2015/387839.

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The bomb attacks in Madrid three days before the general elections of March 14, 2004, and their possible influence on the victory of PSOE (Spanish Workers Socialist Party), defeating PP (Popular Party), have been a matter of study from several points of view (i.e., sociological, political, or statistical). In this paper, we present a dynamic model based on a system of differential equations such that it, using data from Spanish CIS (National Center of Sociological Research), describes the evolution of voting intention of the Spanish people over time. Using this model, we conclude that the probability is very low that the PSOE would have won had the attack not happened. Moreover, after the attack, the PSOE increased an average of 5.6% in voting on March 14 and an average of 11.2% of the Spanish people changed their vote between March 11 and March 14. These figures are in accordance with other studies.

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Papaoikonomou, Eleni, and Amado Alarcón. "Revisiting Consumer Empowerment." Journal of Macromarketing 37, no. 1 (July 27, 2016): 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0276146715619653.

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This article explores the notion of consumer empowerment in ethical consumption communities, known as responsible consumption communities (RCCs) in Spain. Although consumer empowerment has previously been discussed in the ethical consumer field, mainly in relation to notions of voting in the marketplace, it has yet to be explored thoroughly. In particular, the concept of empowerment should be moved beyond an individualized lens of analysis, acknowledging connectedness of persons. A combination of qualitative techniques was employed, including focus groups, in-depth interviews, observation, and documentary analysis. Our empirical case shows that consumer empowerment should be understood not in relation to consumption, but in relation to new forms of social organizing and experimentation that emerge around consumption.

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MARTÍNEZ BERMEJO, SAÚL. "VOICE, ORALITY, AND THE PERFORMANCE OF POLITICAL COUNSEL IN EARLY MODERN SPAIN." Historical Journal 61, no. 4 (June 6, 2018): 891–911. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x18000055.

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AbstractOrality had an important role in many aspects of early modern experience, and political institutions and counsel are no exceptions. Conversational manners, voice, style of speech, wit, and erudition were all key elements in counselling and for the self-representation of counsellors. Moreover, oral communication was crucial at court and contemporaries aimed to influence and control the distribution of such information to different ends. Scholars have extensively used documentation produced by councils as the basis for minute recreations of political events and administrative changes, but the oral practices of counsel have been largely ignored. This article examines the orality of Habsburg councils and focuses on actual modes of performing counsel. In particular, it reconstructs the complex process of production of written documentation as part of a broader communicative flow and aims to show that notions of style and voice affected the ways in which councils were perceived as instruments for government. Finally, it analyses how conversations were regulated, obstructed, or manipulated and the value attributed to voting procedures, consensus, and dissent within an aristocratic and hierarchical notion of council.

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Navarro-Azorín, José Miguel, and Andrés Artal-Tur. "Foot Voting in Spain: What Do Internal Migrations Say About Quality of Life in the Spanish Municipalities?" Social Indicators Research 124, no. 2 (November 8, 2014): 501–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11205-014-0804-6.

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Jeffery, Charlie, and Dan Hough. "Understanding Post-Devolution Elections in Scotland and Wales in Comparative Perspective." Party Politics 15, no. 2 (March 2009): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068808099982.

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In this article, we explore the electoral dynamics of multi-level political systems for the case of the United Kingdom (Scotland and Wales) through a comparison with multi-level voting behaviour in Germany, Spain and Canada. The analysis suggests that sub-state elections can be `second order' in relation to state-wide elections, but that this `second orderness' is reduced when more powers are decentralized to the sub-state level (and, thus, more is at stake in sub-state elections), and if sub-state identities and parties are stronger. Consequently, elections in Scotland and Wales are unlikely to be or become only `second order' to Westminster elections, and British state-wide parties will continue to face challenges and pressures to adapt their organizations and programmes to the devolution of the British state.

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Gherghina, Sergiu, and Huan-Kai Tseng. "Voting home or abroad? Comparing migrants' electoral participation in countries of origin and of residence." Nationalities Papers 44, no. 3 (May 2016): 456–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2015.1132690.

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The political participation of immigrants has received increased scholarly attention over recent decades. However, comparisons between the electoral behavior of immigrants in their countries of origin and of residence are still limited. This article addresses this gap in the literature and seeks to identify the determinants of Romanian immigrants' electoral participation in the local elections of four West European countries (Germany, France, Italy, and Spain) as compared to their turnout in their home country's legislative elections. Looking through the lenses of exposure theory, we hypothesize that contact with institutions, people, and values from the countries of residence are likely to have different effects in the two types of elections. We test the explanatory power of four main variables - time spent in the host country, social networks, degree of involvement in the local community, and the type of relationship with citizens of their host countries - to which we add a series of individual-level controls such as age, education, gender, and media exposure. To assess our claim, we employ binary logistic regression to analyze original web survey data collected in the summer of 2013. The result supports the empirical implications of exposure theory.

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Strohmeier, Dagmar, Martyn Barrett, Carmen Bora, Simona C. S. Caravita, Elisa Donghi, Edmond Dragoti, Chris Fife-Schaw, et al. "Young People’s Engagement With the European Union." Zeitschrift für Psychologie 225, no. 4 (December 2017): 313–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/2151-2604/a000314.

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Abstract. This study investigated whether demographic variables, efficacy beliefs, visions, and worries are associated with four different forms of (dis)engagement with the European Union (EU): intended voting in the 2019 EU elections, nonconventional political engagement, psychological engagement, and the wish that one’s own country should leave the EU. The sample comprised 3,764 young people aged 16–25 years living in seven European countries: Albania, Austria, Germany, Italy, Romania, Spain, and the UK. Economic challenges, human rights, and the environment were the most important future visions; unemployment and poverty, climate change, civil unrests, and collapse of the EU were the most important future worries. The four forms of (dis)engagement with the EU were differentially associated with predictors, although internal efficacy and future vision of economic challenges predicted all forms. Implications for future EU policy are discussed.

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Vecchione, Michele, José Luis González Castro, and Gian Vittorio Caprara. "Voters and leaders in the mirror of politics: Similarity in personality and voting choice in Italy and Spain." International Journal of Psychology 46, no. 4 (August 2011): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207594.2010.551124.

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Lasala-Blanco, Narayani, Laura Morales, and Carles Pamies. "Forging Political Identities and Becoming Citizens: The Political Preferences and Engagement of South American Immigrants in the United States and Spain." American Behavioral Scientist 65, no. 9 (March 3, 2021): 1265–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764221996752.

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Research in the United States has emphasized the importance of anti-immigrant and anti-Hispanic hostility to galvanize shared identities and a sense of linked fate that is electorally mobilized around the pan-ethnic Latino identity. With survey data on the electoral behavior of South American immigrants in the United States and Spain spanning a decade (2006-2018), this article gauges how critical hostility is for electoral mobilization. The findings suggest that—despite very different institutional settings, hostility levels, elite strategies, and political mobilization patterns—South American immigrants are forging remarkably similar patterns of political preferences and engagement across both sides of the Atlantic. The overtime and comparative perspective calls into question that hostility is the main driving force behind Latino electoral participation and block voting in the United States and prompts greater attention to the socioeconomic status of Latinos and mobilization by political parties.

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Martínez-Gómez, Cristina, Francisca Jiménez-Jiménez, and M. Virtudes Alba-Fernández. "Determinants of Overfunding in Equity Crowdfunding: An Empirical Study in the UK and Spain." Sustainability 12, no. 23 (December 2, 2020): 10054. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su122310054.

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Crowdfunding constitutes one of the financial solutions to achieve the sustainable development goals, by fostering innovation and economic growth. This paper conducts an empirical two-country analysis (the UK and Spain) of characteristics of successful offerings to assess the distribution of overfunding in equity crowdfunding. Unlike previous research, which has usually comprised campaigns posted on single-country portals, our study is based on an international leading platform operating with country-differentiated websites, Crowdcube. Such an approach allows us to identify influential factors which are dependent on country and, simultaneously, to control for those platform-related factors. To focus on the overfunding distribution, a quantile regression methodology is adopted for a total sample of 299 overfunded campaigns from 2015 to 2018. Overall, empirical results show that the effects of key campaign features (equity, voting rights and social capital) are stronger and more significant at the 75th and 90th quantiles for the overfunding level and the number of investors. Furthermore, we find significant differences across countries, which persist along the distributions of overfunding. Yet, interestingly, between-country differences in overfunding level vanish for the technological sector. Our research provides further insights into the relation between equity crowdfunding and sustainable finance.

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Баранов, Андрей. "Electoral behavior of citizens in regional elections in Spain (2020–2022): new trends." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 5 (2022): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0019916-6.

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The relevance of the topic is manifested in the need to find out the changes in the factors and parameters of electoral behavior in the regional communities of Spain in the context of a pandemic. The study is conducted on the materials of the Basque Country, Galicia, Madrid, Catalonia, Castile and Leon. The theoretical basis of the article is a socio-cultural approach to electoral behavior. The results of questionnaires and voting, election programs and statements of political parties’ representatives, statistical data are analyzed. Serious changes in party orientations and the identity of the electorate are shown in the context of the coronavirus pandemic and the economic crisis. There is an increase in the influence of online technologies in the course of election campaigns. Short-term factors of changes in the support of parties in elections are revealed. The scientific significance of the work lies in the identification of spatial factors of uneven support for parties in the compared autonomous communities. The consequences of the defeat of “Unidas Podemos” in the elections in Madrid are determined. The author comes to conclusions about the transformation of party systems and the growth of the influence of right-wing populism in the studied autonomous communities.

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Smirnova, I. V. "Means of discourse manipulations in political party programs in Spain." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(34) (February 28, 2014): 270–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-1-34-270-276.

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Thanks to different mass media sources, members of any society are well aware of political developments and events and politicians. Every person has his or her own formed political beliefs and affirmations, interpreters other people's actions during political developments and evaluates events that take place. Political forces, in turn, see a person (a potential elector) as an object of external information influence. This lets them use political communication when competing for the power. In the modern democratic society this competition is carried out via parliamentarian debates, politicians' speeches, examining political parties' programs, political agitation and voting. General audience-oriented political discourse implements its function of political information influence. As the goal of any political party's program (as an independent form of text in the system of political discourse) is to win the elections and come to power, thus the audience influence function is one of the most fundamental and serve as the basis for the text. The text of a program itself is characterized by its persuasive orientation towards the audience, which reveal itself in such methods as convincing, argumentation, manipulation and evaluation. All the political programs pertain to parties which are at the power or which are in opposition. The main characteristic of oppositional programs is the criticism of the power, vice versa, the dominant party's programs confirm the correctness of their policy. All the political programs are multi-authored. The written form of any political program lets put into practice a detailed text analysis. This article presents the analysis of the texts of two leading Spanish political parties (the Spanish socialist worker's party and the people's party of Spain).

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Pardos-Prado, Sergi, and Iñaki Sagarzazu. "The Political Conditioning of Subjective Economic Evaluations: The Role of Party Discourse." British Journal of Political Science 46, no. 4 (December 1, 2014): 799–823. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123414000428.

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Classic and revisionist perspectives on economic voting have thoroughly analyzed the role of macroeconomic indicators and individual partisanship as determinants of subjective evaluations of the national economy. Surprisingly, however, top-down analysis of parties’ capacity to cue and persuade voters about national economic conditions is absent in the debate. This study uses a novel dataset containing monthly economic salience in party parliamentary speeches, macroeconomic indicators and individual survey data covering the four last electoral cycles in Spain (1996–2011). The results show that the salience of economic issues in the challenger’s discourse substantially increases negative evaluations of performance when this challenger is the owner of the economic issue. While a challenger’s conditioning of public economic evaluations is independent of the state of the economy (and can affect citizens with different ideological orientations), incumbent parties are more constrained by the true state of the economy in their ability to persuade the electorate on this issue.

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Helgason, Agnar Freyr, and Vittorio Mérola. "The impact of real world information shocks on political attitudes: Evidence from the Panama Papers disclosures." Research & Politics 9, no. 4 (October 2022): 205316802211360. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680221136089.

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The Panama Papers disclosures in April 2016 revealed information about tax avoidance and fraud among political elites and the wealthy on a global scale. But did the disclosures affect relevant political attitudes and behavior, including perceptions of corruption, redistributive preferences, and voting intentions? We leverage nationally representative surveys that were in the field at the time in two heavily impacted countries, France and Spain, and treat the disclosures as a natural experiment, comparing respondents questioned just before and just after the disclosures. Our design highlights the difficulty, at times, of interpreting natural experiments, given the potentially compounded treatments that arise as events unfold over time, and the common inability to properly determine views prior to the treatment. That said, the analysis indicates that the disclosures had limited effects on the domains most likely affected by such a scandal, consistent with them being interpreted based on existing beliefs and identities. Our results thus contradict prior findings which suggest that the Panama Papers had substantial effects on redistributive attitudes, and shed further light on voters’ learning and updating around uncertain, yet emotionally laden, political facts.

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Morell-Monzó, Sergio, María-Teresa Sebastiá-Frasquet, and Javier Estornell. "Land Use Classification of VHR Images for Mapping Small-Sized Abandoned Citrus Plots by Using Spectral and Textural Information." Remote Sensing 13, no. 4 (February 13, 2021): 681. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rs13040681.

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Agricultural land abandonment is an increasing problem in Europe. The Comunitat Valenciana Region (Spain) is one of the most important citrus producers in Europe suffering this problem. This region characterizes by small sized citrus plots and high spatial fragmentation which makes necessary to use Very High-Resolution images to detect abandoned plots. In this paper spectral and Gray Level Co-Occurrence Matrix (GLCM)-based textural information derived from the Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) are used to map abandoned citrus plots in Oliva municipality (eastern Spain). The proposed methodology is based on three general steps: (a) extraction of spectral and textural features from the image, (b) pixel-based classification of the image using the Random Forest algorithm, and (c) assignment of a single value per plot by majority voting. The best results were obtained when extracting the texture features with a 9 × 9 window size and the Random Forest model showed convergence around 100 decision trees. Cross-validation of the model showed an overall accuracy of the pixel-based classification of 87% and an overall accuracy of the plot-based classification of 95%. All the variables used are statistically significant for the classification, however the most important were contrast, dissimilarity, NIR band (720 nm), and blue band (620 nm). According to our results, 31% of the plots classified as citrus in Oliva by current methodology are abandoned. This is very important to avoid overestimating crop yield calculations by public administrations. The model was applied successfully outside the main study area (Oliva municipality); with a slightly lower accuracy (92%). This research provides a new approach to map small agricultural plots, especially to detect land abandonment in woody evergreen crops that have been little studied until now.

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Grünhage, Thomas, and Martin Reuter. "Personality's influence on political orientation extends to concrete stances of political controversy in Germany – Cross-nationally and consistently." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 8, no. 2 (October 15, 2020): 686–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v8i2.1133.

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Growing evidence suggests that the general personality structure predisposes the political or ideological orientation. Here, we first replicated findings of associations between Big Five factors openness, agreeableness and conscientiousness, and self-reported political orientation in a large German sample. However, the new aspect of our study is the addition of Wahl-O-Mat (WoM; a prominent voting advice application) as a measure of concrete policy-positions. Here, a score of accordance between a participant’s and the several German parties’ stances on current and relevant policy-issues is computed. Given that political science identifies trends towards a dealignment of voters with political parties and a decreasing significance of socio-structural factors, an issue-based approach to vote choice may become critical in the future. Therefore, we investigated whether personality’s influence on political orientation also extends to stances about specific issues and, thus, is not restricted to self-placements. As expected, WoM-scores also showed meaningful correlations with personality traits: accordance with right-of-center-parties is negatively related to openness and agreeableness and positively related to conscientiousness. Finally, we recruited smaller samples in the United States, Denmark, Sweden, Turkey, Spain, Australia, and Bulgaria and showed that the associations mentioned above are cross-nationally replicable. We conclude that personality influences not only self-perceived political identity but also attitudes towards current issues of political controversy. In both cases, the effects of personality were mediated by Right-Wing-Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation.

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De las Salas, Roxana, Javier Eslava-Schmalbach, Claudia Vaca-González, Dolores Rodríguez, and Albert Figueras. "Development of a stepwise tool to aide primary health care professionals in the process of deprescribing in older persons." Pharmacy Practice 18, no. 4 (December 3, 2020): 2033. http://dx.doi.org/10.18549/pharmpract.2020.4.2033.

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Objective: The aim of this study was to develop and validate a stepwise tool to aid primary health care professionals in the process of deprescribing potentially inappropriate medication in older persons. Methods: We carried out a systematic review to identify previously published tools. A composite proposal of algorithm was made by following the steps from clinical experience to deprescribe medications. A 2-round electronic Delphi method was conducted to establish consensus. Eighteen experts from different countries (Colombia, Spain and Argentina) accepted to be part of the panel representing geriatricians, internists, endocrinologist, general practitioners, pharmacologists, clinical pharmacists, family physicians and nurses. Panel members were asked to mark a Likert Scale from 1 to 9 points (1= strongly disagree, 9= strongly agree). The content validity‏ ratio, item-level content validity, and Fleiss’ Kappa statistics was measured to establish reliability. The same voting method was used for round 2. Results: A 7-question algorithm was proposed. Each question was part of a domain and conduct into a decision. In round 1, a consensus was not reached but statements were grouped and organized. In round 2, the tool met consensus. The inter-rater reliability was between substantial and almost perfect for questions with Kappa=0.77 (95% CI 0.60-0.93), for domains with Kappa= 0.73 (95%CI 0.60-0.86) and for decisions with Kappa= 0.97 (95%CI 0.90-1.00). Conclusions: This is a novel tool that captures and supports healthcare professionals in clinical decision-making for deprescribing potentially inappropriate medication. This includes patient’s and caregiver’s preferences about medication. This tool will help to standardize care and provide guidance on the prescribing/deprescribing process of older persons’ medications. Also, it provides a holistic way to reduce polypharmacy and inappropriate medications in clinical practice.

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Smitiukh, Andrii. "The exercise of the corporate rights certified by the corporate shares (stocks) encumbered with the usufruct." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 2 (August 10, 2020): 223–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.2.2020.39.

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The article presents the result of comparative legal studies of the distribution of the exercise of corporate rights certified by corporateshares (stocks) encumbered with the usufruct between a company’s shareholder and a fructuary in the legislations of a numberof civil law legal system countries (namely Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Spain, Switzerland and Turkey). It is concludedthat the legislative approach varies significantly in this issue in different countries. The author elaborates an optimal legislativemodel to be introduced into the domestic legislation of Ukraine for the distribution of the corporate rights (for dividends, for corporateproperty quotas, for acquisition of corporate shares issued by the company or alienated by other shareholders, for voting and other rightsconstituting jointly the right to participate in management of the company as well as a right to access the information about the activitiesof the company’s activity) between the fructuary and a shareholder who owns the share encumbered with the usufruct on a dispositivebasis mainly. The dispositive nature of the rules elaborated by the author makes the usufruct multivariate as a result of the possibilityto change balance of distribution of the corporate rights certified by the shares encumbered with the usufruct between a shareholder anda fructuary by an agreement or by a will (testamentary renunication or legatum) within limits provided by law and company’s charter.It allows to implement various models of usufruct: a «passive» one, which endows a fructuary with a dividend right only leaving theexercise of the rest of the corporate rights to the company’s shareholder, an usufruct established in order to optimize tax relations on acorporate share and property management of minors or as a transfer of a corporate share to a minor heir and finally as a mean of managementof a corporate share (stock) on a paid basis. It was concluded also that all the cases the fructuary is obliged to do not makeobstacles for exercise of corporate rights by the shareholder.

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Baranov, A. V. "2021 regional elections in Catalonia: new trends in political participation." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 3 (April 3, 2022): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-35-49.

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In this article, the author identifies new trends in political participation in the elections of deputies to the Parliament of Catalonia (February 2021). Political participation in Catalonia is of interest from the perspective of changes in the identity and party orientations of voters, transformations of the Spanish and Catalan party systems. The analysis of territorial differences in political participation is promising in terms of clarifying their factors and dynamics. System analysis, synchronous comparative analysis, secondary analysis of the results of questionnaires are applied hereinunder. Political participation in the Catalan community is autonomous, it corresponds to the civic type of political culture, due to informatization of society and the pandemic, forms of online involvement in political activity prevail. The community is segmented along linguistic, ethnic and ideological lines, which increases the volatility and pluralization of the party system. New trends in political participation in the elections in Catalonia (2021) have manifested themselves in a significant decrease in voter turnout, preference for online forms of voting and political discussion, which is caused by the coronavirus pandemic. It has been proven that the public opinion of Catalan voters maintains a low level of trust in state institutions, despite improvements in economic situation. The paradox is explained by the long-term orientations and attitudes of political culture. The degree of awareness of electoral orientations (according to the self-esteem of the respondents) is high, the sources of formation of their orientations are, first of all, television and the Internet. The electorate is divided into supporters of state unity and secession, republic and monarchy. Increased support for secessionism is evident among the voters with a high level of income and education, among the inhabitants of the foothill and mountain areas. The Catalan elections in 2021 confirmed a moderate rise in secessionist sentiment. The left trend of changes in political participation in Catalonia is opposite to that of Spain as a whole, the results of regional elections in Madrid and the Basque Country.

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Kovalevych, L. "Policy of the states of the European Union against sessesionism." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no. 64 (2016): 74–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2016.64.13.

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The role of domestic policy in solving of inter-regional conflicts and counteracting secessionist processes are disclosed in the article. A mixed populatіon in any area can live either in peaceful coexistence and political stability or in violent conflicts. This is mostly dependent on the internal ethnic policy. Variety of the government’s reactions to the strengthening of centrifugal tendencies in some regions are explored; among which the approval of separatist demands, the advancement of conditions of underprivileged minorities, adoption of “asymmetric federalism”, allowance for minorities to participate in politіcal debate through parliamentary voting, referendums, etc., establishment of a confederation with only limited links between countries are distinguished. Another way to solve regional conflicts is to create a “multinational federation.” The main features of the state policy of the European Union’s countries which have regions with high potential secessionist conflict are analyzed. The necessities of a balanced domestic policy of the government to prevent the escalation of internal contradictions are emphasized. The influence of the form of government on minimizing of inter-regional conflicts is investigating. After correlating data about current regional conflicts and the forms of government of the hosting countries, it was found that the form of government (from unitary to federalism) is not the only decisive factor for solving of regional conflicts. However, taking into account the historical, cultural, linguistic, economic factors, it is important to understand that political mechanisms can give an initial impulse, the first impetus to resolve the conflicts. Therefore, political factors are some of the key one in regularizing of secessionism. Moreover, examples of the successful resolution of regional conflіcts by particular European states are considered. Experience of an effective resolving of regional conflicts in western European countries showed that in all the cases (Switzerland, Germany, Spain and Great Britain) the mechanisms of the institution of parliamentarism and solving of the language issue were used. The geographic decentralization policy of the supreme power (Germany) and legitimization of government decisions through referendums (Switzerland) are equally effective.

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Strate, John M., Charles J. Parrish, Charles D. Elder, and Coit Ford. "Life Span Civic Development and Voting Participation." American Political Science Review 83, no. 2 (June 1989): 443–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962399.

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Although a variety of age-related processes are known to affect rates of political participation over the adult life span, little is known about their interrelationships and relative impact. We set out a theory of life span civic development that focuses on how age-related changes in community attachment, strength of partisanship, church attendance, government responsiveness, family income, and civic competence impinge on voting participation. To test the theory, we estimated the coefficients of a structural equation model using data from nine National Election Studies combined into a large, cross-sectional time series data set. The model specifies the age-related processes and also controls for the effects of a large number of other variables. Overall, about one-half of the age-related increases in voting participation were attributable to these processes.

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García Martínez, Sonia María, and Emilio Barcia Merayo. "Un nuevo testimonio de posible culto a Cossus en el Bierzo." Estudios humanísticos. Geografía, historia y arte, no. 20 (February 10, 2021): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/ehgha.v0i20.6771.

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Monahan, Caitlin, Ashley Lytle, Elizabeth Inman, Marybeth Apriceno, Jamie Macdonald, and Sheri Levy. "Stereotypes of Older Adults, Older Men, and Male Leaders Predict Expectations, Stance, and Voting Intentions." Innovation in Aging 5, Supplement_1 (December 1, 2021): 1016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igab046.3640.

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Abstract The 2020 U.S. Presidential Election offered a unique opportunity to examine how stereotypes of older adults, older men, and male leaders impact expectations of candidate job performance and intentions to vote for Biden or Trump. This online study involved 500 college students from two universities from September 30th until November 3 (Election Day). A Biden and Trump model were tested for the relationships among (a) stereotypes from public discourse with (b) expectations of candidates/ presidential performance with (c) voting stance (pro- and anti-Biden vs pro- and anti-Trump) and (d) intentions to vote for Biden/Trump. As expected, for the Biden model, endorsement of older adult (lesser endorsement of senile, unhealthy), male leadership (greater endorsement of assertive and collaborative, lesser endorsement of uncaring), and older male stereotypes (greater endorsement of elder statesman and family-focused) predicted greater expectations of Biden’s performance, which predicted pro-Biden and anti-Trump stances and ultimately voting intentions for Biden. As expected, for the Trump model, endorsement of older adult (lesser endorsement of senile), male leadership (greater endorsement of assertive, collaborative, lesser endorsement of immoral and uncaring), and older male stereotypes (greater endorsement of elder statesman) predicted greater expectations of Trump’s performance, which predicted pro-Trump and anti-Biden stances and ultimately voting intentions for Trump. Taken together, these results suggest examining relevant categories of stereotypes associated with candidates and voting stances provides a fuller picture of voting behavior toward multiple candidates vying for office in addition to political ideology and voting intentions.

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Reyes, Laurent. "Civic Participation Among Latinx and African American Older Adults, an Intersectionality Life-Course Perspective." Innovation in Aging 5, Supplement_1 (December 1, 2021): 396. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igab046.1541.

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Abstract Older adults’ civic participation has received considerable attention, but most scholarship has focused on formal volunteerism and voting. The literature shows that rates of voting and volunteering have been consistently lower among African Americans and Latinx older adults compared to their White counterparts. However, little research has explored civic participation in the context of historical structures of inequality that exclude these populations from participating in formal civic activities and continue to do so today. In addition, other civic activities are going unrecognized. To understand civic participation through the lens of Latinx and African American older adults I draw from intersectional life course perspective to contextualize participants’ lived experiences across the life course and within historical and current socio-political space in which they live and participate. Study’s findings could improve conceptualizations and measurements of civic participation for future studies, and inform efforts to support civic participation among these populations.

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McEldowney, Renee, and Pamela B. Teaster. "Land of the Free, Home of the Brave: Voting Accommodations for Older Adults." Journal of Aging & Social Policy 21, no. 2 (April 2009): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08959420902739170.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Voting – Spain'

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